Indianapolis Times, Volume 47, Number 282, Indianapolis, Marion County, 3 February 1936 — Page 9

It Seems to Me HEMBItOIIN WASHINGTON. Feb. 3.—ls I were a Justice of the Supreme Court I would go to my family physician right away and say, ‘ Good morning, Doc, how am I?” There is no getting away from the fact that the political and economic complexion of the country would be vastly altered if a couple of men well past middle life decided to retire. Or, at any rate, do something. Increasingly it begins to appear that it will be difficult to keep the Constitution and the

court out of the coming campaign unless there is some change in the membership of that august body. All competent observers agree that Mr. Roosevelt is not anxious to have the problem come up now. But he may not be able to stop it, and by an ironic twist the issue which he seems to fear quite possibly will be the one to elect him. In that event he should send flowers to A1 Smith. The boomerang element in that speech was Smith's stepping out of character and assuming the role of a constitutional lawyer. Here is the

Ileywood Broun

precise sentence which will endure to plague A1 and his Republican supporters. Quite lute in the Liberty League oration the former Governor said: ‘The difference between the State Constitution p.nd the Federal Constitution is that in the state you can do anything you want to do provided it is not prohibited by the Constitution. but in the Federal government, according to that document, you can do only that which that Constitution tells you that you can do.” a a a Al Lets Down the Ham THIS, of course, places Alfred F„ Smith at the extreme right wing of the strict constructionists. It places him in direct opposition to the frequently voiced views of Mr. Justice Holmes, who may quite possibly have been a greater authority on the Constitution than A1 himself. Indeed, without some necessary qualification Mr. Smith’s declaration would make even Sutherland seem like a red revolutionary. While the Constitution does give the Congress power to regulate commerce among the states, it never mentions railroad trains, busses, radio, or even kidnapers, for that matter. The most important immediate effect of Al's speech is one which was not within his intention. The Liberty League has proceeded on the basis that the best way to prevent any kind of constitutional progress is to make the subject sacred. But, A1 presented himself at the Liberty League dinner as the common man. Well, if just plain A1 can discuss the Constitution the bars are down and anybody can compete. a B u Soft Pedal Is Off INDEED, in the House yesterday Knute Hill, of Washington, offered a prize of SIOO to any Representative. lawyer or layman, who could show anything in the Constitution which gives the Supreme Court power to invalidate acts of Congress. He was rudely interrupted from the Republican side but went on to explain that as a school teacher in his native State he had let the offer stand (it was only $5 then) and had never lost a penny to a single scholar. Moreover, he explained, giving the House an appraising glance. ‘‘lt worked out pretty well because it induced some of the boys and girls actually to go and read the Constitution.” Rep. Hill is an old La Follette supporter, and the constitutional aspects of Smith's speech have stirred that group into action. Indeed, the Bull Moosers. too, are feeling the twinges of ancient scars endured by their party in T. R.'s brief brush with the court. The soft pedal is off. The notion that ‘’This is a question for lawyers” has ended. The verdict of manv is that A1 spoke up just in time to give Franklin D. Roosevelt an unbeatable issue. (Copyright. 1036 i Middle Class Upset by Inflation Fear BY RAYMOND CLAPPER WASHINGTON. Feb. 3—President Roosevelt’s disappointing weakness as a national leader, as some of us on the curbstone see it. is that of late his appeal is becoming restricted largely to two classes of the population—the unfortunates who are engaged in a grim hand-to-hand struggle to push the wolf from the door, and the crackpots. There is another large group in the population which is becoming increasingly antagonistic. This is the white-collar class which has scraped together by hard work a small

stake in society. It. has benefited by stock market regulation, by HOLC. by business improvement which came about through the ill-fated AAA and other measures. But if these people are to educate their children, and to have some social security in their old age, if their life insurance. their annuities, their building and loan savings, are to be preserved, they need stability and protection from inflation. An Ohio business man. in a letter. says it more forcefully. He

