Indianapolis Times, Volume 47, Number 209, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 November 1935 — Page 7

NOV. 9, 1935

It Seems to Me HEVM) BROUN MIAMI, Fla ~ Nov. 9.—ThLs, I hope. will be a column to end all storm columns in this quarter of the paper. Give the sweepers a few more hours and Miami hardly will know what hit it. Os course, some of 'he pep talks and the slogans now being dispensed freely have a little of the surprise quality of the agonized cry. "He can t hurt us!” which comes from a fighter's corner just after he has taken a he]t on the chin. But possibly this is said with the bitterness of one whose own suggestion for a state

motto has been so far consistently refused. My contribution to the work of rehabilitation was the timid proffer of the line, "Florida, the land of low taxes and high winds.” Quite a few people are trying to rob me of the privilege of saying in the years to come, "Well, during the big hurricane of 1935 f distinctly remember .” They say the wind never got above 85 miles an hour, while it takes 90 to get an official hurricane ranking. I suppose they are right, because I quit counting down in the early thirties. Still, one of my

Heywood Broun

scouts informs me that there were gusts w r hich hit 130, and this is the version which I choose to believe. ana Trees Mostly Pushovers, Any nay damage, however, is surprisingly small. A trip through Miami and along the beach shows that, few houses of any stamina suffered more than the loss of 10 or 12 tiles. Hundreds of trees are down, but the trees of the Florida, coast are most distinctly pushovers. Their roots are down only a foot or so. In fact on cairn days here there are plenty of palms which would topple if I happened to lean against them. In cases where roofs were taken off or buildings leveled flat the first estate of the structure was not vastly better than its last. And, curiously enough, many a hotdog stand or pineapple juice counter made out of a few' boards and a couple of strips of canvas still stands without a scar. Seemingly the storm was antimated by a distinctly aesthetic fervor. All along the line it reserved its particular fury for signs and billboards. One can drive for miles without seeing a single advertisement at the side of the road. Pow'er and light are slowly coming back to normal, but for weeks this part of Florida is likely to be completely in the. dark as to how to preserve the gums and equally ignorant as to what magic formula must be used in asking the clerk for a pack of cigarets. The motorist will not know which was the last spot of historic interest and how near the next, gas station is situated. And imagine his plight when he does reach a station. There will be nothing to remind him which fuel is indubitably the best. In other words, each visitor and native will have to make up his mind for himself, and there is great, fear and consternation about this crisis. Although not an expert on the technical problems involved, I venture the assertion that the local power concern, a member of one of the large holding companies. is a little slower than the w'ind in making the necessary repairs. Os course a great many poles'are down, but with a large reservoir of unemployed labor upon which to draw it almost seems as if somebody might be found to prop them up again. a a a Lesson in Miami for Fellow Citizens F SEE by the papers that the state of rny birth 1 seems to be swinging back into the Republican column. I advise my fellow citizens up North to come to Miami right away, not only to profit by the lovely climate (today is a honey), but also to get a first-hand lesson in the inefficiencies of rugged individualism. The mood of residents Is to ascribe the damage of the blow to bad luck or God. Neither the Creator nor the Goddess of Chance should be asked to take the blame. Stiffer building requirements, grounded power lines and ordinances against hanging signs would render a storm like that of Monday no more damaging than any one of a dozen thunder showers which New York takes in its stride every summer. And I think one other thing should be impressed upon Floridians. With any reasonable regimentation every dweller in an exposed spot could be assigned to a safe building for temporary shelter in the event of hurricanes. The hotels, to be sure, were generous enough in offering their lobbies to refugees whether with money or without. But that applied only to whites. The Negroes, with very few' exceptions, had to take the storm in their own flimsy shacks. The wind W'as not strong enough to blow down the color line. iConvrieht. 1935)

