Indianapolis Times, Volume 48, Number 37, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 April 1936 — Page 17

It Seems to Me HCVWMBM YORK, April 23.—The great folk who were lampooned in the sketches were not the only people who suffered embarrassment at the Gridiron dinner in Washington. My lot was worse than that of any Cabinet member or politician. In fact, I felt almost ready to exchange places with Jim Farley, for I was the man with a black tie and a dinner coat.

As far as the eye could reach were tails, starched collars and ties of gleaming white. Nor can I plead ignorance, for the invitation plainly read, “Formal dress.” Still ie&s would I have anybody think that the slight irregularity in my attire was a matter of studied principle. That impression may have been created. Now, as a matter of fact, the last time I suffered similar agonies was at the opening reception of the Soviet embassy in Washington. On that occasion Smith Wildman Brookhart, helped out by appearing in his second-best busi-

Heywood Broun

ness suit after an all-night ride in a day coach. He made me feel like Beau Brummell. n n n Perhaps It Was a Warning STILL, it was a narrow escape, and I should have learned my lesson. But each time I said to myself, “You really mast go and get measured for a tail coat,” some'more interesting adventure offered. And the days grew into months, which in turn allowed themselves to be regimented into years. Others, I know, are more agile in answering the knock of opportunity. The newspaper man who sat next me at the Gridiron dinner assured me that he had hired the excellent outfit he wore for a mere $4.50. But where could I hire a dress suit? Where could I borrow one? The best I could do was to wire Connie in advance from Chicago, “Miss you a lot stop get me a tail coat love—Heywood.” “You might as well ask me to snatch you a pet puma,” she told me. It is possible, of course, that I have a phobia about formal dress. n u u The First Downward Step OUT I don’t think a slight aversion to tail coats should fairly be called a phobia. There is no doubt that attire has a great effect on human conduct. Lots of labor leaders in America and in England have been ruined by their first boiled shirt. After all, once a man begins to make small concessions to custom and tradition he is walking the primrose path which leads straight to the pit of complete conformity. If I ever saw a promising young liberal or radical in the act of adjusting his first white tie I would cry out to him, “Look out! The next thing you know you'll be denouncing regimentation and at the bitter end you'll wind up a reactionary Republican.” However, lam not young, promising or a liberal, and so it may be that in my ow r n case this rationalization is insufficient explanation. The true reason might lie deeper. It may be that I'm just lazy. (Copyright, 1936)

