Indianapolis Times, Volume 47, Number 204, Indianapolis, Marion County, 4 November 1935 — Page 9

It Seems to Me HEYWOOD BROUN BEACH. Fla., Nov. 4. — People in nice stuffy concert halls in New York are forever singing that they want to go down to the sea again and that it would delight them no end to have a lot of salt spray flying right in their faces. But the next time any tenor or baritone starts a ballad like that I mean to rise up in my scat, exclaim, “Is that so!” and walk rapidly out on my way to the nearest bar. For a couple of sleepless nights now I have had the Atlantic Ocean in my lap, and anybody else can

have, very cheap, my share of spinddrift. spume and a bouncing breeze. I have no wish to be unfair to one of America's favorite resorts in the off-season. Asa matter of fact, I came here with a recuperating relative in the very hope of finding this gay place in a quiet mood. Upon first arrival it pleased me to find that the only night club functioning at this time of year was a hot spot featuring a Miss Kiki something or other, “the personality girl.” I felt sure that I would be able to stay away from this entertainment without

Heywood Broun

misgivings and sleep and rest and work prodigiously. But I had forgotten about that old devil personality—the bounding main. The patient and I r r pleasantly located right on the beach, and there Is nothing between our room and the coast of Spain but a narrow strip of beach and a window shade which goes rat-tat-tat all night long. 000 It’s (inod for the Patient 'T''HE patient finds it soothing. The sound of the surf falls gently like the quality of mercy on his ear. But it does me no good to count white combers leaping across the sand. At night they can’t be counted, since they set up a continuous roar. But, again, to be fair to Florida, I must add that the wind in the coconut palms has attained at the most during my stay a velocity of 19 miles an hour, and the waves themselves are nothing more than knee-high. Nevertheless, in collaboration, they make a fearful din to one who has freshly come from the noise abatement of New York. And in part I blame the palms for the depression which is now upon me. I have never seen a happy palm tree on this coast, in Cuba or in California. It is a sort of sick giraffe among the flora of the tropics and the sub-tropics. In California I have noted it chiefly as a tree most bleak and woebegone in the cold, standing disconsolate like an urchin with his nose pressed against a Christmas window pane. As for the palms of Miami Beach, they all seem punch drunk. The. very curve of their spines informs the traveler in graphic pantomime that they have been through a fight. For the most part, hereabouts, they are not exactly on their own. Most of them have been down for a short count or a long one. They have been pushed to their feet again through the kind offices of efficient seconds in their corners, and now they remain approximately erect through benefit of wires and hawsers attached to concrete blocks. tt 0 0 Ao Romance for Me T assume that Miami fosters the palm in order to maintain the spirit of Caribbean romance—moonlight, guitars, kiss-me-my-fool and all that sort of thing. But I think the promoters have not gauged shrewdly the psychological effect of the Miami palm. To me these trees do not suggest in any way tropical laughter or tropical sighs. Indeed, when I look at any one of them the first thing which comes to my mind is the sight of Primo Camera about to topple for the last time under a right hook from Joe Louis. Fundamentally, of course, the fault lies not with Florida. It is my own. Once or twice a year I boast that I want to get away from it all and go into seclusion in the wilds of Stamford or on a tramp steamer. I realize now that any such attitude is a lying gesture. Seclusion is the thing I want least of all. If W. 52d-st should suddenly turn up on this beach we could drown out the ocean and I might even come in time to like the palm trees. I hate to be alone because I want to be able to talk to somebody, and I find that I’m the poorest audience for myself in all the world. It isn’t that I boo or hiss. I Just don’t pay any attention. (Copyright. 1935)

