Indianapolis Times, Volume 47, Number 210, Indianapolis, Marion County, 11 November 1935 — Page 6

PAGE 6

The Indianapolis Times (A SCRirrS-HOWAIiD NEWSPAPER) ROT W. HOWARD Prel<i*nt LUDWELL DEN NT Editor EARL D. BAKEIi Buineßß Manager

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MONDAY. NOVEMBER 11, 1935. ARMISTICE DAY SEVENTEEN years ago today America sent up prayers of thanksgiving that it was over over there and swore a solemn oath: Never again! We had been dragged into a European war that cost us 126,000 dead, 234,000 maimed and wounded, $51,000,000,000 in treasure and an unspeakable aftermath of economic woe. We had fought to make the world safe for democracy; we didn't know we had helped make it safe for Fascism and Naziism and Stalinism. Since then thoughtful Americans have dedicated each Armistice Day to a renewed prayer for peace. But they have watched Europe drifting back to the old and dangerous ways. Today, by the logic of an unjust peace and post-war intrigue, Europe stands once more on the brink of disaster. Not since Sarajevo, we believe, have war clouds hung so menacingly over the Old World. This year finds us almost unanimously behind the government’s determination to stay out of it no matter what happens. Young men of the colleges by the tens of thousands are pledging themselves to peace. Women’s organizations are stirring peace fervor. Congress has passed a neutrality resolution. The President, while pledging our offices as a good neighbor, promises to keep up out of quarrels that concern us not. This is a day for remembering, not sentimentally, but with all the realism we have, the criminal folly, the barbarism, the utter insanity of war. By those 126 000 white crosses let us swear this day to have none of the war now threatening the Old World.

“NEVERTHELESS’’ TTVrE can't help thinking that Chief Justice Mar- ’ ” shall must have revolved like a pinwheel in his grave as Judge Coleman read the opinion ruling the utility holding company act unconstitutional. The eminent jurist who established the precedent for court invalidation of acts of Congress used that power sparingly. For he believed, and frequently expressed his view in lecisions, that the Constitution should be regarded not as a strait-jacket, but as a living and expanding charter of government to be interpreted to meet human crises. Os course, the founding fathers never dreamed of anything like the gigantic utility monopolies that exist today, nor of corporations, as we know them today, let alone holding companies to control corporations that other people own. Yet we have a Federal judge conceding that utility holding companies may be guilty of serious abuses, may by their spurious corporate devices obstruct and frustrate state regulation, may peddle watered stock to investors, may overcharge electric and gas consumers in an effort to support such overcapitalized structure, may concentrate control of farflung properties “in the hands of a few powerful groups having a relatively insignificant stake in thenownership; that such concentration has tended substantially to restrict competition.” Nevertheless, the judge says, a national public interest does not exist. “Every exercise of congressional power,” he says, “must find its justification in some authority delegated by the Constitution. If such authority is lacking, then it matters not how impotent or unwilling the states may be or may appear to be, with respect to the desired ends, Congress may not interfere.” We can not bring ourselves to believe that majority of the justices of the Supreme Court—when and if a properly instituted test case of the holding company law reaches that tribunal—'will subscribe to a confession that the Constitution makes our government incompetent to govern.

HENRY FAIRFIELD OSBORN 'T'HE death of Henry’ Fairfield Osborn severs one A of the few remaining temporal links with Darwin and Huxley, the great pioneer evolutionists. Osborn dug deep into the past of man and other creatures of the earth and showed that their rise in the history of this planet followed true natural laws. The American Museum of Natural History in New York is a monument to Mr. Osborn, who for a quar-ter-century built its collections and its influence and flung effective exploratory expeditions into far corners of the world. MISS EARHART PROTESTS OPHE resignation of Helen Richey, the first woman to be licensed as a commercial air pilot, brings a protest from Amelia Earhart. It should. If the Commerce Department sticks to its ruling that women pilots are unfitted for the dangerous work of flying in bad weather, only the limited field of stunt flying, exploration and private piloting will be open. Perhr.ps not many transport companies would engage women pilots. Yet it seems to us that companies should have that liberty. Helen Richey has proved that she is able to handle commercial ships. As time goes on there will be other Helen Richeys. Much of the best flying, as well as much of the best motor driving, is done by women. ENGLAND AND THE KELLOGG PACT TT'ROM Paris comes the report that Great Britain * and Italy are acting to lessen the danger of war in the Mediterranean. It is high time. It is impossible to escape the impression that for weeks Britain, as the stronger power, has been guilty of violating the spirit if not the letter, of the Bri-and-Kellogg Pact “outlawing war as an instrument of national policy.” Long before the League of Nations took action at Geneva, Britain concentrated her powerful armada in the Mediterranean in a demonstration against Italy. In reply to queries, London’s authorized spokesmen made the surprising statement that the mobilization had nothing to do either with the League or Ethiopia. It was due to an anti-British campaign in the Italian pre c s! We have seen Japan take such drastic measures against Chine, but to our knowledge a great European power never before has mobilized its navy by way of reply to newspaper articles. That the British government actually believed Italy was on the point of starting a war against the mighty British Empire

