Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 15 July 1936 — Page 11

HEYWOOD BR

i NEW YORK, July 15.—~Before the ballots are cast in November two words are going to be screaming for help. One of them is brand new in American politics. I refer, of course, to “Totalitarian.” The dther is

“Regimented.” The words will scream because of overwork and also because of the manner in which they are being stretched and twisted out of

Republicans would have us believe that in the last three years we have lost our freedom and our independence to a government intent upon arranging every. detail of our daily lives. But when William Allen White or John D. M. Hamilton or Ogden Mills or William Randolph Hearst says that Gov. Landon intends to do away with all regimentation, not one of them actually means that. Emma Goldman is one of the tow yell- knows persons now alive who actually believes in doing away Heywood Broun with all regimentation, but it will be impossible for her to campaign for Gov. Landon. as the authorities will not permit her to enter this country. fu cfr ” » Steel's Patriotic War DOUBT very much whether the Governor of Kansas would go the whole way with her. Even in the event of his election I assume that we will con- . ‘tinue to maintain the income tax, G-men, customs officials, a public health service and a score of other Federal activities, all of which are regimental in their: nature. But the issue is far more complex than the Cleveland convention cared to assume. We have been told that the only way we can achieve freedom and independence is to keep the government from interfering with business in any way whatsoever. But let us pause a moment to see whether this theory is wholly accurate. I wish to offer in evidence a story from the New York Times under the date line Aliquippa, Pa. “Practically every one of Aliquippa’s 30,000 inhabitants look to the Jones & Laughlin Corp. for a livelihood,” says the dispatch to the Times. At the present time the Jones & Laughlin Corp. is fighting the effort of the United States government to make it obey the provisions of the Wagner-Connery Act which would protect labor in its right to organize and bargain collectively. From the Republican point of view this steel company is waging a war ' fo prevent regimentation on the part of Washington,

s » ”

‘A Lifetime of Debt UT suppose Jones & Laughlin win. Could anybody say with complete accuracy that such a victory would save the average citizen of the town from » regimentation? Jack Roe’s father worked in the tin plate plant. Jack was born in a company house.

He went to a school in which all the teachers were eppointed by the company. The company cops used to chase him and the other kids when they played baseball in the company’s streets. He grew up and made a break with the tradition of his father by working in the wire mill instead of the tin plate plant. He married and moved into a company house and he had four children. All of his life he was in debt to the company store. Finally somebody told Jack that the company had formed a union and that he belonged to it.

one of the washrooms was out of order. He sai he'd try and have it fixed, but that times were bad.

__ WEDNESDAY, JULY 15,1986

T Patered as Stcond-Class Matter > at Postoftice, ‘Indianapolis, Ind.

LISTENING TO THE Neck and Neck Race Forecast

A 3 ae - r * %

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merits the following rather broad and general conclusions: = The campaign will be fought on straight New Deal and anti-New Deal lines—with clearly cut and extremely bitter class prejudices definitely injected into the struggle. At this July point in the campaign, it appears that Landon unquestionably will carry Maine, New Hampshire and Vermont, with Rhode Island apparently on his list. . Both Massachusetts and Connecticutt are debatable states. In the former, at the moment, Roosevelt seems to have a slight edge, while in the latter the odds are

even. : 3 Landon apparently is gaining strength in New York state, outside of New York City, but the plurality he likely will roll up there will, it appears probable, be swept aside by a still larger Roosevelt plurality in the big city itself. New Jersey is extremely doubtful, but at this time

| Roosevelt is regaining ‘some of his

lost ground. Eastern Pennsylvania and Philadelphia may for the first time in their history go Democratic in a national election. Apparently Roosevelt has slightly better than an even chance of

carrying the City of Brotherly

Love. Many think he can camry the state. Landon®has all the earmarks of a popular candidate, but in the East his dry background will cost him some votes. The third party will take more votes away from ‘Roosevelt than from Landon, but it is doubtful if it will have any considerable effect in the East. The Coughlin influence no longer has religious significance.

UT let us get down to cases,

Once they had a meeting and told the foreman Ba 2 8 =

Nothing ever happened and the union never met any more. : In the course of time Jack sickened and died. He was buried in a company coffin in the company graveyard. His eldest son who worked in the coke - department may have had radical ideas. He wanted to write on the slab, “Here lies a free American work‘er. He was never regimented.”