Your Health -BY DR. MORRIS FISIIBEIN-

AF all the diseases which afflict us, those spread by the mouth and nose seem to be most serious and most prevalent. Although such diseases are more frequent in climates like that of the northern part of the United States, they occur also in tropical countries. Occasionally an epidemic of influenza will sweep the world. A survey made not long ago in a large American city indicated that, for every person who died from a disease affecting the respiratory, or breathing tract, there were 337 additional cases in the commu. ’ty. 000 these diseases are spread frequently by coughing, spitting, and kissing, they also are spread by other means which can be grouped under the heading, “hand-to-mouth infection.” The person who is infected may wash dishes and dry them, mav transmit the infectious materia: to door knobs, to pencils, or other objects. These are then handled by someone else, who gets the germs on his fingers and carries them from his fingers to his own mouth, nose and throat. Unfortunately there is no way to lock up people who have respiratory infections, because at times it would involve most of the people in the community. It is possible for you, however, if you have such a condition, to make certain that you are doing everything that can be done to keep from spreading your infection to other people. You can cover up each cough and c r.ccze. During periods of infection you can avoid the contacts that I have mentioned.

Today's Science BY DAVID DIETZ

r l''WO HUNDRED years of theorizing upon the origin of the earth have brought astronomers to the conclusion that they have no theory adequate *o explain it. This fact is set forth by Dr. Henry Norris Russell of Princeton University, the dean of American astronomers in a newly published book, “The Solar System and Its Origin.'* The reader might wonder why any one should set about to write a book whose chief conclusion is a confession of ignorance. Dr. Russell is himself conscious of the fact and expresses the hope that the reader may find more than that in it. SCO ON that score he need have no fears. For the book is a veritable gold mine of information concerning the present day position of the astronomer with regard to the solar system. The book, based upon the series of lectures which Dr Russell gave last year at the University of Virginia under the Page-Barbour Foundation, is divided into three sections. Part I is "The Dynamical Properties of the System.'* This is concerned with the organization of the solar system. In Part II Prof. Russell discusses the physical and chemical properties of the plants and comets. The last third is devoted to theories of the origin of the system. Beginning with the theories of Swedenborg, Kant, and Laplace. Prof. Russell traces the development down through the modern theories of Chamberlin and Moulton and of Jeffreys and Jeans.

Full Leased Wire Service c? (lie Cnifed Press Association

Listening to INDUSTRIAL AMERICA

Hunt Finds New Deal Sliding, but No G. O. P. Leader in Sight

BY FRAZIER HUNT (Copyright. 1935. NEA Service, tnc.) QNE year from tomorrow, America marches to the polls to elect a President. For six weeks I have been motoring over the dozen states of the industrial sections where approximately half of the 40,000,000 voters live—finding out what men and women think of Roosevelt today and what they probably will think of him next year. Here are my conclusions: At the moment Roosevelt is at his lowest ebb. On the surface there is a strong out-tide running against him, but underneath there is still a powerful Roosevelt current that can easily sweep him to victory. Millions of people are critical of the Administration, but opposition has crystalized neither in a definite program nor a leader. Iso single name in the Republican directory evinces the slightest enthusiasm from the average anti-Roosevelt voter.

Feeling against Hoover is a little less bitter, but it takes a most sensitive listening device to record it. Such names as Col. Knox, Col. Roosevelt, Senators Borah and Vandenberg, and even Gov. Landon utterly fail to spark on the battery of the average citizen. Roosevelt resentment seems to center around lack of economy and an increase in the cost of liv-ing-coupled with a blind demand for change. To increase the bewilderment, America faces the curious anomaly of a return of prosperity with 10,000,000 more or less permanently unemployed. The Democrats are about to steal the old unbeatable Republican rally call of “the full dinner pail.” On the other side of their campaign banner they will emblazon the Wilsonian slogan of “he kept us out of war.” tt tt tt THE threat of high taxes is driving many “Little Haves” into an anti-Roosevelt alliance with “Big Haves.” The coming election might easily become a straight arithmetic problem: Can the sum total of the Little Haves and the Big Haves equal the Have Nots plus the Midwest farmers? My own observations force me to give it to the Have Nots and the farmers by three to two. Huey Long's death removes the greatest single menace to Roosevelt’s return. Yet, strangely enough, the constant pressure for more and more radical legislation that was forced by Huey built up a vast loyal legion of F. D. R. supporters among the lowly millions. A turn to the right by Roosevelt can do him incredible harm among these same millions. tt tt tt FATHER COUGHLIN can assure the election of Roosevelt. His defection would seriously embarrass the President, but probably not defeat him. The radio priest’s strength is less than half what it was a year ago. Except for California the promise that was Dr. Townsend has largely disappeared. The six million members of the A. F. of L. are at least 75 per cent for Roosevelt. The 500.000 members of the United Mine Workers—and their wives and sweethearts and fathers and mothers and sisters and aunts—are 90 per cent for F. D. R. Roosevelt’s threat against the Constitution makes poor Republican campaign material. tt tt a THE biggest defection from Roosevelt has been in the six New England states. They feel F. D. R. has cut them off in favor of the South, Midwest and Far West. They are likewise bitter against the cotton processing tax. Roosevelt has excellent chances of carrying Pennsylvania—which he lost to Hoover in 1932. The Keystone State’s 38 electoral votes more than balance the total 37 votes of the six New England states. Ohio, Michigan and Indiana arc decidedly in the doubtful list —Ohio the least of the three. The Legion’s bonus bitterness may be smoothed over by some compromise during the coming session of Congress. There is considerable widespread feeling against Politician Jim Farley. u tt tt HTHE split among the Democrats A fails to interest the rank and file. It would be easy to give too much weight to the surface criticism against Roosevelt. If the Republicans could by magic produce a strong, picturesque leader, who by sheer personality would satisfy the hundred and one divergent interests and classes and emotions of this vast land they