is a Republican, but not a blind one. He is not a large capitalist. On the contrary he suffered personal hardship in the depression and is now working back. He is grateful for what Roosevelt has dons. But he is disturbed. b o a HE says: "I think it is a good thing that Roosevelt has rocked the boat, and shaken us out of our complacency. Regardless of what I may say in pique from time to time, I think Roosevelt's accomplishments rank with those of the greatest of our statesmen. Roosevelt has the viewpoint of a young man, and as Bolitho pointed out, most laws have been made by old men for old men—for those who have for those who have; for those who are secure for those who are secure. "But instinctively I also feel that Roosevelt, is rocking the boat too much, and that in its enthusiasm. his youth lacks wisdom. It is true that he has encouraged class hatreds, and it is at least an open question whether this is a good thing or not; and he has, moreover. I think, led unsuspecting, simple folk to believe that it rests within the power of the government within the next few years to do away with poverty and suffering and discomfort by fiat. “He has spent money so recklessly, or at least spoken so recklessly about spending money, that we have lost all respect for thrift; and the real danger here is that we have lost respect for self-restraint. "I van not help feeling that the President of a country should exert some leadership over the people as a whole in reiterating the need for civic responsibility, and restraint.” BUB THEN he adds that which many thousands like him must be thinking and which is the danger that menaces Roosevelt: • He (Roosevelt) may be a wholesome purge; he may deserve honor for what he has done and for what he has aspired to do. But because Roosevelt appears to me to be more concerned about getting the votes of the lower classes than the middle or upper classes, I am against him.” B B B Congress appears to be moving toward an inflation stampede. The paper money crowd is getting ready to go to press. This threatened orgy has been encouraged indirectly by the casual fiscal policies of the Administration. m 9 r Is it possible that if President Roosevelt should step in to block this rising money madness in Congress, the vast middle class, which isn’t interested in party politics, but which needs desperately a steady price level, would find new hope and return to his support?

Joining in the frenzied nost-war search for relief from the strain and horror of battle, a match-making world made Edward VIII the subject of a succession of romantic rumors as he was thrown into contact with eligible and attractive women. In this sixth installment of “The Bachelor Prince Who Became King,” biographer Frazier Hunt relates how a goodwill tour to Canada turned the young Prince into a salesman of empire—and incidentally a rancher—instead of a benedict. (Copyright, 1335, by Frazer Hunt. Published by Arrangement with Harper & i-others) QN July 1, 1919, just one week after the Prince turned 25, he moved from his quarters at Buckingham Palace, where he was under the watchful eyes of his parents, to his own home at York House, adjoining St, James’ Palace. He was now the Bachelor Prince in earnest. He could go and come exactly as he pleased. In many w r ays it was anew freedom, but unconsciously the Prince was to be subjected to even stronger pressures. The struggle for the very soul of the Prince was to begin. On one side were the forces of reaction against the bitter war years. On the other side was his own high

sense and tolerant counsel of the men who were now to make up the staff of his own household. As controller or general manager, he was to have Adimral Sir Lionel Halsey, a distinguished naval officer. But the man who was to exercise possibly the greatest influence over him was his private secretary, Sir Godfrey Thomas. Sir Godfrey was five years older than the Prince and had come to him from' the foreign office. He was the tenth baronet of his line, and his father had been a brigadier of artillery during the tvar. A gentle, soft-spoken, almost shy man, wise far beyond his years, his counsel and advice were to be of inestimable value to a busy Prince, B B B ON a gray London morning a few months after the Armistice, he stood alongside Gen. Pershing and reviewed a regiment of United States troops. A woman in black broke through the circle around the Prince and hurried toward him. ‘‘l must speak to your royal highness,” she said with great emotion. ‘‘My husband was killed at Cambrai in October, 1917, and I have never received a penny of pension. Can’t you help me. sir?” The Prince touched her arm. ‘‘Of course, I will do everything I can. This is too bad. We’ll see to it at once.” Then he turned to Winston Churchill, who at this time was chancellor of the exchequer. “Mi’. Churchill,” the Prince went on, “may I ask you to take care of this personally?” B B B IN April, 1919, he made his first visit to the slums of Southwark, London. He was seeing first hand how his ex-comrades, the men who had won the war, were actually living. In one unpainted, half-tumbled-down tenement house he climbed a rickety stair to an attic with a ceiling so low that he could barely stand upright. The window-panes were broken and the whole room reeked with unspeakable filth. “It is damnable beyond words,” the Frince said in a low voice. He was learning. He was going down among them in peace-time life, just as he had done with his comrades in the war. He was seeing that civil life, for millions of men. was even worse than war. Ten days later he paid his first visit to a working men’s club near Kew Gardens. And two weeks after that he made his first speech about proper housing. In May he was initiated into the Craft of Freemasonry in the Household Brigade Lodge. He was following the trail of English kings. B B B BUT in the summer of 1919 Downing Street and Buckingham Palace had more to worry about than the casual education or passing indiscretions, or reporting engagements of a youthful Prince. The empire, along with the whole world, was aimless and bewildered. Canada and the other dominions were asking themselves the pertinent quetion of what they had got out of the war. Why not take a long chance? Why not send this appealing lad, a little difficult to handle in London and still feeling his youth, as an unofficial ambassador to Canada? Each might help the other. So it was that when the giant cruiser H. M. S. Renown steamed out of Plymouth on the morning of Aug. 5. 1919, there was deep concern felt as to just what would happen during the coming fourmonth tour of Canada. Six days later the great ship dropped anchor at Conception Bay and the following day the Prince transferred to a light cruiser, the Dragon, and moved toward the old city of St. John’s in the independent colony of Newfoundland. There were worried looks on the faces of his staff. How would the western world take the Prince — and how would he react to it? B B B AN hour later the questions had solved themselves. The .-turdy fishermen and townspeople of St.

