Indianapolis Times, Volume 47, Number 207, Indianapolis, Marion County, 7 November 1935 — Page 13
The Way I See It MKJOBON (Batting for Hey wood Broun) WASHINGTON, Nov. 7.—There is no Constitutional requirement for our government to have any particular form of organization in the executive branch—no changeless reason why there should be a State Department or a Commerce or any other department. But there is an overwhelming reason why it should correspond to some pattern which, in human experience, leads to a possibility of co-ordination and administrative control. II there was one thing uoon which the platform
and the candidate were explicit, it was that there should be given form, intelligence, and simplicity to the great sprawling labyrinth of Federal confusion. If there was one thing upon which they poured scathing denunciation, it was on the recent alarming growth of independent and unrelated bureaus, commissions and Federal agencies. All that had ever gone before was simplicity itself compared with the regular rat’s nest of scraps and snarls and tangles of Federal disorganization which has grown up in the past three years. One hundred and thirty
Gen. Johnson
separate and independent agencies now report direct to the President. No great human organization ever functioned well wit 1 ‘Hon six principal departments reporting to a sin*,,. .. ve. They pursue contradictory policies and cancel out each other’s efforts as did NRA and FTC. or the Interior Department in reclaiming worthless land and the Department of Agriculture in retiring it lrom cultivation. Some detest others and cut each other’s throats at every opportunity. The country has never seen a more grotesque and absurd contest than the recent one between Hopkins and Ickes as to who should do exactly the same thing. Icke s boys were stirring up modern telegraphic campaigns against Hopkins' efforts, and the President had to take them both away to prevent a more open collision. n ft a A’o System, He Char yes HALF a dozen different departments are engaged in housing, at least five major departments in finance on an unprecedented scale, and the statistical effort of the government, is scattered all over the lot with no adequate result anywhere. It takes a guide to do business with t u ' , limitless labyrinth, and in many important matters you never know if you have a final answer. If you could line up, like a company of infantry, these chiefs of section wielding unparalleled power, you would be instantly impressed by one overwhelming thought. Who ever heard of 90 per cent of them before? What did they ever do? What do they stand for? Theoretically, that might be a virtue, but practically it has not so proved. There are not ten of these agencies oi which it can be fairly said—‘That was a good job well done.” The severest indictment of this Administration is that it has proceeded without system, organization or competent leadership. (Copyright. 1935. bv United Feature Syndicate. Inc.)
Your Health BY DR. MORRIS FISHBEIN
NOW that the value of drinking water for health is recognized generally, more and more attention is being given to the question of .securing a good water supply for every community. When water is absolutely pure, that is io say chemically pure, it has no taste and no odor, but it also is exceedingly flat. If air is bubbled through such water, it becomes agreeable. When drinking water has a definite taste, mineral matter will be found dissolved in it, and frequently gases also are he'd in solution. People who get used to drinking hard water find that soft water tastes fiat, like rain water. a a a IF drinking water has an odor, few human beings will care to use it. Most of the objectionable odors which develop in water are caused by the decay of various parasites, germs and plant material, or by interaction of various chemical substances with such materials. Sometimes water which tastes bad does so because of the odor. Our sense of taste is largely an appreciation of odor. Frequently chlorination results in a bad taste and a bad odor. Sometimes the chlorine in the drinking water is combined chemically with waste materials from industrial plants. This will produce a taste and odor like that of iodoform. Nowadays, water in large cities is subjected constantly to analyses and studies by departments of health. They are quick to detect the presence of a foreign substance responsbile for taste and odoi. and to take steps necessary to remove them.
Today s Science BY DAVID DIETZ
VILHJALMUR STEFANSSON, the famous Arctic explorer, is in good health today, seven years after his startling experiment of living for a year upon an exclusive diet of meat. A medical examination of Mr. Stefansson by Dr. Clarence W. Lieb of New York, is published in the current issue of the American Journal of Digestive Diseases and Nutrition. Dr. Lieb was a member of the committee under whose auspices Stefansson went on his meat-eating marathon at the Russell Sage Foundation at Belleview Hospital. He examined the explorer frequently during the year and has examined him annually since. a a a STEFANSSON became convinced of the possibility of an all-meat diet from his contacts with the Eskimos during the 11 1 - years which he spent within the Arctic Circle as a member of various expeditions. During those years he frequently lived for days at a time upon nothing but meat. The grand total of such days amounted to nine years, about 78 per cent of the total time that he spent in the Far North. The longest p n riod during which he lived upon an all-meat diet was nine months. He reported that the' exclusive meat diet worked equally well when he was active or inactive, and equally well in hot or cold weather. Because of the interest in Stefansson's claims, the experiment was set up at the Russell Sage Foundation. Not only Stefansson, but another explorer, Anderson, undertook to live on the same diet. Dr. Raymond Pearl of Johns Hopkins University was chairman of the committee in charge.