Loan Sharks? Government Has Cure, Says FCA, in Credit Unions of Which Nearly 1000 Have Been Organized in Last Year

BY DANIEL M. KIDNEY Times Staff Writer WASHINGTON. Nov. 4 —While looking with approval on New York City’s current drive against loan sharks, officials of the Farm Credit Administration said today that they have a permanent solution for the problem. The solution, they said, is in cooperative banking among workers through formation of credit unions. now made^ possible through FCA's Credit Union Division. With a Federal charter and ample advice, ahy group of workers or others having a "common Jpnd

The Indianapolis Times

might seriously challenge the rule of Roosevelt. But there is no such figure in sight, and consequently no such threat. Recovering some of the same ground I studied in my survey five months ago (when I wrote without apology that my belief was that Mr. Roosevelt was in the bag and would carry from 36 to 40 states), I find that in the Middle West there is a considerable turning of the white collared “Little Haves” from F. D. R. There is a growing desire for change. A Chicago business man, who five months ago was less positive in his opinions, put it this way to me: “Over America there are millions of more or less independent middle-class citizens. They voted for Wilson in 1916 and for Roosevelt in 1932. This group is now turning from Roosevelt. They know they will have to pai the bills for his orgy of spending by higher and higher taxes. They are against the whole relief program. This feeling started almost a year ago but it has gained its real momentum during the past 90 days.” tt tt tt DOWN in the rich corn belt of middle Illinois I talked with a normally Republican farmer whom I had interviewed in early June. He was then a little skeptical about the AAA. He felt that the drought had been the true cause of increased prices. Now he said to me: “Most farmers are slowly getting around to the belief that we must have some sort of crop control. Maybe the 3A’s is not perfect, but it does keep us from wrecking ourselves by unrestrained overproduction. “I guess we’ve got to give Roosevelt and Wallace credit for what they’ve done. I reckon I’ll vote for him—and so will most of the farmers around here.” In Indiana on the beautiful Wabash River I visited an elevator man I had spent a summer afternoon with five months ago. He had said then: “I don’t see a chance of beating Roosevelt unless something unforeseen comes up. That something must be pretty big.” This October day he had changed his tune. He said: “Most of the Republicans who voted for Roosevelt in ’32—and he was elected by the Republicans—are returning to the old fold. People who own property of any kind are beginning to be alarmed over the waste of government money. “And they're beginning to realize that the whole New Deal is a tragic flop that not only cost billions and billions, but has created a class who under relief have learned how to live without working. “Fully 90 per cent of the Republicans who backslid in 1932 will vote against Roosevelt next year.” tt tt tt BUT this present survey has to do with the industrial East—that is, east of the Mississippi. In this ever-seething industrial cauldron the American melting pot of foreign and nativeborn peoples—l found workers willing, even eager, to pour forth their hopes, their fears, their belief and their disbelief in the present social and political setup. Let me pick at random from the pages of my notebooks. In Gary, in the heart of the steel country, the new* president of the Indiana Federation of Labor said to me: “People don't seem to realize that its almost over—l mean that the depression is almost ended. Why even our building trades, that have been idle for five years, are getting to work. “Os course the Supreme Court decision knocking out the NRA raised Cain with many of our new unions but the working man doesn't blame Roosevelt for that.