Your Health BY DR. MORRIS FISHBEIN-

NOW that the children are back in school and cold weather has begun, we begin to see evidences of the spread of those infectious diseases that pass from child to child. One condition that spreads rapidlv and seldom is understood by parents is the form of eruption called German measles. This disease resembles both scarlet fever and ordinary measles in appearance, but differs from them in the fact that it is mild, with a slight degree of fever and with few serious secondary complications. Usually German measles appears from 10 to 21 days after the child has first been in contact with another who has this disease. Ordinarily, about 13 days after such contact, the child feels slightly ill, and then there is a brilliant rash on the skin. ana npms rash usually appears next to the hair line A on the forehead. Its brilliant redness usually is mistaken for the rash of ordinary measles or scarlet fever. The child may have been sick four or five days before the rash first appears. The glands at the back of the neck are swollen and occasionally painful. The eyes sometimes may be inflamed, but in the majority of cases the condition is so mild that parents are likely to give it little attention. Because of the rapidity with which this disease spreads from one child to another, it is customary to permit the other children in the family to go to school for 10 days after the first child becomes sick, and then to remain home for the next 10 days, during which time they are likely to come down with the disease if they have been infected.

Today's Science BY SCIENCE SERVICE

AMERICAN lumbermen are interested vitally in the conservation of the nation's forests and are working toward a program of sustained yield ’umbering. Theodore M. Knappen. editor of the National Lumber Manufacturers’ Association, assures me in a letter from his Washington office. His letter is occasioned by a recent article of mine in this space in which I quoted Prof. Walter P. Taylor. senior biologist of the United States Biological Survey, upon the need of conservation. a tt a “T”\R. TAYLOR'S high purpose is unquestioned -LJand his statistics are approximately correct,” Mr. Knappen writes, “but. like many other writers who have fallen into 5 e habit of deploring deforestation of all kinds, he succeeds in leaving the impression that it might have been possible for the United States to have planned disposition ci its original forest wealth so that it could have been kept intact. ’ The only way that could have been done, as you will see if you glance at a forest map of the United States, was to have prevented the population and utilization of the territory east of the Mississippi and much of the rest. We could not have 681.000.000 acres o? 'original eastern forest’ and have 90.000.000 people occupying the same region as those acres. The 'forest primeval' supported only 300.000 aborigines. "No doubt the lumbering operations of the past were destructive, but as a general extenuation it is a fact ihat they were necessarily or properly physically. not economically, destructive, because they were to be followed by the complete clearing of the land for agriculture and other uses."

Listening to INDUSTRIAL AMERICA tt a a a a a a b a a a a a a a New England Feels Slighted, but Public Still Is For Roosevelt ’

FriTirr Hunt ha* toured the industrial region* nf America, listening to the spoken opinions of worker and employer alike. Today The Times presents the last nf six human, penetrating article* which Hunt wrote upon the completion of his reportorial tour. BY FRAZIER HUNT (Copyright. 1935. NEA Service, Inc.) CJMOKE rolls out of the tall chimneys of the ten thousand factories and mills of New England. For the first time in six years Connecticut, the tool-maker of the world, booms and bustles ; whistles again call men to work in Massachusetts; tiny Rhode Island works in double and triple shifts. Only New Hampshire is still. “In Bridgeport our industrial pay rolls for September were a full third larger than last year,” an informed Connecticut observer told me. “There is an actual shortage of skilled labor here.” Northward around Hartford and New Britain there was actual new factory construction going on. In Providence, R.. 1., an experienced political reporter had this to say of the industrial situation: “For the first time since ’29 our luxury-making trades are booming. Providence is the center of the jewelry industry of America and more than 300 shops are now running’ full blast. “In the neighboring Massachusetts towns of Attleboro and North Attleboro, also jewelry makers, orders are piling up faster than they can fill them. In Central Forks and Pawtucket a great thread company is running three shifts.” ana BUT the tragedy of shut-down plants still stalks through parts of New Hampshire. At Manchester the largest cotton mills in the world were closed when I visited there, and almost 12,000 men and women cotton workers were walking the streets. It is part of the whole New England textile lag. And in a way it is a curious revenge of time against northern cotton operators who fought against the unionization of the industry. Cheaper labor in Dixie slowly pulled like a mighty magnet the cotton spinning business to the Southland. Here was not only

Alf Landon s 'Common Sense' Phrase Is Picked Up by G. O. P. Editorial Writers and Campaign May Be Keyed to Those Words