Times Books
FROM Joel Chandler Harris to Roark Bradford, authors have been tapping the mine of Southern Negro folk lore and getting rich returns. That the vein is still workable is shown by "Mules and Men,” by Zora Hurston. (Lippincott; $3.) Miss Hurston is a young Negro woman who went to Florida from Columbia University to collect folk The Florida Negroes didn't understand what she wanted at first; but when at last they realized that she just .vanted them to sit around end “tell dem big lies’’ thn‘ they were so fond of telling, they rallied 'round and unhurdened themselves. She has set down in this bouK what she heard. Myths, tall tales, poet c fancies—they are here in profusion. Brer Rabbit figures in these tales in typical Uncle Remus sty? John Henry also has his innings, the devil stalk, the earth to be outwitted by simple colored folk and the profound religious instinct of the race voices itself in unpretentious, haunting poetry. The second part of her book is a complete account of this, strange combination of magic and religion which holds so large a part of colored America in thrall. tßy Bruce Cation.) <
Full Lea*pd Wire Service of the United Press Association
Listening to INDUSTRIAL AMERICA
Hunt Rubs Elbows With Average Voters in ‘The American Ruhr
On his reportoria! tour of the nation's industrial regions. Frazier Hunt stops in the Ohio manufacturing centers to talk intimately, and informally with the workers. How they are faring, what they are thinking, saying and doing in these turbulent times one year before another presidential election, is faithfully recorded in the accompanying article—the fourth of six. BY FRAZIER HUNT (Copyright. 1935. NEA Service. Ir.c.i JT was noon and the cigar store, opposite one of the great tire factories in Akron, was crowded with rubber workers. The place is a curious combination store, restaurant, bee:- parlor and hang-out, with a busy pool hall in tho rear. Here you can rub elbows with hundreds of Mr. Average Voters. In Akron that means tire workers almost 50,000 of them. Even at the risk of monotonous repetition I’m going to take hot from my notebook the bits of conversations and observations I wrote on the spot that day as I buttonholed one man after another. ‘‘Tall, good-looking youngish man from shipping department of a factory: ‘l’d say most of the boys I work with would vote for Roosevelt. He’s helped. The rubber code is still in force here. I get a dollar an hour for 36 hours work a week. I sure ain’t kicking. I suppose 75 per cent of the men in the factories are for Roosevelt.’ ” On the next page I find this: “Man with sleeves rolled up over hairy arms. Works in experimental shop. ‘l’d say 85 per cent of factory people are for Roosevelt. There is no doubt in my mind about that.’ ” tt tt tt THEN I find this on the same page: “Weil dressed young wouldn’t give him another chance ... I don’t know nothing about who the Republicans will run but I doubt if I’ll vote for him anyway. I ain’t made up my mind yet.’ ” The next note reads as follows: “Tall man about 40. ‘Roosevelt ain’t near as strong as he was. I'd say about 60 per cent of the people are with him. He's going as fast as he can under the present system. He’ll carry Akron all right.’ ” Apparently the next man figured he might as well give me both barrels at once and have it over with. “Heavy set, deep voiced man from mechanical department. “There’s 700 in my department and they’re just about 99 per cent for Roosevelt. Lots of people who voted against him in ’32 will vote for him next year.”’ Now for a woman and I’ll cease firing. “Girl about 30 who works among wives for a local union. 'l'd say 80 per cent of women working in factories are for Roosevelt. Most of the wives of workers are bitter against the high cost of living, but they don't blame Roosevelt. They think he ought to have another term to see what he can do.’ ” tt tt tt ALL these blended together make up what I truly believe is the mighty voice of the industrial worker of the American Ruhr. From the busy ports on Lake Erie south to the soft coal hills that wet their fee, in the beautiful Ohio River, stretches this almost continuous chain of lactories and mills and machine shops. A hundred little Krupps turn out their steel and tires and tools and cars and airplanes and gadgets of every kind and description. It is the work shop of America. And it is likewise the political center of America. Its 26 electoral votes are not only important
'Dupe Tells of Weird Scheme to Discredit U. S. Official by Impersonation Ruse; Involves Senator Chavez, Who Denies Blame
