Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 2 October 1936 — Page 12

iy Text of Smith's. Address at

By United Press -

CARNEGIE HALL, N. Y., Oct. 2.—The text of Alfred Smith's address before the Independent - Coalition of American Women here last

night follows:

1 desire at the outset to thank the National Coalition of American Women for this opportunity to address their organization and their guests here in New York City. Before I get started I want to deal very briefly with one of the chief characteristics of the New Deal That characteristic is: Be sure that you ‘heap plenty abuse on anybody that happens to disagree with you. Unless you are ready to subscribe for the New Deal 100 per cent and sign your name on the dotted line, you are a Tory. You are a prince of privilege. You are a reactionary, or you are an economic royalist. Bear in mind that nobody escapes that, You come ready for your share of it tomorrow morning. The smear department, the national committee, will be working overtime tonight. That can be taken lightly, and we can pass it over with a smile, but, nevertheless, to my way of thinking, that is a rather serious .situation in this -country, for this .reason:, It tends to breed class .hatred. It tends to set up one class of our people against another, and that is not healthy in this country, and real Democratis do everything they possibly can to escape it. Let us see what we should really be. The President. was speaking at Rollins College in Florida on the twenty-third of last March, and he voiced a very beautiful sentiment— “your neighbor,” this is what he said. “The good neighbor is not just the man who lives next door tc you. The objective includes the relationship of your family to his. It extends to all the people who live in the same block. It spreads to all of the people who live in the same city, the same county, and the same state, and most important of all to the future of our nation, it must and shall extend to all our neighbors, to our fellow citizens in all states and in all regions which make up the nation.”

QUOTES GEN. JOHNSON

That is a beautiful sentiment of brotherly love. That promotes the natural instinct of love of neighbor, but when the President reported to Congress on the state of the nation as he is required to do by the Constitution he had some different things to say about his neighbors in the nation, and in the course of his long report on the state of the union he used the following: “Hatred of entrenched, unscrupulous money-changers. Their own stubbornness and their own - incompetence could hardly cloak the enslavers of the public malefaction that is being spread. I am confident that Congress is ready and willing to wage increasing warfage.” : There is a neighborly spirit for you. Well, I don’t want to give my opinion about it. If I can get an opinion that suits the situation better, I think I ought to give it to you. So I will give you the opinion of Gen. Johnson. Gen. Johnson is supporting the New Deal in the columns of the metropolitan newspapers, but immediately following that report on the state of the Union over his own signature, that is what he said about it: “A rabble-rouser. A deliberate appeal to passion. The joy of every advocate of class hatred here and in Russia, making him chief of the factions of discontent.”

I am in complete favor of taking the General's explanation of it,

CITES PREVIOUS SPEECH

In January last I made a speech in Washington. It was not cloaked in general terms. I was specific about what I said and I. invited criticism in the event that I may be wrong with respect to the record. I took the Democratic platform as it was adopted in Chicago plank by plank and I read it to the assembled guests and I then pointed to the record. I was either right or I was wrong. If I was wrong, why it was a perfectly easy thing for any representative of the New Deal to pick up that same platform and point to the accomplishment of the different planks either by legislation or by executive action. Did anybody attempt that? They did not. But, one of the Democratic leaders undertook to make reply to it, and what was the reply? Well, Al has gone high-hat. That is a perfectly good excuse for disregarding the sacred promise of the party given to the people in 1932. There is another mistake about it. I have a highhat. So has every other man that ever goes to a wedding or a funeral. But I also have a brown derby. Then there was another very potent and very forceful argument in defense of the New Deal and that was that Al moved away from the fish market, and he forgot his old neighbors. Well, nothing could be further from the truth than that because there are a good many of them in this building tonight and anybody connected with my organization knows that the door of the Empire State office of mine is open to them just the same as it was when I sat in the clubhouse night after night to meet them while I was a member of the assembly. Nobody can dispute that.

SAYS SONG BANNED

The “Sidewalks of New York” is still in existence, although, according to newspapers, during the progress of the convention at Philadelphia, word came from one of the steering committees to the bandmaster that he should not play “The Sidewalks of New York” any more.

That is a Democratic song. That is the song that recognizes the existence of Mamie O'Rourke. And in its place was substituted the New Deal anthem, “Happy Days-Are Here Again.” Another one of the powerful arguments that was made in defense of the New Deal's position against my Washington “speech was my business associates. Well, just let me deal with that for about a half a minute. In the true sense of the word, I have no business associates, and by that I mean that I am not engaged with anybody in any business where any of it comes to me. I am a salaried man. I have never been anything else. I am working for a salary. And there isn’t any difference between me and any other salaried employe. Let’s see how that comes. After I left Albany the first time, I came down here to New York. I had no. means. I had to go to work. TI left Albany on the first of January; and I was working on the second.’ I had no money to start a business. I had no profession because I didn’t have enough early education to equip me for any kind. of profession. I didn't have a rich aunt or a rich uncle to take care of me. I certainly didn’t know anything about farming, and even if I did, I didn’t have the farm. And outside of that period of time that I lived in the executive mansion in Albany, I spent my whole lifetime on the waterfront of New York

and I couldn’t even be a good sailor because I get seasick too easily.