as an opener for the campaign in Ethiopia is a little too much to swallow. Then why the mobilization? The only plausible answer is that Britain was using war—or the threat thereof—as an instrument of national policy to gain her ends against Italy. In the most dramatic fashion conceivable, she thus served notice on Mussolini that Britain disapproved of an Italian protectorate along her Red Sea route, and that, if necessary, she was prepared to resort to war to stop it. Now. it is related, Britain and Italy are about to come to an understanding with regard to the Mediterranean. We trust the report will be substantiated fully. The Italian-Ethiopian-League menace to world peace is enough without the addition of the peril of a private war between Britain and Italy. THE MOTOR SHOW T%ATANY cities have automobile shows; few have -*-*■*■ any with the same interest and distinction as that given annually in Indianapolis. This state was the home of the motor car. Its people have given famous names to the history of the industry’. Indiana put wheels under the Union Army in the Civil War. Indiana predicted, by the work of pioneer motor builders, the present age of beautiful and mechanically satisfactory personal and industrial transportation. Exhibitors this year are encouraged by a more plentiful supply of money among prospective purchasers and better credit conditions. More families today are able to buy than at any time since 1929. The added trade fillip of a November show of new cars, with its suggestion of preparing for the winter, makes them feel optimistic. Automobiles belong to Indiana. Our people like to use them. They take pride in the ownership of the new. May the Indianapolis show be the forerunner of a year of profitable business of the kind longed for! Dealers and manufacturers feel that way about it. We hope their expectations are realized.

SOUND CITY GOVERNMENT big industrial town of Bridgeport, Conn., in the heart of Tory New England, on Tuesday reelected its Socialist Mayor Jasper McLevy with twice his 1933 majority and sent a 100 per cent Socialist council to the City Kali. On the same day the voters of Reading, Pa., elected former Mayor Harry Stump and an entire Socialist slate. These victories were not due, of course, to the people’s desire for socializing Bridgeport’s and Reading's industries and overturning capitalism. Nor were they due to the names of their Mayors-elect, both happy ones from the political viewpoint. They were due to records for efficient and honest city government. Mr. McLevy, a roofer when he won the mayoral seat two years ago, ran the city according to his campaign promises. He sold the expensive limousine in which his dignified predecessor rode and sent the two policemen who drove it back to their beats. He started kicking out wasters and political hangers-on and initiated the merit system in the police and fire departments. He began running a city as he would run a private business. Harry Stump was a cigar maker in 1928 when he and a council majority of Socialist working men started running their factory city. They hired experts to reappraise and equalize assessments on city property. ran the general tax rate down to Gne of the lowest in the state, saved a half million on the City Hall, with which they built two schools, and otherwise did a bang-up capitalistic job of administering. The administrators of government in Bridgeport, Reading and Milwaukee aren’t revolutionary, unless good government could be called such. And their cities will not shy at labels as long as they get it. Sound city administration by any name smells sweet.