of interest" may free themselves from loan sharks and at the same time “save as they borrow," these officials said. While the credit union work Is sponsored by FCA. it# is far from being confined to farmers. During the year the division has been in operation nearly 1000 Federal credit unions have been formed, many of them in industrial groups or fraternal societies in the larger cities. • mum BEFORE the Federal government entered this field, 38

INDIANAPOLIS, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1935

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“In this ever-seething industrial cauldron—the American melting pot of foreign and na-tive-born peoples—l found workers willing, even eager, to pour forth their hopes, their fears, their belief and their disbelief in th e present social and political setup.

"And you can believe me that the average little fellow is for Roosevelt. He remembers how things were back in 1932. I wouldn’t be surprised if Roosevelt would have just about as many votes in 1936 as he had in 1932.” a tt tt OVER in bustling Chicago, the adopted home of Candidate Col. Knox, I asked a friendly taxi driver what he thought of Knox. “Knox?” he queried. “Never heard of him.” In Lebanon, Ind., a garage mechanic, shy at first, finally opened up with this: “Say, we done more repair and new business the last six months than we done in the whole six years before that. Things is boomin’. And the farmers are lousy with dough. “And will them babies put a white ball in for Roosevelt. Why, election day in ’32 I dropped over at that elevator right over there across the tracks and they was payin’ 10 cents for corn. Today mature corn is around 75 cents. And hogs was less than 3 cents and now they’re around 12. And wheat was less than 30 cents a bushel and it's way over a dollar now. “You think them dummies are going to forget Roosevelt! They may think they are now but wait until that silver-voiced canary in the White House gets singin’ to ’em over the radio again.” tt tt tt UP in Detroit a little haberdasher on the main stem put it this way: is the most daredevil President we ever had. “Os course most small businessmen didn’t get much help from the NRA but a lot of us who were kicking against it then wish it were back now. We're on our way up and out. I'm making money again. “Salesmen tell me there's soon going to be an actual shortage in such things as materials for neckties and leather belts. That means boom times. ... Os course lots of us little fellows thought we could borrow money from the government and have easy going. “We were sore when we couldn’t

states had credit union laws. In the last 20 years 750,000 workers enrolled in 3000 credit unions throughout the country. Since FCA’s entrance into this field, credit unions are possible in all states. As few as seven persons may apply for a charter and begin operation of one of these democratically controlled small loan banks owned and operated by the workers themselves. A minimum of 50 shareholders works out most satisfactorily, however, the FCA offireporu

but we’re not sore now. We’re beginning to make money, and it looks to me as if it’s only fair to give Roosevelt a second term. Why take a chance?—and I used to be a Republican, too.” tt u tt IN the same motor city, big automobile baron William Knudsen, master car maker and executive vice president of the General Motors, said with a healthy grin: "Big business is on the spot now—and the bigger the business the bigger the spot. But this industry is booming.” In Akron, the tire city, a workman in a rubber plant said, “Not more than 25 per cent of the workers in my department will vote against Roosevelt.” In ‘Pittsburgh an experienced political writer told me, “Tens of thousands of foreign-bom miners and steel workers and laborers who never voted in their lives are taking out their papers and will swing almost in a body to Roosevelt. He will probably carru Pennsylvania.” In "'Manchester, N. H., where 12,000 textile workers are loafing in the street because the Amoskeag cotton mills have chosen to shut down their great plants, a French-Canadian-American cotton worker by the name of George Duval left no doubt as to how he and his fellow workers would vote, or why: “Before Roosevelt brought in his NRA I was working 54 hours a week for $7.40. When the mills shut down last month I was working 40 hours a week for $lB. You think maybe I forget who done it?” • * IN booming Massachusetts the shrewd publisher of the New Bedford Standard-Times, Basil Brewer, summed up the white collar resentment against Roosevelt in this manner: “New England resents the flippancy with which the President piles up unconstitutional laws to be used as Exhibits A, B and C in his case for constitutional amendment.