BY THOMAS L. STOKES VITASHINGTON, Nov. 9. ’ ’ With a speech and a phrase Gov. Alf M. Landon of Kansas has catapulted himself toward the top of the heap of hopefuls who are scrambling for the Republican presidential nomination, in the view of political observers here today. Analysis of his address before the Cleveland Chamber of Commerce left no doubt here that he is out to get the party’s nomination. He was given credit for arguing his availability rather persuasively from the Republican standpoint, and for putting rather concisely, in one piece, what other aspirants have been trying to do W'ith a scatter of fire. As much as for anything else, Republicans who have been looking for issues and catch-words,

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cheap labor but docile labor—and no interfering laws. In 1922 there were 21,000.000 spindles in the North and 16,000,000 in the South. In 1935 there are 19,000,000 spindles in the South and 11,000,000 in the North, a a a ALL this explains in part the gloomy drama of the 12,000 unemployed cotton workers of Manchester, N. H. For two hours I sat in a bare room in the headquarters of a cotton local union and talked with a dozen jobless workers. A slender, dark-complexioned, youngish French-Canadian named Ernest Desruisaux spoke up first. “We don’t blame Roosevelt for the mills being closed down,” he began. “I think most of the workers are still for Roosevelt.” “Why not!” a heavily built, blueeyed young man named George Duval interjected. “Look what he’s done for us. I w’as getting $7.40 a week for 54 hours’ work before Roosevelt came.

w-ere thankful to Mr. Landon for the phrase “common sense,” w'hich may be heard far and w'ide in a few months from Republican orators. “Common sense must prevail,” he declared in summing uc his attack on New Deal expenditures and experiments. a it a TA EPUBLICAN editorial waiters already are taking it up. Gov. Landon. it is reported, was averse to getting himself into the race for the nomination too early and w'as sorry, after he had accepted the Cleveland invitation w'eeks ago, that he had made the engagement. His idea w'as to remain out of the picture for a time. But his friends have been active, and his speech comes just in time to catch the Landon boom as it develops.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

(Photo by Margaret Bourke-White)

A Study in Textiles

Now I work 40 hours and I get $lB. Why shouldn’t I be for Roosevelt? He’s done plenty to me already.” A thin, little Englishman cut in: “But there’s a lot of kicking about relief. Here I been walking the streets for four months. I got a wife and six children. “To get a WPA job I have to pauperize myself and go on relief. There is no w'ay for me to get a job. They got a rule that 74 per cent of all workers on WPA jobs must be taken from the relief rolls, and the other 10 per cent from w'hite collar guys. The setup is all w'rong—but I’ll stick to Roosevelt.” A powerful, heavy-jaw'ed man with a slight French accent, broke in: “There’s plenty of men walking the streets today who voted for Roosevelt—but they ain’t going to do it again.” a a a OUT on the street and across the tracks in the shadow of the great cold mills, I struck five men chinning on a street corner.

The Landon campaign has been handled skillfully. It became apparent some w'eeks ago that the Administration spending program w'as likely to become the most effective Republican issue. So the Landon people began to pass out stories about the Governor’s record of economy in Kansas. “The Coolidge of Kansas,” they began to call him. a a a IN his Cleveland speech, the -*• Governor stepped right into the pattern. He told how' he established a “pay-as-you-go” policy in Kansas by expanding the so-called “budget law” of his Democratic predecessor, Harry M. Woodring, and by his “cash basis” law preventing cities and other local units from spending more than they received;

“Cotton workers . . . sunning themselves on a stoop . . . were all critical of Roosevelt but only one (extreme left) said he would probably 'ote against him.”