OFF THE ROAD yj EPUBLICANS are getting a laugh out of the confusion of one Gerald MacDonald, a New York State Democratic candidate for the Assembly, who took the wrong road upstate, drove into Connecticut by mistake and started haranguing a crowd of Yankees at a filling station. But what about some of the strange roads G. O. P. leaders are wandering these foggy days? The Hamiltonian party making its campaign on the issue of states’ rights? Borah, a fellow-Republican of Andy Mellon’s, starting forth to fight monopoly? Hoover, late of the Scofflaw Era, raising the standard of constitutionalism? The red-baiting Hamilton Fish calling his party back to liberalism? Col. Fletcher, spokesman for the party of Grundy, Smoot et al., fighting Triple A’s tariff-for-farmers? When the erring Gerald found himself making a speech in the wrong state he doubtless felt like reaching for a certain kind of cigaret. But what will the Grand Old Party do to hide its embarassment when its sons stump their way into such funny places?

A WOMAN’S VIEWPOINT By Mrs. Walter Ferguson \ YOUNG man, on the verge of marriage with a woman who has confessed several previous love affairs, asks two questions: Does knowledge of a wife’s past experience make a husband suspicious, jealous and unhappy? Does promiscuity so harden a woman that in reality she cheats her husband and herself out of an emotional reaction which should be theirs? I am inclined to say “yes” to both questions, and certainly ' congratulate the young man for locking his problem in the face. Off-hard, we might all warn him against the matrimonial venture. But off-hand judgments are apt to be unwise. Any one who has lived long enough to see love march triumphant over all obstacles, or to observe disaster overtaking our socalled “perfect matches,” would hesitate to pronounce a verdict. Modern man—let it be said to his credit—has shown a tendency to forgive and forget errors made through misplaced love. He is beginning to see that woman, too, can be a victim to its wiles, and that one sin does not necessarily make a sinner. But I doubt whether he will ever be willing to overlook entirely the deliberate sell-out of chastity in women—for popularity, for a good time, for excitement, which are some of the excuses now offered for moral lapses. It everlastingly will be true that love is not the casual thing to women that it can be to men. When it becomes so we shall be lost beyond redemption. At least, the time is not yet here when inexperience is counted a drawback for a marriageable girl, although a few scientists argue that it should be. Fortunately or unfortunately, emotion and not science makes our marriages, and so long as the average man holds within his heart a subconscious longing for purity—just so long will he seek this quality in the woman he loves. We’ve only gone to war to protect American lives and property? I’ve even gone to towns where we had to send an American ahead of us to be sure there was one there to protect when we got there.—Qen. Smedley D. Butler.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