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Full L>a(*d Wire Service of the United Pres* Association

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BACHELOR PRINCE Who Became KING B B B BBS BBS bub B B Edward Just ‘Young Feller’ to Hard-Bitten Canadian Rancher

BENNY

The Indianapolis r Times

John's and the loyal Newfoundlanders for miles around, lined the streets and fairly drove away the threatening clouds with their cheers. Then two days later he first set foot on Canadian soil at St. John, New Brunswick. There was an official reception and address by the Governor General, and then the common people of Canada cheered and threw their hats in the air in a surge of delirious joy and pride. The Prince was theirs, quite as much as England's. They went wild with enthusiasm and loyalty. That night cables ticked back to England the story of now the Prince had captured the hearts of a distant people. There was no doubt about the outcome of the Prince’s visit. This slight, boyish figure, patting down his yellow hair with the flat of his hand, nervously fixing his tie or shoving his hands in his pockets, had won a continent and a world. The smile on his lips and the twinkle in his eyes and his gift for doing some gracious little thing at exactly the right moment, had transformed him overnight into the world's hero. B B B AT Toronto, in reviewing a group of wounded ex-soldiers, the hat of one man on crutches blew off. Quick as a flash the Prince jumped for it, and while

WASHINGTON, Feb. 3.—Despite the political barrage now aimed at the New Deal, presidential advisers are quietly congratulating themselves that Roosevelt luck is running better than ever. Asa matter of fact, almost the greatest piece of luck Mr. Roosevelt has had is the bonus. Some critics already are accusing the President of sending the veto message with his tongue in his cheek. Anyway, here is what the bonus will do for him: Both Republican and Democratic strategists are agreed that the President will be extremely hard to defeat next November if the business condition of the country continues good. However, some New Dealers fear that PWA and Work-Prog-ress funds will be exhausted by middle summer, in which case undoubtedly there will be a slump. This would be disastrous to the President. But now, the bonus comes along ..to save the day. Two and a half billion dollars is a lot of money to turn loose on the American public at one time. It is bound to have a tremendous effect upon general business. And that effect is going to come just before elections. Meanwhile, having vetoed the bonus bill, the President’s skirts are absolutely clear. He can not be charged with spending the taxpayers’ money to further his own re-election—at least not in this instance. B B B Dinner Partners TT did not leak outside the walls of the White House, bui because of the Brazilian ambassador's modesty, the author of the Supreme Court's blistering AAA opinion sat at the left of Mrs. Roosevelt at the regular White House dinner to the Supreme Court. Usually ambassadors are not invited, because they outrank justices of the Supreme Court. But on this occasion Oswaldo Aranha, popular ambassador of Brazil, was there. As the guests went in to dinner, however, Ambassador Aranha insisted on giving up his place at Mrs. Roosevelt’s right, motioned Chief Justice Hughes to the seat instead. This left Justice Hughes’ place on her left to be filled by Justice Owen J. Roberts, considered one of the most vehement New Deal critics on the Supreme bench. The dinner dragged interim-

This picture, taken when King Edward VIII was the Prince of Wales, gives a remarkable insight into the new sovereign’s character. Most democratically, he helps the Argentine foreign minister, Ernest Bosch, into his coat after a boxing match.