~My Day

BY ELEANOR ROOSEVELT EW YORK, Tuesday.—My sister-in-law, Mrs. J. R. Roosevelt, and I had a very pleasant time with the Young Democrats last night. Those of us who are somewhat older Democrats were kept in countenance by the fact that the Mayor and his wife, and a number of prominent Democrats from different parts of the county, were present. I was very much interested in the young president of the new organization, Mr. Riorden, and the officers,

who seemed keen to make it a success. Even the young lady who met me seemed very responsive and competent, besides looking very charming. She gave me the feeling thai she would be much sought after at any party. : The orchestra was composed entirely of members . of one family. I was told that they had donated their services for the evening. If this spirit dominates the’ organization. I think they will become a strong influence in the political life of the county. The county chairman remarked that politics in all parties have been dominated too much by a spirit of “What can I get from my party?” instead of “What can I do for my party?” Of course, in political parties, this attitude is the same which we have in business and in our general philosophy of life. If we succeed in changing it as a basic philosophy, we will probably find it disappearing from our political party organizations soon. : My husband having departed last evening, Miss Le Hand left with her aunt for a holiday this morning at

examining first the state of Massachusetts that Roosevelt carried in 1932 by 63,188 went to a leading Boston Democrat, recommended to me as not only intelligent, put fair and coolheaded. I will: quote his exact words for whatever they may be worth: : “The low tide for Roosevelt in Massachusetts was reached in the fall of 1935. Due to general improvement in business, and to resentment engendered by the Liberty League and Al Smith's

- speech, the odds of 55 to 45

against Roosevelt have now turned in favor of Roosevelt in the same proportion. “Despite the fact that many of us may deplore it, the election in this state will be a straight fight between the common people and the Brahmins. “Our Irish, Italians, and French are Catholics, but despite Father Coughlin they will be for Rcosevelt, because they are common people—and the mass of the voters still have faith that Roosevelt is on their side. . . . “And one thing more—the Democrats have built up a strong or-

This is the first of a series by Friziey Hunt, famed suther-newspaper correspondent, on the trend of voiing sentiment in the industrial East, as he sees it at the moment ‘after an extensive non-partisan survey. written for NEA Service and The Times, will be followed by others, as Hunt makes an impartial coast to coast study among voters of every section of the nation.

This series,

ow B® =

BY FRAZIER HUNT (Copyright, 1936, NEA Service, Inc.)

ITH both conventions over, with Father Charles Coughlin out in the open for Representative William Lemke and his Union Party, and with Al Smith off for a walk, a swift, first-hand survey of the New England states, New York, New Jersey, and eastern Pennsylvania

| Republican leader.

votes. I

ganization all over the state and they will get out the vote. It will be fairly close, but we will carry the state.” . Ce Y next call was on an equally intelligent and fair-minded He obviously was trying to give as impartial an analysis as he could. said; “I think Landor will ca this state, but it will be a close race. Among certaic elements of independent labor there is a good deal of bitterness against Roosevelt due to the way relief has been handled. This vote will tell against the Democrats. “As far as Republicans are concerned, it’s clear that we will have plenty of money. In a recent special election a man I know raised in a few days three times the amount he had figured he would-need. . . . , “I admit that there wili be a good deal of class prejudice injected into this election. The Republicans will offset much of this class-inspired disadvantage by gaining many middle-class voters who © four years ago were . for Roosevelt. Unless something unforseen pops up, we should carry this state.”” I drifted over to the Boston

- headquarters of the Amalgamated"

Clothing: Workers. A half dozen men were, hanging about the downstairs entrance, talking in their native foreign tongue. I asked them how they felt about Roosevelt. . “Heem all right,” one of them spoke up. “Sure, we going vote for heem,” another said. . The others nodded. % # # » t PSTAIRS, a woman was haranguing the head of a branch shop union about something he had or had not done. My Yiddish being a little under what it should be, I failed to get the exact drift. Thirty or 40 men and women, however, seemed to be highly interested. I knocked at a door marked “Manager.” It was unbolted and opened from the inside, and I faced four men seated around a

table.