Squaring The Circle With McCREADY HUSTON

RULE No. 756 of Indiana politics sets forth that members of the Legislature must publicly deplore a special session as a calamity. In fact, a candidate must qualify as a Grade A deplorer before he can be nominated. Any member, after his first term, is expected to be able to deplore for hours. The truth is, of course, that a special session gives a Representative or Senator an acceptable excuse to get away from home for a while. If he lives in Indianapolis the excuse holds for staying downtown all the time. The local member doesn’t have to explain his absence from the family dinner table. He can always be in a committee meeting. The technicality that the meeting is in a cocktail lounge, as bars are called in these strange days, is not ruled a foul. A special session is something every member craves but will not confess. The provision that the Governor can not limit the discussion probably was written into the basic law by some member from Tippecanoe County who was tired of carrying the ashes out to the alley. In another state a special session is called an “extraordinary” session. I like that. It should be used everywhere. Because it would be extraordinary if none were held. a a a /~\NE likes the informal conversation of athletes. They chum up genuine pieces of humor as the hours wear on. I ran into a former football player the other day and he was telling me about one who shall be nameless, but who was appointed head coach at a univeisity and wished to show up looking his best. My informant remarked that the gentleman bought and showed up in a baseball umpire’s suit. Which I think is description of a high order. a a a T SEE by the papers some dry says the old-time saloon must not come back. I seem to recall reading this before. It must have been in the days when people said, “Give us light wines and beers and we won’t ask for hard liquor.” It is easy to reassure the gentleman. The old-time saloon would not be economically sound. It could not compete with the new-time saloon. The new is to the old as a 1936 car is to a T-model. As the old-time saloon has been pictured to me by persons who knew persons who had been in one, it did nbt have pretty girl customers sitting on tall stools before modernistic bars. It did not have richly upholstered furniture nor softly shaded lamps. It did not furnish napkins. I am told on good authority it had whisky, but that is about all it had in common with the new-time saloon. To say that the old-time saloon could come back is as uninformed as to say that repeal did away with the speakeasy. a a a OFEAKING, as I seem to be, of saloons, Pat Manion, the state National Emergency head, was telling me the other day about Vincent Fagan, the South Bend architect, who was retained to design a tap room when outside signs, inviting the customers, were restricted. Fagan decided to get around the difficulty by calling the place the Brandywine Tavern, which would say all in Neons. But when he looked up the battle of the Brandyvine, in order to make his murals accurate, he discovered that the lugged Continentals took a beating there. So that was out. EDUCATION WEEK BY F. R. E. Galileo proclaimed more * than 300 years ago that the earth moved, he was forced to recant. When Bruno support the Copernican theory of the universe, he was burned at the stake. When the eclipse came, men prostrated themselves in terror. When famine, plague, and pestilence struck, people looked on in horror—helpless to defend themselves. Galileo's discoveries of those early, : scientific playthings which today we call the clock, the thermometer, the compass, the telescope, were perhaps more astounding and farreaching than any of today. Was he honored, aided, provided funds for further research as a Dr. Banting or a Compton is today? No. Galileo’s college teaching job paid him 15 cents a day. He finally was | forced to recant. ; It is not enough simply to develop ideas within the college walls. That i was one failure of education in j Galileo's day. People aid not understand. The aims and accomplishments of education were not interpreted to them. Today people are asking: Does education pay? Does it pay to have one million boys and girls in Amerjican colleges? It is undoubtedly true j that discoveries concerning human | nature have not kept pace with | those concerning nature. Still one ; reason wny the American nation has ' not followed European nations with revolutions of blood rather than with revolutions of the ballot probably is that American citizens probhad more training in universities and colleges than any other people in the world. Education Week is here. The nation is again taking stock of its schools and colleges. All of this helps in giving us an education that means something. At least we no longer bum our professors at the stake.

STILL IN THE HOLDING BUSINESS!

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The Hoosier Forum 1 wholly disapprove of what you say—and will defend to the death your right to say it. — Voltaire.

(Times repders are invited to exvress their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded. Make vour letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them, to 250 words or less. Your letter must be signed, but names will be withheld on reouest .) aaa PAGING HEYWOOD BROUN FOR UPPER LEFT COLUMN By Guy D. Sallee Oh, where is our Heywood Broun tonight? But look who you’ve got in his column, Editor! A real general, who is forever blowing bubbles in the face of his sick chicken. Asa columnist, he’s a flop. Proof —here ’tis. The General says in his column The Way I See It: “His sorrow’s crown of sorrow is that the popular misconception of his gluttonous, but foodless feast,” etc., etc. Believe it or not, the General’s column on Farley Wednesday qualifies for Ripley’s Museum of Oddities. I suspect the General is either locoed or buckeyed so we say to him, “Go west, young man, go west, and grow up with the country.” Give us in the left-hand column our own Heywood Broun. We like him because his opinions and criticisms are typically Broun’s. That’s how we know him, and why we like his column. B B B SUPERIORITY COMPLEX LAID TO JOHNSON By J. L. N. Gen. Hugh S. Johnson having completed his summary of the Roosevelt Cabinet, has only condemnation for each of several very sincere and able administrators. Who is this self-styled genius of superiority complex to denounce the successful efforts of these qualified executives? If the general does not know it, the country at large does know, that he has proven to be the champion of fizzlers in almost every attempt either in private or public life, therefore should be the last to condemn others. If the President is due any criticism for any appointments, the selection of the general—even a second time—after fizzling the first, probabiy is outstanding. Had the President only appointed the general to fill every one of the offices in the cabinet, possibly the country by this time would be the example of perfection and have a satisfied citizen in the “now col-1 umnist” who may see, but never understand. aaa PUBLIC-OWNED UTILITIES AND 5-CENT FARES HAILED By \\. H. B. There are signs in the Indianapolis street cars stating the Indian- ; apolis Sireet Railways Cos. paid