40,000 looked on he put it back on the head of his crippled comrade. Scores of times he would single out some astonished individual veteran and remind him of a chat they had had in a hospital or of a smoke together on some shell-torn road in Flanders. His uncanny memory for faces

Washington Merry-Go-Round BY DREW PEARSON and ROBERT S. ALLEN

nably. But both he and Mrs. Roosevelt discussed no politics. B B B Bonus Epilogue NOW that the long bonus battle is over, Gen. Frank T. Hines, chief of tbs Veterans’ Administration, has a plan to head off the inevitable agitation for pensions. Such a drive has been secretly in the making, despite emphatic denials by veterans’ leadsrs. General Hines wants to checkmate the movement before it gets a head start. To do this he proposes attacking what he considers a root cause of veterans’ agitation—unemployment. It is his view that if the World War veterans can be assured of work there will develop no serious clamor for pensions. Finding employment, however, presents difficulties. To begin with, many large corporations have an age limit on new workers. Since the average age of World War veterans is now over 40, this rule operates with particular hardship against them. tt B u One Obstacle T>UT since business men are the most vocal foes of veterans’ benefits, Gen. Hines believes they could be persuaded to make exceptions for veterans and relax the age-limit rule. It is his contention that such a policy would be the best possible insurance against further taxation for pensions. His plan meets general approval in Administration circles, but he has run head-on into one obstacle. He proposed that the veterans’ unemployment campaign be conducted by the United States Employment Service, which is in day-to-day contact both with jobless veterans and business men. But Secretary Perkins, who has jurisdiction over the Employment Service, objects. She takes the position that the service is unsuited for such a specialized activity, that the Veterans’ Survey would lessen the bureau's general effectiveness in job-finding. Assistants of Gen. Hines’ suggested a compromise whereby a section of the Emplo3 r ment Service, dealing only with veterans, would be transferred to the Veterans Administration. But here again, Miss Perkins emitted an emphatic "no.” - - a b n Long Winded THERE was one tense moment at the Liberty League dinner which most people did not get, but

MONDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1936

BY FRAZIER HUNT

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and events was standing him in good stead. It was part of his gifted equipment of masterful showmanship. At Saskatoon, in the broad prairies of Saskatchewan, he was to be treated to his first view of bronc riding and western rodeo sports. The Prince, seated on a

which nearly wrecked its carefully prepared arrangements. A1 Smith was just about to go on the air. Borden Burr, Alabama Democrat and corporation lawyer, was introducing Al. He had been asked to make it brief. But Mr. Burr is an orator of the old school. He droned on and on. Behind him, Mr. Smith, Jouett Shouse and the radio announcer began to fidget. The minute hands of their watches crept up to 10 o’clock. Wrapped up in the melody of his own voice, Mr. Burr continued to drone on. At 30 seconds to 10 the radio announcer signaled frantically to Mr. Shouse to stop Mr. Burr. Mr. Shouse tugged at Mr. Burr’s coat, stage-whispered to him to stop so the radio man could put the program on the air. But Mr. Burr was unquenchable. Finally, just on the dot of ten, Mr. Shouse rose, seized Mr. Burr firmly by the arm and in a loud voice shouted: “Stop, man, stop! It’s time for the radio.” That did the trick. Mr. Burr halted, in the middle of a doublebarreled effusion. But when the * announcer had put the program on the air, he began all over, talked for five more minutes before he finally allowed Al to get under way. (Copyright, 1936, by United Feature Syndicate, Inc.) HUGE INCREASE SHOWN IN U. S. LIQUOR TAXES 1935 Collections for Indiana Top 1934 by 17 Millions. Federal internal revenue receipts from Indiana liquor taxes increased $17,374,657.18 in 1935 over 1934, Will H. Smith, revenue collector, announced today. Last year's collections were $39,739,949.97. They were $22,365,292.79 in 1934. Collections by classifications were: $2,315,179.09 imported excise tax; $26,644,035.83, domestic excise tax; $1,364,417.61, rectification tax; $972,933.03, container case and export stamps; floor taxes (tax-paid spirits and vines on hand Jan. 12, 1934), $2.25, all for distilled spirits. For excise tax, and $616.60, domestic tax. Special or occupational taxes, $138,631.47; stills, rectifiers, retail and wholesale dealers in spirits, and $70,584.80, brewers, retail and wholesale dealers in fermented malt liquors. Malt liquors excise tax amounted to $8,230,939.