BY MAX STERN Times Special Writer WASHINGTON, Nov. 7. A weird story of political intrigue involving U. S. Senator Dennis Chavez <D., N. M.) was told here today by a man describing himself as a "dupe'’ in a purported plot to discredit Edgar Puryear, secretary of the late Senator Bronson Cutting iR.. N. M.) and who now is personnel director for PWA. The affair has been investigated by Secretary Harold L. Ickes. The “dupe'’ is William Wightman Phillips, young publicity man and ghost writer, who came to the capital from Florida two years ago. Found living in a modest basement room, he angrily admitted he had been used in* "what looks like a small-town, tin-horn, back-woods plot of political schemers.” The “plot” was apparently designed to cast suspicion on Mr. Puryear's loyalty to the Administration by making it appear that he had offered Mr. Phillips a publicity job with the Republican National Committee. HERE ts Mr. Phillips' story: “Last August my apartment was robbed, and I was out of a job. Right below me was an apartment rented in the name of Senator Chavez's son. Living there were Joe Martinez. Senator Chavez's secretary; Tibo Chavez, a relative, and several others. They proposed that I move in with them and share expenses. I did. “Two weeks later I was called to the phone one A
The Indianapolis Times
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in themselves but it can almost be said that as Ohio goes so goes the nation. From the turn of the century its population has piled up in its dozen cities, and in all of them, with possibly one or two exceptions, the industrial worker is the predominating factor. It was his vote that carried the state three years ago for Roosevelt, and it will be his vote next year that will swing Ohio one way or another. tt t a HERE, in several of its great industrial cities during the last two years, the half-century-old smoldering war between capital and labor has broken out with violence and intense bitterness. With the coming of Sec. 7A of the NIRA, a drive was made to organize labor in such great industries as steel, automobile parts and rubber. In Toledo alone three desperate disputes threw the whole community into confusion. Each in turn was finally compromised and arbitrated, and out of the very need for peaceful adjustment grew what has been known as the “Toledo plan” of mediating labor disputes. The hard-driving, dynamic Edward F. McGrady, Assistant Secretary of Labor, is given most of the credit for developing the idea. A board has been formed consisting of nine representatives of labor and nine of industry, with an impartial chairman. When disputes arise the case is taken to this board and a compromise settlement reached and a strike averted. If the plan stands the test of time it might eventually be adopted generally over America, but there can be no minimizing the bitterness that still persists on the side of both labor and industry. a a a AS a somewhat experienced war correspondent I found myself studying one of the recent battlefields of this modern industrial war. Three of us rode out from the center of Canton in a battered old car. We finally drew up at a rather dingy gas" station and garage a stone's throw from the
man who said he was Edgar Puryear was on the phone. He said he had heard of my writings, and was very flattering about my ability. He said he had heard of a position that I might get with the Republican National Committee. "I suggested I had better meet him personally. He replied that he was too busy. I told him I would have to see him or I would not be interested. “Next day the same man called ! again. He was more insistent. He said he had the contract all written out, and spoke about the salary and terms. He insisted I look at it. Rather than argue, I said 'All right.’ and he said he would send it around. a a a “TJ OTH phone calls.” he con--D tinued, “were in the morning, and during both of them I was alone. When I got home the evening of the second phone call I found a letter in my mail box. It had been delivered by messenger. It was typewriting on plain paper. A note with it was signed in typewriter with a ‘P.’ “It purported to offer me a job doing publicity work for the Republican National Committee—an article a week for $l5O a month, and beginning in 1936 full-time work. I was also to do work in Colorado. New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma. “Now here is the strange part. Before I mentioned anything about a contract Joe Martinez said he understood I had been offered a contract with the Republicans. I was surprised, and
INDIANAPOLIS, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1935
“In Akron . . . tire workers."’