Lawyers to Profit From Tax Bill BY RAYMOND CLAPPER WASHINGTON, April 23. —Those likely to profit most from the new Administration tax legislation are the tax lawyers. It would sweep aside corporation income tax precedents built up through nearly a quarter of a century of litigation. Hundreds of new questions now will arise. Formulae for calculating taxes on undistributed profits are so complicated that tax experts inserted in the bill logarithmic tables which carry percentages to the eighth decimal. Next to the lawyers, managements of big corporations probably will be happiest over the new tax bill —if any one can be said to be happy over a £ax bill. At any rate it will relieve them of a good deal of trouble. They can escape the corporation income tax by passing their profits on to the stockholders, who then can worry about paying the taxes. Smaller businessmen, who want to hold profits and plow them back into the.business for expansion, are the ones w'ho will be squeezed. a a a ORGANIZED labor apparently is about to make a general demand for higher w'agcs. The American Federation of Labor, in its monthly survey of business, says significantly: “We have reached the moment when industrial income has recovered enough to make possible substantial wage increases in a large number of industries." The A. F. of L. quotes approvingly President Roosevelt's Baltimore emphasis on the need of increased purchasing power and shorter hours without reductions in weekly pay. Itrbecomes slightly belligerent: “The present is no time for temporizing. Either we make the transition from government support to private employment by increasing wages, shortening hours and putting the unemployed to work in industry, or w'e keep a standing workless army seething with discontent because of the injustice done them in denying jobs at decent pay. Already the unemployed are organizing and recent demonstrations show that American workmen will not submit forever to forced idleness and public support.” The Federation lusts the industries which, because of increased income or good prospects, are in a more favorable position to grant wage increases as follows: Agricultural implements, amusements, automobiles, auto parts, tires, building materials, chemicals, clothint containers, dairy products, drugs and medicines, electrical equipment, fertilizers, foods, confectionary, soft drinks, hardware and tools, household products, insurance companies, investment trusts, liquor, machinery, metals, office equipment, paint, paper and printing, petroleum, restaurant chains, chain stores, department stores, mail order houses, sugar producing, tobacco, and among the utilities, natural gas, electricity and telephones and telegraph. * * M IT is a little difficult for Organized labor to reconcile this pressure for higher w j ages with the desire to bring abodt re-employment. Relief rolls last year, President Green tells a Senate committee in supporting the Wagner housing bill exceeded the pay rolls of five of the largest industries—textiles and clot hi- railroads, building, machinery, iron and steel and their products. At first glance it w-ould seem tnat a general boost in the wage scale of those now- employed would increase the resistance of employers to hire more workers. The A. F. of L. argues that increased wages would create additional purchasing power and increased production, which would compel industry to recruit more employes. From the employers* point of view, the fallacy in this argument is that such wage increases would tend to force up prices, thereby restricting rather than stimulating general consuming power. * * m THE not very beautiful political friendship between former Senator James A. Reed of Missoui i and Democratic State Boss Pendergast appears broken beyond repair. Pendergast is out to deliver Missouri for Roosevelt. Reed is out making speeches for the American Liberty League. A backwash of this split has touched the intense fight over the ld-year prize job of Controller General McCarl which will be ripe July 1. One of Reed s former secretaries has been lining up support for a certain candidate. This week Pendergast came through with a telegram to Postmaster General Farley strongly indorsing a rival candidate. *

‘WHY YOU SHOULD VOTE FOR ME’ * * * a s an a u aau nan Candidates in 12th Congressional District Race Ask Support

All Republicans and Democrats Make Statements. £DITOR’S NOTE: The Indianapolis Times has invited all of thf candidates in the county and local congressional primary election contests to make campaign statements in these columns. Omission of statements by the 92 candidates for State Representative and State Senator is necessitated by space limitations. The symposia of candidates for County Treasurer and Prosecutor have been carried. Today the candidates for Representative, Twelfth Congressional District, in alphabetical order, appeal for your vote. Responses from candidates in other races will follow. v n u ALEXANDER BELLE Republican, for Congress, Twelfth District. (No photograph was furnished by Mr. Belle.) (Born in Pittsburgh, Pa.; came to Indianapolis in 1916. Has never held a previous public office.) 1 RECEIVED my education in Pittsburgh and graduated from law school in Chattanooga, Tenn. I have practiced law in Indianapolis since 1916. I am married and have three children. I promise, if nominated and elected to Congress, to introduce and foster legislation for old-age pension and to abolish child labor, and to foster legislation to encourage the production and manufacturing of such commodities as can be produced in the United States before one dollar of American money shall be spent for the importation of goods from abroad. I shall do this so that all Americans may have an opoortunity of having a job and earning a wage commensurate with the American standard of living. I further believe m America for Americans, and am, therefore, against any foreign alliance or entanglements that might involve this country with any of the war threats cl Europe. it a ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE JR. Republican, for Congress, Twelfth District. Born Aug. 21, 1908; Manchester, Mass.; newspaper man and columnist; nominated for the Legislature in 1932.) I AM opposed to the present Administration because of the reckless wastefulness it has incurred through its relief agencies. I am opposed to the present Administration because of the tremendous national debt it has forced not only upon ths present generation but upon the generations to come. lam opposed to any Administration which either willfully or casually disregards the principles of the Constitution. The New Deal has a shameful record in this respect, and it is imperative that the people realize-fchat the very existence and influence of our constitutional government is in jeopardy. I am opposed to this Administration because it has revived the old slogan adopted by a former Democratic President. “To the victor belong the spoils.” The present Administration has almost totally disregarded our civil service, and the spoils system has replaced efficient government. I am unalterably opposed to the present Administration’s foreign policy. I do not believe the United States should in any way join either the League of Nations or the World Court. The President has always been a strong believer in both these bodies, I sincerely believe that it is absolutely necessary for the United States to remain aloof from foreign entanglements. I am opposed to the foreigp trade policy of the present Administration. The reciprocal tariff act in my esti-