Questions and Answers

Inclose a 3-cent stamp (or reply when addressing any question of fact or information to The Indian* apolis Times Washington Information Bureau. Legal and medical advice can not be given, nor can extended research be undertaken. Be sure all mail is addressed to The Indianapolis Times Washington Bureau. Frederick M. Kcrby. Director. 1013 Thirteenth-st, N. W., Washington. D. C. Q—Was Julius Caesar the first living ruler to have his portrait on coins. A—King Ptolemy I of Egypt in 306 B. C. was the first. Q—To what tribe did the Susquehanna Indians belong, and where did they live? A—They were a tribe of the Iroquoian stock, living in 1608 on the lower portion of the Susquehanna River and its affluents. Asa separate body they were driven out of their former lome about 1076 by the Iroquois, and they merged with other tribes, principally with the Meherrins. Q —Who wrote “Home on the Range”? A- -David Guyon.

$280,000 in taxes in 1934. This is the only argument for corporation ownership of the street railway business. If the street car system was owned by the city, we might ride for 5 cents and the profits to the city would then be more than the amount of taxes now paid. And, while we are talking about it, the same might be said of gas, electric and water works, telephones, and all other public utilities. Also, while on the subject, are not the clothing factory, furniture factory, hat factory, glue factory, et cetera, also public utilities since they serve the public need? But, then, that would be Socialism, and under no consideration must we have that, for it would prevent the idle rich from living in luxurious splendor by paying starvation wages to the workers and selling the product for all the traffic will stand. Property rights must be preserved, and to hell with human rights. a a a STILL MORE COMPLAINT ABOUT DRIVERS By G. H. Having read a letter from B. H. in your Forum column Tuesday, I am prompted to add the following: Have you noticed that most all drivers, including the police now and then, use their bright lights while driving right here in town and that frequently cars are parked at the curb with bright lights burning? Why don’t the police break up this practice? Have you noticed that truck drivers use the center of the street; especially on West-st? I also saw a police car being driven leisurely along W. 16th-st last Sunday, astraddle the line that divides the slow and fast lanes, causing passing drivers either to drive on the wrong side of them or use the wrong side of the street. Have you noticed that the trackless trolleys are not pulling to the curb in a great many instances, but are stopping in the middle of the street? I followed one on N. Penn-sylvania-st a few days ago from 16th-st to 9th-st before I could get around. Have you noticed the trash on the street from time to time due to trucks being overloaded? Only last week I saw a truck loaded with broken glass being driven south on N. West-st. The glass was heaped on the truck so that the top of the mound was about two feet above the sides. aaa PLENTY OF SHOUTING, BUT WHERE’S THE FIRE? By Jack B. Hamming The Republican Party should bow its head in shame over the results in the Tuesday election in New York. In this off-year election, the people of the state of New York 'voted Democratic by the record majority of 600.000, yet through manipulation and gerrymandering, the Assembly will be Republican. It is an absurdity to say this Assembly

Q—Which umpire in a baseball game is the umpire-in-chief? A—The umpire who calls the balls and strikes at the plate. ~Q —What does the name Gennaro mean? A—lt is an Italian name derived from the Latin god Janus, for whom the month of January was named. Q—Hew were the earliest golf balls made? A—By stuffing feathers into a small leather cover and sewing the seams to form a small hard sphere. It was called a ‘'feathery,” and was superseded about 1845 by the "gutty,” a ball of solid guttapercha. The gutty ball was used until about 1899 when Coburn Haskell of Cleveland, 0., invented one consisting of a live rubber core tightly wound with rubber bands over which a gutta-percha cover was compressed and joined. The present balls are improved beyond the original Haskell construction, but are fundamentally the same.

will be truly representative of the people of New York State. Since the Republicans are crowing over this victory (?) the Democratic Party should willingly accept the challenge to use this New York vote as a standard and authority in judging the respective merits of the two parties in the coming campaign. The Republicans have been shouting the Democratic Party is taking away the rights of citizens and undermining our Constitution and the democratic form of our government. But basing the answers upon the New York vote, which party actually is guilty of these indictments? Which party is guilty of setting up a government which does not truly represent the voice of the people? Which party is guilty of trying to subvert the rights and interests of the voters, and although repudiated at the ballot box, trying to attain control through trickery? From the New York vote the answer is obvious. The people in the states in which elections were held indicated clearly that they strongly approved the leadership of President Roosevelt and the Democratic Party, but particularly, the Republicans should think more than twice before trying to use the New York vote as campaign ammunition.

