Indianapolis Times, Volume 47, Number 194, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 October 1935 — Page 14

PAGE 14

The Indianapolis Times <A RCRirrS-HOWARD NEWSI'AI’ZR) F.OY w HOWARD President LUDWELL DENNY Editor EARL D. BAKER Business Manager

Member of United l’ress. ScrippsHoward Newspaper Alliance. NewgEnterprise Association. Newspaper Information Service and Audit Bureau of Circulations. Owned and published dally (except Sunday) by The Indianapolis Times Publishing Cos.. 214-220 W. Marjrland-st. Indianapolis. Ind. Price In Marlon County. 3 cents a copy; delivered by carrier. 12 cents a week. Mall subscription rates In Indiana. $3 a year; outside of Indiana. 63 centa a month. Phono RI icy 5331

'r wrr\ - rtowAxn Gl> e fAght and the i’roiile Will Find Their Own Hay

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1935. DIOGENES, REST THY LANTERN! Jh FEW days ago Commissioner George C. Mathews of the Securities and Exchange Commission delivered an excellent lecture at Northwestern University on the SEC's problem in administration of the utilities holding company law. But more than its excellence commends the speech. For the press release of the text carried the notation: “Prepared by I. N. P. Stokes and Comsioncr Mathews.” Mr. Stokes, a member of the SEC legal staff, so far as we can recall, is the first ghost writer in the government service to gam public acknowledgment of his work. And Commissioner Mathews wins the honor of being the first high government official to admit he was not the sole author of a speech he delivered. A GOVERNOR SPEAKS GEORGE H. EARLE of Pennsylvania is no long-haired soapboxer, but a wealthy patrician and the head of a great industrial commonwealth. Therefore, when he talks on the Constitution it is as a conserver of this country's institutions and its people. “The Constitution,” he told a radio audience, “must be elastic enough to allow for economic evolution.” A Supreme Court decision against the Gufley Coal Control Act would be “an unspeakable misinterpretation of the Constitution,” for it would block Congress’ efforts to free coal miners from “their industrial serfdom.” A decision against the Wagner Labor Act would stop the government from insuring woikers the right to bargain collectively. ' I believe,” he said, "that America must and will have a Federal Constitution strong enough to protect our people from the evils of economic conditions resulting from reckless, unrestrained private enterprises. "If the Supreme Court finds this is not possible under the Constitution as it now stands, then I believe our people will amend their Constitution—and no propaganda from the so-called Constitution ‘savers’ will prevent them.” This, we believe, is the true liberals' viewpoint. These would not weaken, but strengthen, the Constitution by changing it only when necessary to meet the changing needs of the republic. 1914 AND 1935 'pHREE weeks after the World War was started the United States had as many neutrality proclamations, statements and warnings on the record as it has today. In some ways, these documents of 1914 laid a basis for more sweeping precautions against entanglements than do today's, although in the end they failed to keep us from war. President Wilson's neutrality proclamation forbade the “beginning or setting on foot or providing or preparing the means for any military expedition or enterprise.” In the war's first fortnight this served as the basis for a ruling from Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan that loans to belligerents by United States bankers were “inconsistent with a true spirit of neutrality.” If this precedent had been followed the export of foodstuffs or any other “means for a military expedition” might have been prevented. This was not done. Instead, business men and bankers hastily prepared for enlarged export trade and the government helped them. And when Europe could no longer buy without loans, the loan policy was changed. Today governments in default on their war debts are forbidden by the Johnson Act of 1934 to float loans in this country, and the ban stands against Italy and most other European countries, but loans to belligerents as such are not specifically forbidden. No clause in the Roosevelt neutrality proclamation is capable of as broad interpretation as that in the Wilson proclamation. The Roosevelt order, in obedience to Congress’ neutrality resolution, forbids shipment of arms and munitions to any belligerent, anew departure in American diplomacy. The Wilson proclamation merely warned Americans that while they might lawfully manufacture and sell arms and ammunition and other contraband, they could not carry such articles on the high seas without risking capture and penalties. As soon as Great Britain issued her first contraband list. Mr. Wilson stationed a warship outside New York harbor to examine vessels for contraband. On Great Britain’s list were food, clothing and fabrics if these were intended for an enemy country. The United States faces much the same problem today in the economic embargo decided on by the League of Nations. The only indication so far of Administration policy is contained in President Roosevelt's statement “that any of our people who voluntarily engage in transactions of any character with either of the belligerents do so at their own risk.” There has been considerable dispute as to whether or not this indicates abandonment of the cld insistence on freedom of the seas for neutrals. Mr. Roosevelt also formally has warned citizens that they travel on vessels of belligerents at their own risk. Mr. Wilson, on the other hand, made an effort to assure neutrality of communication. Ke forbade radio stations in the United States to transmit or receive for delivery messages “of an unneutral nature.” He assigned naval officers to listen to all messages, and when it appeared that this order worked principally against Germany—which had to rely entirely on wireless communication with this country—he attempted without great success to prohibit unneutral messages on British-controlled cables. He took no steps—as the United States has taken none today—to protest against action by Great Britain blocking communication to this country from belligerents. “WAR TO END FASCISM” WHILE diplomats of Britain and FYance and other League nations attempt to stop Italy's war on Ethiopia and in doing so pursue a course "which may lead to war by them on Italy, the Socialists of .iurope encourage their governmentsf n n this