Disclose New Chapter in Labor Espionage

BY HERBERT LITTLE WASHINGTON, April 23. Senate committee recordsi today disclosed the story of a labor spy's attempt to exact money from his employers, w-ho refused to prosecute him and instead bought him a bus ticket from Atlanta to Detroit. A statement signed by Robert Whitfield, and placed in the La Follette labor spy committee's record by union officials, told of Whitfield’s employment by the Railway Audit & Inspection Co.’s Atlanta office in March, 1934, and of the fate of his effort to collect. Vice President Harry Preston of R. A. & I. assigned him a job as machinist in the Anchor Duck Mills. Rome. Ga„ Whitfield said, and Superintendent D. D. Toners Instructed him to join the union “and report on all secrets attached to the union so he could take steps to prevent the union men from obtaining their objective.”

The Indianapolis Times

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Louis F. Treat

mation has done more to injure the foreign trade of the United States than any act which has ever been passed by any Administration in our history. I am opposed to the attitude of Congress since the inception of the present Administration. Particularly the House of Representatives, and in many cases the Senate of the United States, has bowed thoughtlessly and with complete disregard for the people to every wish and whim of the Administration leaders. a a a HOMER ELLIOTT Republican, for Congress, Twelfth District. (Born in Martin County, Indiana, Jan. 9, 1878; attorney; former United States district attorney and special assistant to the attorney general.) Leaving out those who vote for or against a candidate for purely personal reasons, the matter of whom one’s party should choose in a primary election w’ould seem to depend upon a general appraisal of the individual candidate's availability. Does he accurately represent the best traditions of his party? Would he be an element of strength or weakness to the ticket? Would he make an acceptable officer from the standpoints of both his party and the public? Manifestly, the candidate himself is not a fit person to answer these questions. For myself, I can say only that I am a firm believer in the established principles of the Republican Party. I do not believe that the world stands still; I know it does not, and I know that conditions, whether in government or otherwise, must be met by new methods, but I do believe that the fundamental principles of government do not change. I believe in the largest possible measure of local self-government, a stabilized currency and a tax bill that will meet current needs. I would welcome the abolition of all hidden taxes to the end that people might know how much in taxes they have to pay. I am opposed to the meddling interference of the Federal government in local affairs, and to the government’s excursions into the business field at the expense of the whole public. I am opposed to politics in relief. I am not sufficiently acquainted with the Social Security Law to express an intelligent opinion as to its adequacy. B B B LOUIS W.HEAGY Democrat, for Congress, Twelfth District. (Born Bartholomew County, June 10, 1870; salesman for last 12 years, now with Britannica Corp. Has not held public office previously. WHY you should vote for me: 1. I will use every honest endeavor to enact the McGroarty bill (the Townsend Plan) into law. 2. I will introduce and use all honorable means to enact a law for the initiative, referendufn and recall by the people. 3. My sympathies always have been for the fundamentals represented in Father Coughlin’s “sixteen points” and I whole-heartedy now approve them, and will fight to the last ditch just the same as for Dr. Townsend. 4. To prevent the forecosure of 2,000,000 more farms, now at the mercy pi the “money-changers,” the

Whitfield said he sent daily reports to the Atlanta R. A. & I. office, which were sent back to the mill superintendent. He fell down on his job as machinist, however, and was discharged. Then he was summoned to Atlanta by an R. A. & 1. lawyer, who promised him a job. He returned to Rome, where he told six union men of the spies among them. a a a THEN Whitfield wrote Mill Superintendent Towers a message, signed only by his agency number, 3567, asking four months’ salary for his trouble and threatening to report to the union. Towers reported this to the R. A. & I. lawyer, and also told President L. E. Oates of the union that Whitfield had “blackmailed” him. ” ——l “Curious World” will bo j found today enr Page Twelve.