CLODS BY JAMES D. ROTH As I am lowered in the clay, Weep not—’tis meant to be that way. All wounds will heal in time, I’ve paid my debt; I lie sublime. Look forward to a grander life, It’s promised and is free from strife. And I believe that this old earth, Is a proving ground, to test our worth. Sweet mystery—l know It now, Sweet peace is showing ’neath my brow. I’ve only gone to join the rest. When clods beat tattoo on my breast. DAILY THOUGHTS Is it not lawful for me to do what I will with mine own? Is thine eye evil, because lam good?—St. Matthew 20:15. NO possessions are good, but by the good use we make of them; without which wealth, power, friends, and servants, do but help to make our liv<)s more unhappy.— Sir William Temple.

SIDE GLANCES By George Clark

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“I never worried much about my condition until I talked with that beauty expert.”

NOV. 11, 1935

Washington Merry-Go-Round

BY DREW PEARSON and ROBERT S. ALLEN. WASHINGTON. Nov. 11.—Th® spectre of inflation, standing grimly behind the scenes, has begun seriously to disturb the peace of mind of the Administration. Ominous signs of a strong inflationary undertow are unmistakable. Real estate values are booming. commodity prices are on the wing, and the stock market is as restless as a boy with the hives. Added to these is the presence of an unprecedented total of $3,000,000.000 in bank reserves. The situation is as explosive as a cache of TNT. and to say that Administration master minds are worried is putting it mildly. Reason for their uneasiness is that they are undecided just what policy to pursue. They can clamp down at the start and risk nipping the briskly blooming prosperity rose in the bud. Or they can let matters take their course, with the danger of a run-away market and a crash just as the presidential campaign is getting under way. The temptation to keep hands off is very strong. A lively stock market, active real estate values and commodity prices on the upgrade are potent electioneering medicine. But on the other hand, a boom followed by a crash in the midst of the campaign would have disastrous political repercussions. So the New Dealers are scratching their heads in perplexity—tom between the tempting urge to take a flyer and gnawing fear that if their luck fails they will be caught short in the very vortex of the 1936 campaign. a a a 'T'HE unique factor in the situ* ation is that the New Dealers can take either course they choose. The government now has the complete whip hand to crack down on an inflationary trend. The 1933 and 1935 banking laws, plus the securities and stock exchange acts, give it power to exercise full control—provided there is the will and courage to do so. The Securities and Exchange Commission can stop stock manipulation by suspending suspected speculators. It has already taken such action against one prominent Wall Street broker, Michael J. Meehan. It has sent out confidential orders to its eight branch offices to be on guard for signs of stockrigging. SEC insiders whisper that certain market movements recently had all the earmarks of “forced pressure stoking.” a a a r I ''HE new banking statutes supplemented the SEC with other powerful measures. They prohibit corporations from lending their surplus funds for stock market operations. In 1928-29 millions of dollars from this source stimulated the frenzied gambling of the Coolidge Bull market. The banking statutes also provide for strict curbs on loans by banks to brokers. In addition, the Federal Reserve Board now has the power to fix marginal requirements. By the stroke of a pen it can raise them so high as to break the back of a run-away market instantly. This authority is so sweeping that the board may, if it sees fit, completely eliminate marginal trading. Finally, the Reserve Board has the means at hand to cope with the trouble-brewing problem of excessive bank reserves. Although the banks are free to lend to any borrower they consider a sound risk, or to buy securities themselves, the Reserve Board still has two mighty levers to bring the banks to heel. First, it can double reserve requirements, thus wiping out 1 most of the banks’ lending power. Second, the board can sell Its $2,430,000,000 of government securities in the open market. Either operation if fully carried through would practically mop up excess bank reserves. Such a drastic dosage would almost certainly be enough to cut the heart out of any inflation move. But if even this surgery did not suffice, the treasury is in a position to throw its tremendous restraining weight into the balance. (Copyright, 1935. bv United Feature Syndicate, Inc.)