high corral fence, cheered and laughed and shouted his words of praise. When the show was over the Prince shouted that if the cowboys would get him a horse he would race with them. Instantly a dezen mounts were offered and the FTince, choosing a spirited animal, swung into the western saddle and with a whoop led the cavalcade in a wild and thrilling gallop. B B B AT almost every city there were dances and balls for him and on several occasions there were small and intimate private parties where the smartest and most charming of Canada's young women would dance with him until the pink showed in the eastern skies. At little Albert station the Stoney Tribe of Plains Indians were gathered to make him their chief. With their faces vivid with war paint, their eagle-feathered headgear quivering the breeze, and with their beautiful buckskin costumes of the old days, the tall, silent Indian men and women gathered in a circle about him. A headdress was put on him and then first in Stoney and then in English, LK,tle Thunder, the chief, solemnly made him Chief Morning Star. Slowly the tomtoms began to sound their weird rhythm and then came the high, almost unearthly notes of the war songs of the tribe. Two days later his special train chugged the 40 miles from Calgary to the real cow town of High River. By car, over rough dirt roads, he rode straight toward the towering Rockies, looming up to the westward. He was bound for the famous ißar U Ranch to be the guest of one of the colorful characters of this Alberta cattle country, George Lane. Tall, rangy, with scraggly mustaches, and a picturesque and blunt way of speaking, he was to delight the Prince more than any other single individual he met in all Canada. B B B THE next morning there was a round-up and late fall branding. George Lane, his soft black S2O hat pulled down over one eye, showed the heir to the British throne how to cut out cows from the herd, “Don’t do it thata way, young feller,” crusty old Lane would shout at the Prince. "Didn’t I tell you to let yer pony do it fer ya? He’s got more sense than most men.” Or, again he would shout to him while they were branding, “You’re gonna get kicked in the eye, young feller, if you don’t watch out! You gotta use yer head around cattle.”” That afternoon there was quail shooting, and a little tired from tramping and the excitement, the Prince lay down in the tall grass on the brow of a hill and gazed down on a beautiful rolling valley. The Prince turned toward his companion, W. L. Carlyle, a Canadian, who had for years been one of the distinguished professors of animal husbandry in American agricultural colleges. Several years before Prof. Carlyle had come back to his native Canada as the manager of the Bar U Ranch. “Magnificent!” exclaimed the younger man. “Do you know I’d like to own a little ranch here?” The elder man thought a moment before he answered. “You can buy that ranch right there, sir. There is no finer small ranch in the world.” B B B FOR long minutes the Prince’s eyes fairly feasted on the beautiful scene. After four years of war and hate and fear it was as sweet and peaceful as sleep to a tired and worn man. Finally he said: “I could raise pure-bred stock here—cattle and horses and sheep. It would be a good thing for the ranchers and farmers, wouldn’t it, professor?” That night at the old Bar U Ranch house there was random talk of the possibilities of buying this Beddingfield ranch that the Prince had fallen in love with from the hilltop—its size, price, number of head it would carry, etc. But nothing was done. The following day the Prince's party motored the 40 miles back to Calgary and boarded the special train for the West coast. Back at the ranch it was an interesting little episode to talk of. when the chairs had been pushed back from the ranch dinner table at night. Os course, nothing would come of it. Then three days later a telegram came from the Prince’s secretary saying that the Prince had decided to buy the ranch if the price did not exceed a certain amount, and if Carlyle would manage it for him. TOMORROW—His second trip to the United States as Baron Renfrew, Playboy Extraordinary . . . playing hide 2 nd seek with reporters . . . became a museum specimen . . . flight from New l r ork hospitality.

By J. Carver Pusey

Second Section

rinterod n Serencl-Ulns* Matter at Potofflce, InriitnapoHs, ln<i.

Fair Enough nwH LONDON. Feb. 3.—The profession of killing, always highly regarded by the human race, has never enjoyed a greater prestige than at the present hour. In England about six million people saw the magnificent march of the assembled gunmen of the world in the funeral procession of King George. There were few civilians in the spectacle, and those few were not doctors, teachers or working people, but diplomats, whose occupation may be said to consist of the arrangement and promotion of wars. Both the fighters and the

matchmakers have much in common with the prize fighting profession. Between wars fighting men of rival armies are very good friends, entertaining one another back and forth, joking about past fights and hinting darkly about surprises which they are going to spring in the next one. The diplomats shake hands in the friendliest way, but, like the prize fight managers, they are notorious for saying things which they do not sincerely mean and for conspiring to double-cross this