THURSDAY, APRIL 23,1936

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Clayton A. Sanders

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Louis W. Hcagy

Frazier-Lemke bill must be enacted into law. As the basic industry of this country, we must save the farmers. I will give full support thereof. 5. With 40 years of past activity in farming, business and a professional career, I feel that I have the viewpoint of the great middle class, know what they need, and to a certainty I will not be mealy-mouthed about asking for these things, nor will I pussy-foot when intrenched greed shows its hand. 6. I have no intention of building a political machine, or ever asking re-election to this office. Continuance in this or any other position will have to come from a spontaneous demand of those now sponsoring my nomination. 7. Family; My wife, three mature sons; a daughter-in-law, two brothers, three sisters, and almost countless first, second, third and fourth cousins, none of whom will obtain through or under me during my incumbency any job whatever.

a a a LOUIS LUDLOW Democrat, for. re-election Congress, Twelfth District. (Born in Fayette County, Indiana, June 24, 1875; Representative in Congress.) T ACKNOWLEDGE with thanks -*■ the invitation of The Indianapolis Times to permit me to furnish for publication in its columns my answer to the proposal: “Why You Should Vote for Me." This generous carte blanche offer is much appreciated, though I shall consume but little valuable space. If I have any justification for asking the people of the Twelfth District, who have been so good to me, to honor me again with a seat in the Congress, it may be expressed in eight words: *‘l want to be of service to humanity.’’ I use the word “humanity” as a term that includes within its scope all citizens who need whatever assistance I can give them in any worthy cause, regardless of religious or political affiliations or racial differences. No higher privilege can come to any mortal than the privilege of helping others, and that always will be my highest aim and aspiration. tt tt tt LEON A. MARTIN Democrat, for Congress, Twelfth District (Born in Washington County, Kan.. Jan. 7, 1898; lawyer. Has never held public office.) TO the best of my knowledge I am the only candidate who has come out squarely for the 16 principles of the National Union for "Social Justice. This I did "because I am convinced that their adoption as a basis for our economic system is the only solution for our economic ills. I have not compromised with any other organization or indorsed any other plan. Although I am aware that there has been at least an attempted coalition of the' National Union for Social Justice clubs and the Townsend clubs, and although I was warned that if I did not-agree to vote for the Townsend Plan. I would not receive the indorsement of the National Union for Social Justice. I refused to do so. I did this because the two plans are direct opposites of each other. The one plans to bring back prosperity by an orderly readjustment of our entire economic system: the other by paying S2OO a month to the aged. This coalition has been engineered by persons firmly wedded to the Townsend movement, but who are parading under the banner of the Union for Social Justice. Whether or not Father Coughlin is aware of the true nature of this coalition, I do not know. I do know, however, that I am firmly opposed to the Townsend Plan. This is not to be understood that I oppose pensions for the aged. On the contrary, I think the wealthiest national earth, certainly should, be

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Leon A. Martin

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Homer Elliott

able to care for its aged, and I shall work toward that goal. During the World War, I served with the 34th division of the A. E. F. In 1924 I moved to Indianapolis and have since resided in this city. I am a graduate of the Benjamin Harrison Law School, a member of the Indiana bar, and of the Sigma Delta Kappa law fraternity. For the last 12 years I have been affiliated with organized labor as a member of local 53 of the International Brotherhood of Bookbinders. B B B CLAYTON A. SANDERS Democrat, for Congress, Twelfth District. (Born in Pana, 111., May 28, 1890. Moved to Indiana at the age of 1. Now State Director of Music for the Townsend Old Age Revolving Pension Organization, Indianapolis.