I asked them how many Republicans they had around there. They grinned and shooed me on: "Ain’t no Republicans,” they shouted. “We’re all Roosevelt.” Farther down four unemployed cotton workers were sunning themselves on a stoop and arguing in French. I stopped and began talking politics. They were all critical of Roosevelt but only one of them said he would probably vote against him. He had voted for Hoover and he might do it again. It was the noon hour and on the curb in front of a long, frame shoe factory I ran into another group of four men. “We’re all for Roosevelt,” a white-haired man, minus part of his front teeth, declared. The others agreed. “I’d say 85 per cent of the 480 men working in the factory are for him. Why not?” a a a DOWN at Brockton, Mass., where they make more shoes for men than in any town in ihe world, I talked to an economist employed by the new Brotherhood of Shoe and Allied Craftsmen. “A large per cent of the workers are dissatisfied but they are not ready to change. I’d say 75 per cent of the men in the shoe industry will vote for Roosevelt.” Some 50 miles away, in Providence, you run into the scene of the recent massacre of the Democrats, when a 1934 Democratic congressional majority of 20,000 was turned into a 12,000 Republican majority. Neither friend nor foe can laugh off these startling figures. Local fights and factions—even religious quarrels—coupled with the fact that the Democrats were caught asleep at the switch, all

and how' he had fixed a taxation limit on real property. On great national issues he was vague, as candidates usually are. He seems to have accepted as sound politics the theory that it is not wise to declare oneself too early. Another Republican aspirant, Prank Knox, has had a back-fire from his advocacy of an export bounty for the farmer. Gov. Landon favors relief for the unemployed, but. as he put it, on a “pay-as-you-go” basis. This is safe enough for one who is not actually confronting the problem as a practical matter. He intimated that he is not averse to change, but that it must be care-

Public Attention Focused on Right-to-Die Movement

B,y Science Service T ONDON, Nov. 9.—The anony- •*— mous “confession” of a British physician that he had killed five persons willingly during the course of his medical practice has focused public attention here on proposed legislation for voluntary euthanasia. Euthanasia, often called the right-to-die movement, is death induced by a doctor on the request of a patient suffering from an incurable disease. It is not a “right to kill” edict for physicians, but puts the choice up to the patient and his relatives. Strict safeguards would be provided under the bill sponsored by leading British physicians, including the king's doctor, Sir Humphrey Bolleston; Sir Leonard Hill and Sir James Purves-Stew'art. Safeguards would include: 1. Sanction by the patient as the original applicant. 2. Sanction by the nearest relative or guardian.

Doubts Paul Redfern Lives Bn Science Service PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 9.—Serious doubt that Paul Redfern lives. a captive of jungle Indians in South America, was expressed here today by Dr. Vincenzo Petrullo, young explorer and anthropologist, just returned from studying South American tribes. From his own experience w’ith tribes in Northern South America. Dr. Petrullo believes that Indians would not kill a single white man thrown in their midst in a wrecked plane. However, in eight years he believes the lost aviator would have emerged, if alive, or would have been heard from definitely. Strongest of all arguments against Redfern’s survival. Dr. Petrullo considers, is the fact that Cardona's expedition was told nothing about the white man. Felix Cardona, a Spaniard on a geographic expedition, went through the region where Redfern is supposed to be hidden, in 1930. So great was the Indians’ confidence in Cardona that it would be strange if they failed to tell him about a white captive. Dr. Petrullo is convinced. The idea that Redfem may be idolized as a white deity fallen mysteriously from the skies is discounted by Dr. Petrullo. Airplanes are no great novelty to these Indians, he says. Planes of the Bra-zillian-Venezuelan boundary commission have flown around the region for years. Dr. Petrullo has been studying the Goajira Indians of Colombia, for the university museum, University of Pennsylvania.

contributed to the debacle, but it was a debacle just the same. Local whispering campaigns can spread over a nation. Little Haves in Ohio can join with the Big Haves just as easily in Ohio as in Rhode Island. But still one vast sectional difference remains; through the whole of the six states of New England marches a stubborn feeling that Roosevelt has cut New England adrift and that favors and relief money and great public works projects will go to the South and Middle West and to such states as Pennsylvania. ana Everywhere throughout the industrial East there is much criticism of the Administration There is deep concern about governmental expenidtures and the relief situation. There is little concern over the threatened constitutional changes. The coming prosperity is handicapped by the 10,000,000 unem ployed and by a blined desire for change. It is easy to overestimate this widespread surface criticism and reaction against the Administration. There is still a deal of mystic faith mixed up in the Roosevelt side. The Democratic “full dinner pail” and "he kept us out of war” will be tremendous factors as well. I am certain that no less than a hundred times did I receive a two-word answer in reply to my questions of whether or not plain men and women who make up the majority of voters would vote again for Roosevelt: “Why not? ’ I’ll leave it at that. the Tend