barred iron gate that led into the high-walled Berger plant of the Republic Steel Corp. Across the street from the garage was a two-story, rambling frame house. It was this corner that witnessed the bitterest fighting in this latest war. On the steps of the frame house an old Syrian had sat that day, watching the surging, alarming mob of pickets. But I’ll let his son, the proprietor of the gas station, tell the story. “They was firing gas shells from near the gate there,” he told me in broken English. “My sadder he seet on the step right there when one of them hit heem. He die in nine days and they make out he die of heart trouble. I tell you that gas bomb he kill heem.” The little, dark-skinned Syrian emigrant grew passionate. He waved his arms and his voice became high and strident. It was all that I could do to understand him. “Peoples is tired of being like slaves,” he went on. “Nobody care much now about little mens. Reech mens get reecher all time and poor mens get poorer. When little mens die everybody try cheat heem. It is bad to be little mens.” I cautiously swung him over to the safer field of politics. “Mos’ everybody here for Roos’velt,” he said. “Who else car. poor mens be for? Jus’ answer me that, meester.” a a a THE three of us got in the battered car and drove off to another battle front. Here in a beer parlor opposite the main gate of the mill we ate sandwiches and talked of the state of the nation. My principal host was the youngish business agent of the Mechanics Union. His name was Walter Summers and he had a forceful and picturesque way of phrasing his ideas. “Prosperity is coming back sure enough,” he said. “The fat boys ; are taking all the credit for themselves. They got full of vinegar as soon as they got the wrinkles off their stomachs.” I’m afraid Walter was a bit of
asked him where he heard of it. He said it was 'rumored.’ “I don't understand now why I wasn't suspicious then. When I showed the ‘contract’ to Martinez he insisted I show it to the Senator at once. a a a “/"VN Friday, Aug. 16,” says Mr. Vy Phillips, “I took it to the Senator. He sat fondling a cigar and pretended to be very shocked. He wanted to borrow the document to show to one other man. I think he mentioned Farley; at
Sea Memorial ABOARD SALVAGE SHI? ORPHIR, Nov. 7.—A rising barometer and calmer seas promise fine weather, so some time today the Orphir w r ill put out to sea carrying those who will take part in a memorial service for the Lusitania dead. Catholics, Protestants and Jews will be represented by their churchmen at the service to the dead of 16 nations. Senators, seamen, consular representatives, notables and others will join in paying tribute to the victims of the great sea disaster. When the Orphir has paid her tribute, work that still remains to be done will be continued. If the weather holds the Orphir will return to the mooring buoys and Diver Jim Jarratt will again go down to the Lusitania. fCopyright, 1935. United Feature Syndicate.)
a cynic. “Labor is hard to do much with,” he philosophized. “Most men don't think. All their heads is for is a block to keep their ears apart.” I asked him about Roosevelt. “Say,” he answered, “if the common man uses his head for anything but a hat rack he’ll have to vote for Roosevelt.” . a a a BUT it was the third man present who really interested me. He was a tall, slender, thin-faced man around 45, with deep-set black eyes, and the peculiar neardrawl of the Ohio River hill folk. He was one of the discarded men of industry—a steel “roller” who, except for a single threemonth period, had had no work in five years. The advancing machine had outdated him. At 45 he was finished. “It's the automatic’ machines that have ruined us,” he went on slowly. “I used to work in a mill that had 30 ‘rollers and each roller had a crew of 10 men or more. They modernized that mill and today six rolls with a crew of five each can do with machines the same work; that’s 30 men and machines that have replaced 300 men. “And that’s happening all over the steel country, old mills employing up to 2000 hands are being closed up and dismantled. Thousands and tens of thousands of men are being sent into the ranks of the permanently unemployed.” a a a I asked him for the answer. ‘•Well, first of all,” he explained, “we got to get down to a 30-hour week. Then people must get cut of the cities and dig part ox their living from the land. Then there must be great permanent public works to employ the men who simply can’t find a job.” I pondered at length over the end of that final sentence of this man whose life’s work was over at 45. Did the men and women unemployed and living on relief today really want to find jobs? That morning in the center of Canton I had found at least a partial answer to the question so often asked —and so often answered in the negative by the well-fed and secure.