II pledge obedience to my oath -of office, which includes Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution of the United States. When this is done by Congress, taxes automatically will be reduced at least 50 per cent. 2. I shall support unconditionally the first amendment of the Constitution, known as the Bill of Rights. Therefore, I shall oppose all indignities against the rights of my constituents such as the Smith Inquisition Bill. 3. I pledge my fullest support to the Townsend Old-Age Pension Plan. 4. I will give unconditionally my vote for each and every point of the 16 principles of the National Union for Social Justice. 5. I stand for the HOLC but believe there should be a rider attached to same preventing foreclosures at least two years. 6. I believe the honest independent banker should be protected and I indorse their action at the ABA convention at New Orleans, which would automatically protect the independent merchants. 7. The disabled veterans should receive a pension upon which they can live comfortably, or the government should find them employment at a just wage. 8. Having been a member of three trade unions, I will champion genuine labor movements from the floor of the House. 9. I am definitely opposed to dictatorship and Communism. 10. I believe unalterably in constitutional government. I attended State Normal College

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“ —and furthermore. I’m done arguin’ with you. 1 said all 1 had to say two hours ago ”

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Louis Ludlow

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Albert J. Beveridge Jr.

three years and Butler College three years, majoring in social science, political economy and business law. I was connected officially with the National Civic Union for 15 years. I have resided in Indianapolis for 18 years. B B B L. FRANK TREAT Republican, for Congress, Twelfth District. (Born in Bloomington, Ind., Dec. 16, 1872. Moved to Martinsville in 1881 and later to Indianapolis.) T RESIDE at 2011 South High School-rd. I come from an oldline Republican family, my father, the late Rev. W. B. F. Treat, having represented the old Fifth District in the state Legislature in 1876. I have made a study of unemployment, not only of those over the age of 45, but of the youth just entering life and of the general chaos of our social structure, the foundation of which lies in the hands of Congress. I will support such measures as the Townsend Old-Age Revolving Pension Plan; the National Union for Social Justice, and such legislation as may be favorable to the rank and file of the voters of this nation. I believe in union organization for laboring men and collective bargaining, and will fight any effort to abolish or abridge in any manner whatsoever the Constitution of the United States, or any like movement against the Supreme Court, as I believe that without the Supreme Court we would be open for a dictatorship. Our democratic republic is the grandest nation in existence, but should be returned to the people instead of being in the hands of the few. Feeling that the leaders of my party in their wisdom will not introduce any planks into the national platform that will interfere with my pledges, I will support it, ever having in mind the welfare of the “forgotten masses,” the average voter, and the man who works and creates his wealth. I will indorse and support any legislation to prevent contempt proceedings by Federal pourts against editors or reporters for failure to reveal sources of secret information. TOMORROW The race for County Sheriff.

by Lichty

Second Section

Entered a* Second-Class Matter at Postoffiee. Indianapolis. Ind.

fair Enough WESIBM fffilffi YORK, April 23.—The Colorado National Guard gets more than its fair share of degrading duty. . Once the young soldiers of a generation now grown older were called out under the banners of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Cos. to fight the starving miners and their women and children. Now the warriors of the present establishment patrol the state borders to keep out poor people who want to

work. The heroes of the fuel and iron army won a great accid-ntal victory for, in the long run, they brought civilization to 26 Broadway, the G. H. Q. of the Rockefellers. But that happened some time afterward and, though the benefits of the campaign now have been felt far beyond the boundaries of Colorado, the spiritual effect of the fighting on the men who went through it probably was not pleasant. Militiamen are just young civilians themselves and they hardly can feel that they are en-