fully considered. He seemed to be avoiding the reactionary tag. Farmers, reading his speech, could not find out just what he would do for them, thougn he said that the farmer must get a fair price for his products comparable to those of other industries, that farming is a national probiem, and that the farmer is entitled to equal protection in the domestic market wdth industry—all of which has been conceded before by ReI publicans as well as Democrats. The Kansas Governor, apparently, intends no early enlightenment on method. The Roosevelt farm program is popular in his section of the country.

3. Sanction by two physicians specially licensed to provide opinions on the desirability of euthanasia. 4. Sanction by a “euthanasia referee” specially appointed by the minister of health. The new law' would also insist that the patient's application be signed by two • witnesses, one appointed by the government. There would further be an inquiry into the proper settling of the applicant's business and monetary affairs. Sponsors of the bill hope that abuse of the proposed powers by unscrupulous or distracted relatives of an incurable sufferer would be almost always prevented by these strict precautions. While opposition on religious grounds is powerful, a number of prominent religious leaders and social workers have expressed themselves in favor of the measure.

Fair Enough fESnUHrEIER GENEVA, Nov. 9.—Among the more substantial evidences of peace which are to be seen in Geneva are a collection of the most ponderous, oxlike. flatfoot fly-cops that it would be possible to assemble if you were to comb all the police departments of all the world. In fact, it was only bv combine the police departments of the world that the Geneva collection was assembled. Thev come from Russia and Scotland Yard. Rumania. Italy and Czechoslovakia, among other lands, and they sit

and sit by the hour in the lobbies of the de luxe hotels or lurk at servants’ entrances waiting for assassins to appear and bomb or shoot such princes of peace as Signor Aloisi of Italy. Anthony Eden of Great Britain. Benes of Czechoslovakia, the Aga Khan of India, familiarly known to the irreverent press as the Gaga Kahn, or the astonishing Mister Titulescu, Foreign Minister of Rumania. It would be difficult to describe Mister Titulescu with any less excited word than astonishing, for

though he is a man of about 50 years, all vigorous, vivacious and graceful, he has an extraordinarily pink skin and smooth complexion and apparently never has found it necessary to shave. Mr. Titulescu is one of the most adroit and slippery princes of peace in the game, and every one pa vs him the compliment of suspecting his motives in everything he does and says, than which no higher recognition could be desired by any prince of peace. ana Pursuing the Elusive Phantom MR. TITULESCU and his suite of secretaries, clerks and Rumanian fly-cops make their headquarters at the Hotel Des Bergues. one of the really de luxe hotels on the shores of Lake Geneva. And at a time when Mr. Laval of France is present with his Parisian fly-cops and the Poles and Italians are present with theirs, the Hotel Des Bergues bears an interesting resemblance to the back room of old-time Chicago police stations in the days of Mr. Doo ey. Mi. Edens hotel is the Beau Rivage, also on the lake shore and even more de luxe than the Hotel Des Bergue.,-. '"'here, Mr. Benes also pursues the elusive phantom of peace backed by the usual complement of howitzers, machine guns and tanks. Mr. Eden’s party often amounts to 25 or 30, including two or three Scotland Yard fly-cops, who not only scrutinize visitors entering ali doors, but stand watches on his floor. a a a Cost of Peace Is High TT will be understood readilv from this and from 1 a mere citing of the fact that a single room in a non-de luxe hotel in Geneva costs $5 a day that the precious boon of peace, like the curse of war. is no slight burden on taxpayers. Possibly that’s why peace is threatened these days. It's a luxury which poor nations scarcely can afford. It is your correspondent’s honor at this writing to be quartered in two rooms in the somewhat les3 de luxe but not exactly squalid Hotel Richemond, which often has been occupied bv Maxim Litvinoff’ Russian foreign minister. Mr Litvinoff did not attend the current fight over peace, but sent, instead Mr. Potemkin. Soviet Ambassador to Paris who*e hair, rather appropriately, is red. Mr. Litvinoff oruinarily requires a suite of only two rooms, whose carpets, hangings and bedspreads are red. Mr. Potemkin, as befits his inferior position in a dictatorship of the proletariat which abolished rank occupies more modest quarters and has fewer flycops, but fly-cops nevertheless, who are downstairs this moment casting dull, dumb glances at all who enter Hotel Richemond. p W ?I V u Ue ! f , all u theSe fly - cops is that nobody evei would mistake them for anything but flatfoot fly-cops, consequently nobody ever starts anything. hey Slt and f ifc ' dull - dumb, ponderous, and eat at the expense of their countrymen, waiting tor the emergency when, like Huey Long’s celebrated thugdJaw “ hC CallGd thCm ’ thCy WiU bs to ° late on the