least I gathered it was Farley. He promised to show it to none other and to keep my name out of it. “As soon as he got it he raced around town. I understand he went to the White House with it. In spite of his promise on his 'word as a gentleman and a Christian,’ he gave it all the publicity he could. Secretary Ickes made an investigation, and Mr Puryear denied he knew anything about it or even knew’ me. “I knew the late Senator Cutting socially. I don't think I had met Mr. Puryear. I wouldn’t have known him if I'd seen him on the street. “I am positively convinced that Mr. Puryear had nothing to do with the phone calls or the ‘contract.’ I know that Senator Chavez violated his word cf honor.” a a a “TXO you think,” he was asked, -L/“that Senator Chavez was a party to the scheme?” “I am not so naive,” he replied, “as to believe Senator Chavez knew nothing about it. However, I would not assume the responsibility of charging him with conspiracy, although I am convinced there was a conspiracy to injure Mr. Puryear. I only know that I was the dupe of somebody's skullduggery ” An inquiry by Mr. Ickes’ ace investigator. Louis Glavis. revealed that the “contract” and note signed w’ith a “P” were written on government stationery, but not on any machine in the Interior Department. “I never heard of Phillips,” Mr?
—Photo by Margaret Bourke-White; from NEA Service
DRIVING in a taxi I had noticed a long queue of men and women stretching for a block and a half along a busy street. I asked the driver what all the excitement was. “New department store opening up and they're trying to get jobs,” he answered without turning his head. I thought of what Mary Zuk, the fiery leader of the women’s revolt against meat prices, had told me of how hundreds of working men line up at the employment gates of the motor works at 3 in the morning hoping to get work at any price. Doubtless there are many malingerers and lazy-bones aplenty. Many of them have found out how to live on relief without working. Some of them will never work again. But I am certain that 90 per cent of the men who have been on relief during the last two years wanted more than anything else the chance to work again. We are a. restless, energetic, ambitious people. We make poor loafers. a a a VTO amount of time ever will erase from my memory the picture of the broken and hopeless unemployed men of the New Castle country of England. Here a year ago 80 per cent of the industries had been closed down and sealed forever. On every street corner were knots of undersized boys and men with no prospect of ever again getting a job. They could only wait patiently to die. The machines and tariff walls had permanently defeated them. But America is vastly different from England. We are a land limitless in materials and resources. Within our borders and under our rich acres are all the things it takes to make men comfortable and secure. Some day unemployment may be as old-fashioned and out of date as poverty. Tomorrow How 350,000 coal miners have changed the political complexion of Pennsylvania.
Puryear said today. “It is a vicious frame-up. We have positive proof of this. The matter is in my lawyers’ hands. “I can only say that I am astounded that a Senator would be party to so childlike a performance.” a a a SECRETARY ICKES declined to make public the evidence he has. No one at Republican National Committee headquarters admits any knowledge of an offer to hire Mr. Phillips. Senator Chavez, in New Mexico, branded the Ickes investigation “one-sided —another Virgin Islands investigation.” He produced the contract and letter, and asked the public to judge whether this could have been a frame-up. Here is the note he displayed: “Thursday, a. m., Dear Phillips: I'm glad you have decided to reconsider. I have rewritten the contract in rough form, deleting the parts you found objectionable. Mr. Curtis’ representative w’rote me a short note yesterday about you. Take this to your attorney, have him make any corrections, revisions, that you want, and bring it back to me. I'm sure that I tan get your own terms accepted. Also, see Seniff and see if you can get him to do likewise. Mr. C. might possibly supplement your salary. This is a real opportunity for you.—P.” The Mr. Curtis mentioned in the note, Phillips believes, refers to former Vice President Charles Curtis.
Second Section
Entered ax Matter ar rnstoffio*. Indianapolis. Ind.