gaged in glorious duty when they put on their uniforms and sidearms and take the field against the poor. The big law of the country holds that any American, even an immigrant who can t speak t.hp language very well, has a right to cross state borders and look for work anywhere in the land. In fact, he has the right to cross state borders looking for a place in which to loaf or go on relief. This is one of the great privileges of Americans in their own land. B B B The Land of the Free 'V rET Colorado is the third American state to atX tempt to impose false requirements on the poor approaching their borders in the last three years Twice California tried it and Dave Scholtz of Brooklyn, the Governor of Florida, attempted to exclude from the peninsula persons who had little or no money and seemed likely to become public charges. In all these cases the immigration restrictions recognized money as the only passport. Florida, of course, has become notorious as the winter quarters of the Northern underworld. Miami was the winter home of A1 Capone for several seasons. But under the Florida Governor’s conception of desirability a man with a. wife and children, steaming down the Dixie Highway in a teakettle flivver in search of work that his two hands might do is barred from a state which gladly entertains the prosperous criminal. A destitute laborer, with a sick child in need of the Florida sun, was a different problem and Florida wanted none of him. The news from Colorado tells of the detention of parties of penniless workmen at the state lines—on the Qiere ground that they were penniless—by members of the National Guard. B B B Hardly a Menace r ‘P HE rejected immigi_nts hardly can be regarded X as a menace to the security of the state, if their only evil intention is to look for work. And certainly, any immigrant who is willing to hit the road to look for a job in the beet-fields at the coolie labor wages which the growers pay can not be accused of fastidiousness. This is low-down work, about the last thing in jobs, and a man who is willing to take it on shows at least, that he is trying to carry his weight in the world. If the Colorado militiamen are the average sort of young men who make up the National Guard elsewhere, there must be some among them who not only felt themselves to be engaged in a rotten task, but gave some of their rations and? perhaps, a few nickels, to the ragged wanderers.

■ The Washington Merry-Go-Round —By Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen

TTTASHINGTON, April 23.—Confidential reports Y V from field agents of the new farm program have been far from encouraging. From California, for instance, came an account of a meeting of the state AAA director with county agents, to obtain first-hand information regarding the number of farmers expected to join in the soil conservation plan. “Now men,” said the director, “you know what this program is; also you have talked to the farmers. I want you each to jot down the number of farmers in your area that you are sure will comply.” The answers revealed that out of 170,000 California farmers eligible to participate, only 13,000 were known definitely to plan to take part in the new acreage reduction program. tt tt tt TN the Senate, chief credit for the conviction of A Judge Halsted L. Ritter is given to Sam Hobbs, a rookie congressman and former circuit judge from Alabama. The impeachment charges against the Florida jurist were prosecuted by four members of the House Judiciary Committee, headed by Chairman Hatton W. Sumners. Hobbs, the junior member of the “managers.” as they are known officially, was the “trial lawyer.” Illustrative of the fast-thinking Alabaman's methods was the dramatic manner in which he managed to introduce as evidence certain private letters written by the impeached judge Ritter's lawyers objected to reading the letters, but were overruled. Hobbs then began to read one letter. The first several paragraphs were unimportant. Senators sat back in their seats. Suddenly he stopped, stammered, finally said: “I would rather not read thf next paragraph. . . a a a RITTER'S lawyers leaped to their feet. The entire chamber became tense. "We demand the paragraph be read,” the attorneys shouted. “We insist that if part of the letter is read, all of it should be read.” “Very well, said Hobbs, “if you insist." And then, while the entire Senate listened intently, he read as follows: “I can recommend him (Ritter's former law partner) very- strongly for appointment to the vacancy (a Federal judgeship), for as you know he is a Hoover-Democrat ...” Snorts from the Democratic side were so loud they could be heard in the galleries. Among old-line Democrats, traffic with a Hoover-Democrat still 13 an unforgivable sin. By his wily maneuver Hobbs had “hung” this damaging bit of evidence on Ritter, while appearing to be forced to do so by Ritter's own attorneys. a a * GOV. GENE TALMADGE may yet be a delegate to the Democratic National Convention, even though the buzz-saw-voiced Georgian does not have the courage to enter the presidential preference primary he recently was forced to call. This is so because of an adroit political trick. In drafting the rules for the Georgia presidential primary, he slipped in a provision that any vacancies in the slate of delegates chosen to go to Philadelphia should be filled by the chairman of the Central Committee. Even though a complete Roosevelt ticket were elected, it would thus be possible, if a vacancy occurred, for the chairman to name an anti-New Deal, substitute.

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Westbrook Fegler