In Defense BY GEN. HUGH S. JOHNSON.

T"\ ALLAS, Tex., Nov. 9.—in a recent critical , article on the State Department, with special eference to agricultural export markets. I said <On the economic side, our foreign policy is a failure ’ With their usual liberalism, the Scripps-Howard mem? llsne . d the article - adding editorial comments and cartoons. I have not seen all of them the\tm 3l ' ner . a1 ’ theV " ere derogatory in essence to tne statements quoted. One editorial remarked. “We think it unfair.” In support of the charge of “unfairness” it cited a “ exports between 1932 and 1934 from $1,611 - t 0 s2 ’ l32 '<™.°oo- and a rise in imports from $1,322,000,000 to $1,655,000,000. The editorial asserted also. In the first eight months of this year they have approached closer to a healthy balance ’ This record doesn’t look like failure.” The answer is that “this record" isn’t “the record” by which to measure the success or failure of economic policy. If there is anything “unfair” in the premises, it is this particular use of figures. In the first place, I was talking especially of agricultural foreign trade, but let that pass for a moment. it a a TN 1932 a pound sterling, for example, when turned A into our money was $3.50. We devalued the dollar in 1933 and, during that year, the exchange rate rose so that the average for the year was $4.32. In 1934, the rate rose to above $4.80. Other foreign currencies rose similarly. Now' that ledgerdemain doesn’t provide any more pounds sterling in England or francs in France to buy our w’heat or cotton. It doesn’t increase our actual exports by one ounce, but it does increase the figure of export on paper. It is a device to raise prices of such products to American consumers and that is all it is. But the success of our foreign economic policy is not measured by this partial balance showing foreign trade in merchandise only, but by our total balance of trade. The latter perfectly shocking record amply sustains my assertion of failure. For the four depression years. 1930-1933. our favorable balance of total trade was $1,768,000,000. For 1934. our unfavorable balance was $970,000,000, and for the first six months of the eight 1935 months during which this editorial says we got even more healthy, it was $902,000,000 in the red! In a year and a half w r e lost more than we gained in four preceding depression years. Does that look like a failure? Our share of the world's total export trade was 15.8 per cent in 1929, 12.8 per cent in 1932. and 9 5 per cent in 1934 —the lowest since 1913 and a loss of relative position since 1929 of 40 per cent! That is the true test of success or failure in international competition. a tt a GETTING down to the real criticism I made—agricultural exports: In the cotton year 1933 we exported 8.419.000 bales; in 1934. 7.534.000 bales; in 1935, 5,000,000 bales—a rapidly vanishing trade. We used to export as much as 200,000.000 bushels of wheat and flour. Even in 1932, we exported 54,000.000 bushels of wheat. In the year ending June 30. 1935. we exported only 2,500.000 bushels and we imported 14,000.000 bushels! We are losing this business and losing these markets. Dollar devaluation is a massive forgiveness of Europe's debts to us both public and privte. We are losing our position as a creditor nation and on current fiscal transactions are actually in a debtor position now'. It is a guileless and daily destruction of our international strength. How any man could designate as “unfair” a criticism that a foreign economic policy which has produced those results is a failure, is beyond me I wonder if it is not the editorial and the cartoons which are “unfair.” (Copyright. 1936. by United feature Syndicate. Inc.)

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Westbrook Pegler