Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 22 October 1936 — Page 11

By United Press

WORCESTER, Mass., Oct. 22.—The text of President

Roosevelt's speech here last night follows:

1 am glad to be in New England— New England from which have come of my forebears. In recent

for the needy unemployed and security—security for our people and for their homes. I have found a nation more greatly prosperous, more definitely on the highway to complete recovery than at any time in the past seven years. 1 have seen the record of what we have done in the face of the people I have met. We have banished Old _ Man Gloom, It has taken only one day of driving through Rhode Island and Massachusetts to prove to me that New England is in step and on the march with the rest of the nation. I have seen things today even more welcome to me than your lovely autumn foliage. 1 have seen the smoke from factories— which three and a half years ago were smokeless. I have heard the sound of mills—which three’and a half years ago were silent. I have seen men at work who three and a half years ago were jobless. I have seen women and children who—after long years of fear— have begun to live and hope again. Three and a half years ago we declared war on the depression. You and T know today that that war is being won.

FN .

‘THAT FAMILIAR CRITIC

But now comes that familiar figure the well-upholstered hindgight critic. He tells us that our strategy was wrofig—that the cost was too great—that something else ‘won the war. That is an argument as old as the remorse of those who had their chance ani muffed it. It is as recent as the claims of | those who say that they could have | done it better. You may remember the first battle of the Marne. Almost everybody thought that Marshal Joffre had won it. But some refused to agrze. One day a newspaper man appealed to Marshal Joffre: “Will you tell me who did win the battle of the Marne?” “1 can’t answer that,” said the marshal. “But I can tell you that if the battle of the Marne had been lost th» blame would have been on me.” Our war, too, had to be won. No | price, we were told then, was too high to pay to win it. We did count the cost. But in the barrage we laid down against the depression we could not stop firing to haggle about the price of every shell. We Kept on fighting. The important thing is that the war is being won. Without that victory we can not have the kind of an America we | know and love and want our chil-| dren to live in. New England —as one of the senior partners in the company of the - states—has always stood for | two of the fundamentals of Ameri- | can liberty—the town meeting, with | its essential insistence on local con- | trol over local affairs—and the | doctrine tor which Sam Adams and | his friends were willing to fight— | the doctrine of democracy in taxa- | tion. While I do not happen to be | a cousin of the distinguished Adams family, I consider myself, politically, a lineal descendant of Old Sam. In 1776 the fight was for democracy in taxation. In-1936 that is still the fight. Mr. Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes once said: “Taxes are the price we pay for civilized society.” One sure way to determine the social conscience of a government is to examine the way taxes are collected and how they are spent. And one sure way to determine the social conscience of an individual is to get his tax reaction.

“TAXES ARE DUES’

Taxes, after all, are the dues we pay for the privileges of membership . in an organized society. As society becomes more civilized, government — national, state and | Jocal government—is called on to assume more obligations to its citigzefis, The: privileges of membership in a civilized society have vastly increased in modern times. But I am afraid we have many who still do not advantages and want to avoid paying their dues. It is only in the last two generations that most local communities have paved and lighted their streets, put in town sewers, provided town water supplies, organized fire departments, established high schools and public libraries, created .parks and playgrounds — undertaken, in short, all kinds of necessary new . activities which, perforce, had to be | paid for out of local taxes. And let me at this point note that in this most amazing of campaigns I found sections of the nation where Republican leaders were actually Shispesing the word to the owners

KNOW ABOUT

out. New obligations to their citizens have also been assumed by the several states and by the Federal government to their citizens—obligations unknown a century and a half ago, but made necessary by new inventions and by a constantlygrowing social conscience. The easiest way to summarize the reason for this extension of government functions, local; state and national, is to use the words of Abraham Lincoln: “The legitimate object of government is to do for the people what needs fo be done, but which they can not by effort do at all, or do so well, for themselves.” Taxes are the price we all pay collectively to get those things done. To divide fairly among the people the ‘obligation to pay for these benefits has been a major part of our struggle to maintain democracy in America.

TWO-WAY STRUGGLE

Ever since 1776 that struggle has been between two forces. On the cne hand there has been the vast majority of our citizens who believed that the benefits of democracy should be extended and who were willing to pay their fair share to extend them. On the other hand, there has been a small, but powerful group which has fought the extension of those benefits, because it did not want to pay a fair share of their cost. That was the lineup in 1776. That is the lineup in this campaign. And I am confident that once more—in 1936—democracy - in taxation will win. Here is my principle: Taxes shall | be levied according to ability to pay. That is the only American principle. Before this great war against the depression we fought the World War; and it cost us $25,000,000,000 in -three years to win it. We borrowed to fight that war. Then, as now, a Democratic Administration provided sufficient taxes to pay off the entire war debt within 10 or 15 years. Those taxes had been levied ac-

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straight. The actors are the same. But the act is different. their role calls for stage tears about the next generation. But—in the days after the World War—they

played a different part.

‘MORAL 18 CLEAR’

The moral of the play is clear. They got out from under then—they would get out from under now—if their friends could get back into power and they could get back to the driver's seat. But neither you nor I think that they are going io get back. But, as in the World War, we have again created a tax structure to yield revenues adequate to pay the cost of this war against depression in this generation and not in the next. New or increased taxes are not needed to enable us to balance the Federal budget and to begin very soon a rapid reduction in the national debt. Recovery is with us. Federal revenues are increasing; emergency expenditures are decreasing. A balanced budget is on the way. Does that sound like bankruptcy to you? Why this increase in govern-

and tatters. What is the fact? The fact is that they are much farther away from the poorhouse than they were in 1932. ; You and I know that as a matter

of personal observation

REFERS TO FRIENDS

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| Americanized the tax: structure?

How else have we tmproved and |

1. We gave a credit to ‘earned income—that is income from. personal work ‘or service—thus substantially reducing taxes paid by the working citizen. Wasn’t that the American thing to do? 2. We decreased the tax rates an small corporation. Wasn't that the American thing to do? 3. We increased the taxes paid * = individuals in the higher brackets —those of incomes over $50,000 a

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