Each credit union member pays an entrance fee of 25 cents and agrees to pay for $5 shares on the installment plan, at a minimum installment of 25 cents a month. * a a YT'ACH shareholder has only one vote in the organization, no matter how many shares he holds. The shareholders elect from five to 11 directors, who in turn elect a president, vice president, treasurer and clerk. The treasurer serves as manager, collecting the installments on *

“The reaction here is that of hard-working, thrifty, patriotic people against the things they think are unsound, beginning with the attack on the Constitution and ending with the extravagances of lief. “This turn against Roosevelt in New England is not a partisan turn. We are not merely turning Republican. The old Republican Party is as much a thing of the past in New England as the old Democratic Party is, let us say, in Ohio. “What is going on is a reaction against the policies and principles which are a part of the New Deal and the too flippant way in which official Washington is thumbing its nose at some of the things that New England thinks are fundamental.” tt a “TTyE are not for Hoover or VY Hoover policies—nor are we for Borah. Perhaps Col. Knox best expresses what New England has in mind when it thinks of a Republican candidate. ... If Roosevelt ran today he could not carry a single New England state.” Forty miles away in Providence, R. 1., busy as a hive of hungry bees just turned out .n a clover field, Horace Reviere, a fighting vice president of the Textile Workers of America: pounded his fist in the palm of his left hand: “It’s going to be a walkaway. All we got to do is to refresh the memory of the common people everywhere. Just remind them what they were facing when Roosevelt was elected. You can't beat that guy, no matter what happens.” Maybe it's all a bit bewildering. Certainly it is not easy to weigh accurately the hundreds of reactions I have recorded throughout industrial America. But at least one stands out clearly: despite an unquestioned swing against Roosevelt I see but small chance at the moment of his defeat in 1936. Tomorrow—How steel workers from Chicago to Pittsburgh feel about the New Deal.

both loans and savings. In the smaller unions he serves without pay. Loans up to SSO are made without security other than the member’s signature. Others, up to S2OO, may be made with collateral. They are repaid in installments at an interest rate of not to exceed 1 per cent a month on the unpaid balance. Information regarding organization is available on application to the Credit Union Division of the Farm Credit Administration, Washington, D. C.

Second Section

Entered ns S*ronrt-Cl** Mutter at Postofficp. Indianapolis. Ind.

Fair Enough wmikiM GENEVA, Nov. a.— ln the large lobby in the temporary League of Nations building on Qual Woodrow Wilson there is a series of glass cases filled with melancholy souvenirs of a long and at last definitely futile attempt to beat swords into plowshares. These are petitions from all quarters of the world bearing signatures of millions of ordinary people gathered in the days when there was still rather widespread belief that the world had been made safe for democracy. Now they are gath-

ering dust, like all such vast petitions and eventually must go into some storeroom. What their end w r ill be it Is not hard to imagine. After all, such papers are too bulky to be cared for until the end of time and must be disposed of after a decent interval. These, however, are lying in state during the period for disarmament petitions, for the death of the great ideal was of comparatively recent date. They're jumbled together in tall glass cases, but some of the signatures may be read and it may