‘1 asked for Mr. Jacob Bloom, and a square-built, round-faced individual rose and put out his hand. I explained my mission; I wanted to find how his workers would vote in November. - “Ninety per cent for Roosevelt,” , he answered, waving me to a

chair. There was no hesitancy on

his part. “Our national union and the Ladies’ Garment Workers, and all the other affiliated unions will be strong for Roosevelt,” he went

on. He explained that at their annual convention in Cleveland, shortly before the Republican convention, the Amalgamated Clothing Workers had passed a unanimous resolution in favor of supporting Roosevelt.” “It was very touching,” he explained in somewhat broken English. “Old Socialists would get up and tell how all their lives they had voted the straight Socialist ticket, but now. just for once, they would break their record and. vote

~ for Roosevelt.

LET'S EXPLORE YOUR MIND

oo —_BY DR. ALBERT EDWARD WIGGAM

WHENA o(c H AG: HIS ENEMIES

These are Eastern industrial employes," textile . workers at Lawrence, Mass. facing the camera in . challenging mood during a mass meeting.

Their:

ful staté in the November presidential election.

| votes may hold the balance of power in their doubtbe bitter class struggle is expected there.

A

“Our people here are not only going to do the same thing, but we are going to work hard for him. We know that every vote against Roosevelt—whether Socialist, Communist or Union Party— is a vote for Landon and the Republicans. We are going "to take no chances.” : #2 = = IGHTEEN miles away at Concord, where 161 years ago this last April the shot that was

heard around the world was fired by the original Minute Men, I talked to a number of citizens, including a policeman, a loafer, and a town guide. The policeman said: “Curley. and Roosevelt will carry this

state all right, but it'll be close.

“What else could possibly hap-: pen? Did you notice them seven or eight hundred men leaning on them shovels on the road between here and Boston?:Curley’ll make ‘em all vote for Roosevelt and himself.

“It’s just a question of adding

up the numbers.”

The loafer was holding down a

bench on the sleepy old town commons. He looked as if he ht have been benefiting a litye himself from. the public reef. : :

“Ain't - nothin’ to it,” he ex- - plained. . “It’s the working people against the people with money. We got ’em beat.” - The guide was a large mah who apparently took life easily, but his politics seriously. “Sure, Roosevelt will carry this state,” he said. “How can the common people do anything but vote against the Republicans? Landon’s all right, personally, but it’s the party behind him that the ordinary working man is against.

“Even with Coughlin helping out, the Republicans can’t make the grade.” . » ” »

'OUTHEAST of Boston lies the Old Colony shoe district, centering around Brogkton. In this nominal - Republican district, which ‘went Democratic four years

ago, there are 14,000 employes in the shoe factories. . . At Brockton I hunted up a philosophic. economist, employed as an adviser to one of the great unions. His point of view is worth recording: - - fe ; “In this (country people vote much - more - against something than for something. This ‘against’ ‘vote will be for Landon this fall. “Then, too, people are notoriously « ungrateful. A considerable

“number of voters will forget that

either they or their {Iriends or relatives have been fed by Federal money handed out by this. administration. All this means that Roosevelt will get fewer votes here this fall than he did in ’'32. “But people have short memories

And can be swung emotionally.

Why, most of the veterans have already forgotten that Roosevelt *vetoed their bonus, and . today’ give him the credit for getting it for them.” : . ” » ”

DROPPED in at headquarters of the Brotherhcod of Shoe

and Allied Craftsmen in that |

leading shoe city of the world. I sat for half an hour and chatted

with three men.

One We a slender, middle-aged bench-worker, who had come in to pay his dues. “Landon is a good enough man,” he explained, “but . why change at this time? Give Roosevelt four years more

and let him finish what he started... . I'd say 85 per cent of the workers here are for him. He'll get more votes here than in 32 because all organized labor is strongly behind him.” A young, snappy organizer, with freshly pressed trousers and a silk-lined vest, nodded in approval. “Sure, there’ll be more Roosevelt votes than in 32. That's casy. We're going to line up all of ’em this time.” _ The third exhibit drifted in. I propounded my query to him. “I ain’t for either Roosevelt or Landon,” he answered. “I'm for Coughlin and his crowd. Were’ strong for Social Justice around here.”