The Boss Says:

bought foo man

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when I returned to New York. Well, of course, I met men of means. I didn’t have to wait until I came down fo New York to ineet them. I met them while I was in Albany, and they are only paying me what they think I am worth. I don’t know anybody givirg anything away. But let me say this for the benefit of the New Deal critic: Every decision that I ever had to make in my executive capacity has been made in the interest of the men that were working under me.

Of course, I make no apology for being in business. There is nothing ‘dishoriorable about business, whether it be large or whether it be small, or about business men, whether they be big or whether they be little, because in the last analysis we have got to look to the business men of this country if we are going to have a permanent solution of the unemployment question, or zny return to anything that looks like permanent prosperity. But in. the meantime, the American business man is certainly having a swell time of it getting kicked around all over the lot.

The President was speaking in Syracuse at the state convention, and he spoke about {le record at Albany. He is right. I battled as hard 3s a man could possibly for the factory laws, for workmen's compensation, for the child welfare bill. I went around the state of New York and just {ook pounds off myself talking favor before every audience that I could bring within reach of my voice.

where I stood then. But by contrast with the New Deal performance, let it be noted on the record that every one of these laws were passed within the four walls of the state constitution. Except one, and that was the workmen's compensation act. The first act was declared void under our Constitution by the Court .of Appeals, but when the Court of Appeals rendered that decision, the Governor and the Legislature leaders did not go into 2 find fault with the court. What did they do? They proposéd an amendment to the Constitution and they submitted it to the people of the state arid the people of the state ratified it and the workman’s compensation act was tliereafter enacted in accordance with the Constitution.

DIFFERENT SYSTEM, CHARGE

Of course, we had an entirely different system in Albany. The Presi-

is the wav we handled it: When the Democrats won in Albany, the counsel to the Governor and the legislative leaders sat down around the table and we prepared the bills that would carry out the platform promises.. But down in Washington there was an entirely different procedure. The bills were drawn by the brain trust in the White House and they were sent down to Congress and with them the command: “This must While it is a matter of record that in the newspaper conferances with the newspaper boys, the President himself pointed to the bills that he said were on the “must list.” That is something Congress must do. Just consider for a moment the independence of the legislative branch oi our government. Our representatives, the people who are speaking for us, are told what they must do. If the AAA, NRA the Guffey coal bill, the Bankhead cotfon act, the hot oil bill, and the res; of the un-

And I stand today just exactly |

huddle and |

dent didn't speak about that. Here |,

‘Just a little passing reference for the record before I leave this question of business associates. Let me remind the enthusiastic spokesmen for the New Deal that they find it very convenient to forget that the present chief executive, whenever he earned a dollar outside of his public salary, he earned it as a lawyer and as a corporation executive in the Wall Street district. i There is another great answer. It makes a great hit. It has to be more or less whispered, and the whisperers all have a grudge. Nothing could be as stupid, nor nothing could be as silly as that. I have no grudge against the national Administration or anybody connected with it.” My fault with them is that they have betrayed the party. They fooled me and they fooled the mil-

NO ILL FEELING

President himself is ghz Jar as the certainly I enter-

ofl, s or no ill feeling. I a ars time he was a

candidate. He didn’t always supme, but I don’t feel bad about

that. I appointed him to the posi- |

tion in my official family when I was Governor, and I insisted upon his nomination at Rochester in 1928 over the protest of practically every leader of the party. , I was with him in ’30, I placed him in nomination at Jne Syracuse ention, although I was no ro I brought about a change in the rules of procedure so that I might put him in nomination. Question: Won't you please explain why you did not agree with the people that turned against Roosevelt? La eat Mr. Smith: That is a rather complicated question. You had better put that in better English —I don’t get it. One minute; I have the platform. After I get. finished, you can get up here and have as much as you want to say. (Cries of “Put him out.”) Mr. Smith: Just be quiet. This is a Democratic meeting. ‘ Then of course, there was suggested also that I was a little bit disturbed because I wasn’t offered a position in the Cabinet. Well, that is silly. That is about as silly as

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that I could have done, and one thing that I always stood ready to do, and would not have hindered a moment of my business time. I was always ready to give advice. But I was never asked for it.

SAW PRESIDENT ONCE

~ The fact of the matter is, I only saw the President once since the day he was inaugurated. He asked

of Jimmy Hoey.

I told him I thought it was a good appointment, that Mr. Hoey was a friend of miine, and he is an upstanding citizen. Then he inquired for the grandchildren and, of course, I told him they were wonderful. While we are on the subject of grudges, let me talk to you about a grudge on a grand national scale, and that was set forth in the statement of the chairman of the Democratic National Committee when he said you were on the outside unless you were for Roosevelt before Chi-

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