Fair Enough MOM Nov. 7.—A1l persons with a spark of humanity in them will sympathize with the unfortunate officials of the League of Nations who taks Charge of the construction of the new Palace of Peace which will be the permanent League home. There are those who are cynical enough to suggest the now Palace of Peace will make an excellent hospital for the next World War. but that is a case of rumor and anyway it's not at all certain the palace will be completed in time for the next World War. Furthermore, it would be most
unwise to use the palace as a hospital because under the rules of civilized warfare it is customary to drop bombs on hospitals. So there could hardly be any surer way of destroying the beautiful new palace, which cost ten million dollars, than to paint a tell-tale Red Cross on its roof and turn it into a hospital in the event of war between civilized nations. A fairly certain way of protecting it would be to convert it into the general headquarters of one of the armies in the next war if it
could be rushed to completion in time, it is one of the recognized civilities between civilized nations, and one of the few really touching courtesies in war.' to refrain from bombing the headquarters of commanding generals. However, the problem for the officials who are constructing the new- Palace of Peace is more immediate than the next World War, which is said to be fairly imminent at that, what with a million Italians under arms already and old Gen. Ltidendorff urging Germans to throw a sneak punch when they get ready for the next war and declare war afterward. tt tt a Why, Mexico, How Dare You? have been many embarrassments in the construction of the palace, but none more painful than that which has been occasioned by the government of Mexico nominating Senor Diego Rivera to decorate the great salon of the press in the new' building. All member nations were asked to contribute something to the decoration and furnishing of the new home of peace. One nation contributed furniture, another panels, another olivo branches, another a salad bowl, and so forth The occasion is something like a wedding, and it is not the value of the gift that counts, but the spirit in which it is given. That’s just the trouble. It’s hard to see how Mexico can have had the true spirit of peace in nominating Diego Rivera to decorate the press room. Senor Rivera is the one who was invited by John D. Rockefeller Jr. to paint some murals in Rockefeller City and who not only snapped at the hand that fed him but almost chewed it off. Rivera's mural for Rockefeller City contained a complimentary picture of Nikolai Lenin and was distinctly unkind to everything Mr. Rockefeller represents. There was a great family conference of Rockefellers and the art committee of Rockefeller City and Rivera's painting was taken down. The Rockefeller family were greatly relieved when the controversy died down and it t was their unanimous decision that Senor Riveras art was offensive to right-thinking people. n n tt What a Situation! OUT Mr. Rockefeller contributed $2,000,000 of the Rockefeller fortune, earned, as everybody knows, by the strictly honest business methods of the senior John, to the new Palace to Peace. And now comes Mexico donating Rivera to paint another of his murals in a section of the building which represents a very dangerous temptation to an artist of his known tendencies. Ihere is great nervous apprehension in the League of Nations. After all, the press, particularly m Europe, is not among the finest institutions in the world. Most of the papers in Europe are censored by dictators and are devoted largely to propaganda mostly warlike. And the profession of journalism in France has often been compared to the oldest profession of them all, which is hardly fair to the oldest profession of them all, which is not dishonest anyway. And this is quite aside from the problem of the pink marble from Italy which is required to finish the work in the Palace of Peace. The first of the marble was furnished when Italy was in good standto buy any more the League of Nations would be compelled to violate its own boycott against Italy in order to finish the great monument to peace.
Ch eap Insurance BY RUTH FINNEY
Nov. 7.—A new attempt to bring adequate life insurance within the reach of all persons of moderate income is in prospect for the coming winter. Both Federal and state legislation will be proposed. Seventeen states now have mutual savings banks in operation. In these states legislation authorizing such banks to operate insurance departments would result in establishment of systems similar to that now operating in Massachusetts. If laws were passed in all 17 states, half the population of the country would have access to inexpensive insurance. A second possibility is legislation by Congress authorizing savings departments of all national banks to write insurance. If this were done, lowcost insurance would at once be available in all states. Bills calling for duplication of the Massachusetts system were introduced in New York and other legislatures iast winter and will be introduced again when legislatures meet either in regular or special session to consider social security laws. The states where mutual savings bank insurance might be established are, in addition ta the entire New England group, Delaware, Maryland, New Jersey, New York. Pennsylvania. Indiana, Minnesota, Ohio, Wisconsin, California, Oregon and Washington. a a a 'T'HE executive council of the American Federation A of Labor may decide to sponsor national legislation. The whole matter of low-cost insurance was referred to it for action after discussion at the an nual convention. There is a possibility that the Administration would look with favor on such a proposal. President Roosevelt recommended last year that Congress inmclude in the social security bill provision for establishment by the Federal government of a voluntary system of old-age annuities for the benefit of workers not covered by the compulsory old-age pension system. The proposal was rejected, but this compromise plan, calling for cheap insurance by private institutions, might be accepted instead. In Massachusetts, 23 mutual savings banks sell insurance of all kinds, including annuities, over the counter to residents of the state. Because the expense of maintaining agents is eliminated, costs are considerably lower than rates in private companies, although private company rates have been lowered to meet competition. New Yorkers backing similar legislation last winter estimated that residents of their state might have saved half their annual insurance bill last year IX th|pr had been able to buy savings bank insurance,.
1 -A.'f
Westbrook I’eglrr