ASKED him if he would vote for Lemke if it meant that Roosevelt would be defeated. “Course I don’t know nothin’ about this Lemke guy, but I'm strong for Coughlin.” His friends eventually pinned him down to slight confession: If he actually thought the third "party would get nowhere except to elect the Republicans, he supposed when it came right down to it he'd vote for velt—but

«he still felt that Coughlitt had tife*

better platform. 2 Fain . Certainly neither of the big par-

ties in Massachusetts has friendly |

accord within its own ranks. There still is plenty of time for explosions to occur and prophecies to be blown to pieces. So the best that any fair observer can say is that Massachusetts is on the fence, with one leg a little farther down on the Roosevelt side—but even a big wind can blow her the other way.

: NEXT—The debatable states of Connecticut and Rhode Island.

TOWNSEND ACTION IS WATCHED

BY MARK SULLIVAN ASHINGTON, July 15.—The Townsendites their convention in Cleveland. It has the form, at least, of a major

league convention, with two .ses=

sions each day for five days, the last being Sunday. The important question is wheth-

| | er the Townsendites will have a separate ticket with a candidate of their own for President, or will indorse the Lemke-Coughlin Union}

Party, with Mr, Lemke as the presidential candidate, or will do nothing at all about a presidential can-

didate. Mr. Lemke seems to think

lette’s third

the. total vote—but that was hardly a third party. It was rather a di-

are holding | vision of the Republican Party and

it got more votes than the Repub-

licans. True. also, in 1924, the late Senator La Follette Sr. got 17 per

cent of the tofal vote—but La Folparty was decidedly more formidable than Mr. Lemke’s is likely to be.

pt

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MITTING the cases of Theo-

‘dore Roosevelt’ and La Follette, third parties ordinarily get less: than 5 per cent of the total vote, usually much less.

present year. It is commonly expected that most of the Lemke votes will be votes which, if he were not running, would go to Mr. Roosevelt. Similarly, Dr. Townsend, in conversations with - newspaper men, expresses particular hostility to President Roosevelt. At the same time it is probable that’ many of the Townsend followers are persons who normally vote the Republican ticket. =i : ” ” 8 A, FIDE from the third party Co - which Mr. Lemke and Father

air En by

NEW YORK, July 15—A man in pul life sometimes places his honor a hands cf trusted friends who can bring di credit upon him by abusing that trust. The relation between Mr. Roosevelt James A. Farley is a shocking illustrati Mr. Roosevelt is a man without guile, so fr sincere and innocent of sordid political motives “he can not bring himself to believe that the b bland plotter who gave us Farleyism can be guilty of questionable Unknown to Mr. Roosevelt, who |i would feel very low in his mind if | he ever learned the truth, Mr. Far- |i ley has recommended many men for public office. solely on their political qualifications and induced the President to approve their appointment in the honest belief that they were patriots of exceptional | ability. He has even appointed men to certain new jobs for which no. apparent excuse existed, representing to Mr. Roosevelt that these Westbrook Pej tasks were absolutely impzrative if the natfon was to be saved. When Mr. Farley goes to Mr. Roosevelt and tells him the country needs s expert scrap-book keeper to cut out newspaper pings and paste them up and that he can get an i man for the work at $6000 a year, Mr. Roosevelt into Mr. Farley's open, beaming countenance, w masks the cunning of his soul, and takes his for it. : t 4 ” s

Friendly Judges Preferred ;

; Tr it is a Federal judge they are naming, Mr. Farley, of course, being a sordid spoilsman, will consu the political record of the candidate and confer I the Democratic leaders of the man’s home district His idea, of course, is to distribute the jobs amon the boys to keep them loyal and he doubtless rés members, too, that an organization judge, exempt from income taxes, will kick back to the party fun as a. free-will donation, an annual percentage of his salary. It is also considered a good thing, under the spoils theory: of politics, to have party men om the Federal bench who will remember who ga them their jobs. Adis, Mr. Roosevelt, being absolutely nonpartisan in matters affecting the country’s welfare, would be horrified to hear that he -had ever given his indorsé= ment to any judge merely on the recommendation of a local political leader. Fortunately for him, he probably never will hear it, because Mr. Roosevelt is an idealist and altruist of the purest ray and he only hears nice things. Mr. Roosevelt's only rule in appointments is pre-eminent fitness for the position and he probably hasn't the faintest idea that he has been appointing only Democrats. He never even asks a man’s political faith and that nobility of soul has been a deplorable weakness for it has enabled the sordid spoilsman who gave us Farleyism to build up a political machine in the government service withe= out Mr. Roosevelt's suspecting as much.