interest Bertha Mae Smith of 1020 S. Main-st, Decatur, 111., to know that although her opposition to war carried no weight, her petition did reach headquarters in Geneva. tt o a It Was an Idea, at That MOST conspicuous among American petitioners was Thomas King, 11. of New York, whose letter gives off a faint odor of hokum reminiscent of stories of Nancy’s Christmas burglar. It could hardly have been by accident that Thomas King’s disarmament plan was placed prominently in the center of American petitions where his childish scrawl could be read in full. “I understand,” Tommy wrote, “that the disarmament conference isn't making any progress. I’ve thought of a good idea if guns and firearms are taken away from people. If they want war let them fight with rotten eggs and tomatoes and maybe some grapefruit. If they want guns give them popguns. If this is done nobody will be hurt.” There’s a bar and sandwich counter in this lobby at which journalists and delegates from many nations refresh themselves, and a wide door gives on to an enormous press room in which reporters writing in many languages record and interpret the deliberations and decisions of the League. But considering the condition of the press in Germany, Italy, Russia and various other nations, it seems a waste of time, money and energy for a large proportion of this representation to go through the motions of writing and filing copy. 000 So They're Not Scared, Eh? THERE are some countries in which a reporter telling the truth unpalatable to a dictator automatically becomes an opponent of the regime, thus an enemy of the state and thus liable to imprisonment, possibly execution. Still they do their stuff, each according to his own interests and limitations, like sports w’riters covering the Olympics, and shove it over the counter w’here telegraphers sort it and send it along. Mussolini seems well remembered personally here, and there is a local legend that as a laborer he helped plaster a house before he became II Duce with power of life and death over millions of Italians and with world peace,at the mercy of his whim. ff +: If Germany had a million under arms, many of them in striking distance of the border, there would be hell to pay in a few hours. But, then, the German’s reputation as fighters is much more formidable than the Italians’ and this probably accounts for the comparative calm in the presence of Mussolini's army. He can convince his own that they're lions by ferocious orations. But other peoples seem disposed to ask whom did they ever lick.

The Cabinet .BY GEN. HUGH S. JOHNSON.

WASHINGTON, Nov. 4 —lt is idle to guess what might have happened if old Tom Walsh had lived io be attorney general, but it is not at all hard to see that the litigation of the New Deal is in a sorry tangle. Atty. Gen. Cummings is a loyalist—a great Democrat, a greater friend, and a man with an unblemished record. But, because political circumstances prevented him, or because he did not fight hard enough to overcome them, his stanchest friend could never contend that he organized, prepared and manned the Department of Justice for the bitterest battle of litigation which ever confronted any Administration. For him, it must be said that his department had precious little to do with drafting the legislation he was later called upon to defend. Also, much of it was emergency stuff that had to be defended after the shadow of impending dissolution was lightened. Does anybody suppose that, In the wave of national enthusiasm on which it then floated, NRA would have been sunk if it had come up for decision in October, 1933? Its litigation was deliberately deferred by somebody, somewhere, and that was its ruin. tt n tt THE prize of the fiscal decisions was no golden apple—rather a scorpion with the sting of a terrible rebuke in its tail. NRA finally was taken up in a case impossible to win and on an argument which failed properly to present the thundering Constitutional issues it raised. When it went down, there were no statutory reserves to rush into the breach—only an attack on the Constitution and the court. The record of litigation is bad. The addition of Stanley Reed is strengthening, but the prospect in litigation is no better than its past. There are those who fear that all this is a deep strategy to procure by poor defense so many decisions against the constitutionality of liberal laws as to create a campaign issue of the very Constitution itself. The obvious Administration policy of litigation is bad enough on the surface, but if this is what lies underneath, it is a catastrophe. There are too many able, liberal, Democratic lawyers to speculate on what might have been. (Copyright. 1935. by United Feature Syndicate. Inc.)

Times Books

CURRENT government excursions into business make timely Prof. Marshall E. Dimock's “Developing American Waterways” (University of Chicago Press >. It is an efficiency survey of the Inland Waterways Corp.. next to the Panama Railroad Cos., probably the oldest strictly business enterprise operated by the United States government. Created by Congress in 1924, as successor to a somewhat similar war-time agency, the corporation operates barge-line services on principal inland rivers from New Orleans to the steel and ore region at Birmingham, the grain and ore areas of Minnesota and the commercial center* of Chicago, Kansas City, Memphis and St. Louis. Prof. Dimock is frankly friendly to the purpose* of the corporation. But he recommends numerous improvements, contending that the corporation has “come of age" and ought to stand on its own leg3 and meet competing railroads and privately owned barge lines, without further dependence on the treasury. (By Fred W. Perkins.),

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