one or that one. Often this leads to triple-crossing, and some nations, such as Bulgaria, have been known to fight on both sides in the course of a single war. The diplomats are not often deceived, however, for they never trust one another, and thus they get along reasonably well together. B B B It's Just a Game, It Seems ONE day you will find the Italian diplomats, who now appear to be mortal enemies of the British, playing cards or golf with them on the friendliest of terms. They may even get together with the British some time to put something over on the Germans, for instance, just as the British and Germans are now conspiring to slip something over on the French, who are old pals of the British. All this is strictly impersonal with both the gunmen of the world and the diplomats. The gunmen do not care whom they kill, and personal animus in heat of battle is only the result of excitement. When the fight is over the survivors go to dinner together. A good warrior does not ask any questions or offer any objections but merely looks to his orders to see whether it is Germans or Italians or Americans he is supposed to kill. There is no question that the gunmen now occupy the highest position in the regard of people, for when it came to burying King George and the nations of the world were asked to send representatives they sent professional killers, and the splendor of their uniform so filled the public eye and mind that the wasted little man lying in the box on a gun carriage was only the occasion for the display. The highest honors are reserved for warriors, and they wear the most beautiful costumes the world can produce. Some of them, like the savages, wear feathers on their hats, and the more feathers and the more gaudy the feathers the greater the killer. B B B Fine Feathers Make Fine Killers A CERTAIN English type of warrior wears white leatner breeches and high black boots which are lined with white leather. Certain others in Scotland and the Balkans wear skirts. In Austria, certain officers are wearing white greatcoats, lined with scarlet, and black top boots with silver spurs. Even Soviet officers are adopting beautiful red uniforms. In England it, is frankly recognized that gaudy apparel draws recruits. So even common soldiers have now been authorized to wear dress uniforms—quite modest compared to that of generals and life guards but more spectacular than the familiar khaki. It is a popular thing to sneer at the killers, deride their honors and finery and point out their whole work is to destroy life. But that is a mere affectation of people who want to be regarded as different. After all. if it were not for the professional gunmen who would carry civilization to the backward peoples of the earth?

A Liberal Viewpoint BY. DR. HARRY ELMER BARNES ONE of the major reasons why we have wars is that nations refuse to conform to the code of ethics which we have already accepted as fundamental for individual human beings or for groups of men acting in a nonpolitical capacity. The state assumes to be above private morale. This fact is well brought out in Professor George M. Stratton's “International Delusions.” (Houghton-Mifflin, $2). As Professor Stratton puts it: “We have two scales to weigh conduct. In one of these scales we weigh the conduct of men singly or weigh the conduct of men in a group within the nation, acting, let us say, as an insurance company, bank, or labor union. But for weighing the conduct of men acting as a nation toward another nation, we use another scale.” Professor Stratton illustrates this well by contrasting our attitude toward stealing, lying and killing when carried on by individuals and by nations; “When a man of honor wants land he buys it. It he can not buy it he goes without it. He would be ashamed to get it by deceit or violence. He and we would weigh his violence in a mental scale which would declare it plain theft or stealing. . . . B B B “TTUT when a nation wants land and has the -D power to take it, it may—if it does not care to buy it, or exchange for it—simply take it and hold its head high. . . .” The Columbia University Press is launching an extremely important series on the history, economics and law of neutrality. The first volume, by Philip C. Jessup and Francis Deak, on the origins of neutrality policy has just been published. ($3.75). The part that enlightened religion might play in promoting world peace and the brotherhood of man is made clear in the large volume of addresses by representatives of all the leading world religions and edited by Charles Frederick Weller, “World Fellowship." (Livewright Publishing Corp., $3.) Unfortunately religious enlightment seems to be giving way before new nationalistic cults in Europe.

Times Books

IF you would like to have a. look at a truly radical conception of human society, you would do well to read “Out of the Night,” by H. J. Muller. (Vanguard; $1.50.) Professor Muller, a zoologist of the University of Texas, seems to begin where today's extreme left wing leaves off. His picture of man's future may startle you. but it will at least be interesting—and it may set you thinking. Man. says Professor Muller, has it in his power to shape his own destiny as he sees fit. He knows enough cf the evolutionary process, and of the influence of heredity on the organism's development, to exercise this powder whenever he chooses. BUB HIS weapon, continues Professor Muller, is eugenics. But Frofessor Muller is not talking of eugenics in the ordinary sense—sterilization of idiots and criminals, possession of a doctor’s certificate by prospective brides and bridegrooms, and so on. His idea of eugenics compares with the current idea as sulphuric acid compares to vinegar. What Professor Muller has in mind is nothing less than a human breeding process as carefully planned and controlled as the work of a sculptor. He suggests propagation by artificial insemination, with our greatest men becoming the fathers of hundreds, even thousands, of children. Thus. h says, the race can at last realize Us own potentialities.

1M

Westbrook Pcgler