2 =»

How Trust Is Repaid

FTHE President, you may be sure, had no in that the income tax prosecutions against H Long’s men in New Orleans might be an act of pol cal coercion against some boys who had stepped of line. And you may be equally siire that when Department of Justice finally called off the prosecu“tion, due to a change of atmosphere, after Huey’ “death, Mr. Roosevelt regarded that as merely a rous tine incident in the administration of the courts. ‘Mr. Roosevelt trusts“a man and gives him grea authority. ; Le EE And how does that man repay that confidence? He repays it by building up the sinister monster of Farleyism absolutely unknown to Mr. Roosevelt. =

Merry-Go-Round

BY DREW PEARSON AND ROBERT S. ALLEN

ASHINGTON, July 15.—The inside story of the new deal in publicity chiefs for the Republi national committee goes back to the storm of publicity which broke when the Republicans went in for a Brain Trust.

trying to find the equal of cagey Charley Michelson, Whom the Democrats hired away from’ the ‘old New York World for $20,000. 8 About a year ago, they selected Ted Huntley, for= merly with the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, and $10, a-year secretary to ex-Senator David A. Reed, also Pittsburgh. Ted is a hard-working little man, whose sense of humor dried up through long years of cons tact with the lugubrious Reed; and a fervent believer that God fights only on the side of Republicanism. , As G. O. P. publicity chief, Ted was a little ine clined to trust God more than the mimeograph mae chines, but on the whole he managed pretty well une til W. B. Bell, trigger-tempered president of the Amers joan | Cyanamid Co. conceived the idea of a Braifi When this. brought hoots and catcalls from th

: are sure to have, and aside from what the Townsendites may do, there remains another group of voters, a distinctly different group, who might wish a different third party. These are the orthodox Democrats, mainly con-: servative ones, who strongly disapprove . of President Roosevelt.

GRIN AND BEAR IT + + by Lichty

he can either get the Townsendites as an organization to indorse him or at least persuade many of them as individuals to vote for him. He has announced he will arrive in Cleveland Sunday morning and address the convéntion. The prevailing surmise is that the Townsendites will do nothing about the presidency, that they will neither have a national party ticket of their own nor indorse any other

galleries, Bell, chairman of the G. O. P. finance mittee, blamed Huntley, and wanted his scalp. However, Henry P. Fletcher, then chairman of national committee, said no. He thought Hun demise would provoke new outbursts of pub Then Bell demanded that Huntley be muzzled. was done. Poor Ted was ordered to lock up his mime« i machines. At Cleveland he was kept on thé

Simultaneously, and even before the Cleveland cons

GREAT But the bearing of the third parties on elections is not wholly measured by their proportion of the total vote. Ordinarily the new third parties organized for any campaign have a special animus against whichever of the two major parties is in power at the time. ; This rule seems to hold: in the

7:15. At 11:30 the representatives of the various secretaries of state from the different states in the Union, who began their meeting in Albany yesterday, appeared at the big house. Both my mother-in-law and my husband being away, I attempted to tell them something about the points of interest, but I am not as good a guide as either of them. Their visit was short, as they had to continue to West Point. After they left I drove over to the coitage for a quick luncheon, and then Mrs. Seheiger and I went to New York by the 9 o'clock n. Last night was the first cool night in some time, and I reveled in the fact that a breeze blowing from the south made my room very comfortable. Even the . dogs ceased to pant for a little while. (Copyright. 1936, by United Feature Syndicate, Ing.)

New Books

THE PUBLIC LIBRARY PRESENTS— HE readers of “K” will welcome this new novel, THE DOCTOR, by Mary Roberts Rhinehart (Farrar; $2). Here again the author draws upon her | experience as & nurse and the wife of a surgeon to tell a vivid story of a modern young doctor and the

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Lie wes

GIVE TWO BOYS EQUAL EQUCKTION AND EGET MORE ALIKE OR. MORE UNLIKE? ALIKE _ UNLIKE