militant attitude. For they see It as an attack not on Italy but on their greatest “oe, fascism. These are the same Socialists who have been smiling, since 1913. in a superior way, at the Liberals who had been tricked into supporting the war “to end war” and “make the world safe for democracy.” They had a right to smile. But now it is the time for the liberals to smile, skeptically at the Socalists. Foi if the peace moves lead to a “war on fascism,” such a war is. likely to prove as disappointing to the Socalists as the “war for democracy” proved to the liberals. War has a way of bringing results very different from its objectives. The “war to end war” and “make the world safe for democracy” fastened militaries and dictatorships on the victors. A “war to end fascism” might only fasten fascism on the countries waging it. Both Liberals and Socialists today should remember the words of good old Ben Franklin: “There never was a good war or a bad peace.” NOT A PRETTY STORY A COURT reporter named Charles A. Griffin came down from Seattle to San Francisco and told this story under oath to the California Supreme Court’s referee in the Mooney habeas corpus proceedings: On the day of the Preparedness parade bomb outrage, 19 years ago, he saw Tom Mooney and his wife watching the parade from the roof of a building more than a mile from the spot where state “witnesses” swore they saw Mooney and Billings plant the bomb. The Mooneys, he said, were there during the entire parade until long after the bomb exploded. When he read of Mooney’s arrest, he hurried to the then district attorney, Charles Fickert, and protested Mooney's innocence. Fickert waved him aside, called Mooney and “his gang” a bunch of anarchists,” and then offered to get Griffin a job if he would keep quiet about his story. He was never called as a witness. This story is not needed to paint that fragrant California lily known as the “Mooney Scandal.” The clock pictures and other witnesses already have established Mooney’s alibi on that building's roof. But it does bulwark Mooney s charge that he was perjured to prison, that the Fickert prosecution knew its witnesses were liars and that it suppressed material evidence. And it isn’t a pretty story—either in Fickert’s part or in Griffin’s inexcusable silence through these years. But there's nothing pretty about this whole affair. WHEN JIMMY COMES MARCHING HOME He's a devil, he's a devil, He’s a devil in his own home town! On the level, on the level, He's a funny as a clown. He wears a pink shirt and a yellow tie above it. He'll spend our money and think nothing of it. He’s a devil in his own home town! n tt a TIMMY WALKER'S coming home from exile and J big-hearted New York is talking about a great welcoming celebration. Or, at least, big-hearted Tammany is. It ought to be some show. Think of the possibilities, possibilities not offered by Channel swimmers and such. Jimmy really means something to New York and the party should be one to symbolize what he means. F’rinstance: A section of good fellows, for Jimmy was the,, prince of good fellows. It might be necessary to open a lot of prisons to gather a full quota of his foimer boon companions, and it might be necessary o comb the used car market to find the swell cars that Jimmy bought for them in the days when the city’s money was his to spend. But it would lend a delightful historical touch. And then section after section of the poor. It was Lincoln who said that God must have loved the poor—he made so many of them. But it was Jimmy who did God’s work in New York. He kept them poor. And a section of happy wives, paying tribute 1 to the pei feet husband Movie queens could represent the wives. Floats showing New York before and after Jimmy—particularly the city treasury. The street cleaning department out in full force, headed by Mayor La Guardia, cleaning up the mess that Jimmy made. A paper showier that is a paper shower. Nice, new dollar bills floating down through the skyscraper cam ons, turning gaily over and over in the autumn sunshine unitl they come to rest beneath the feet Os the happy throng. The city, of course, to provide the nice, new dollar bills. And finally, at the very end of the long, ecstatic procession, a regiment of cigarct girls, in costume, passing out headache tablets for the morning after free!

A WOMAN’S VIEWPOINT — By Mrs. Walter Ferguson _________

JF you have tears, spare a few for 8-year-old Carel-. ton Nichols of Lynn, Mass., whc because he obeys his father, in the best Sunday School tradition, is expelled from school for disobeying when his teacher tells him to salute the flag. At that, Carelton isn't so dumb. He lias to live with his father. And maybe it's exciting for a small boy to be written up in the newspapers and to make a stir in his small world. Anyway, his is a case of adult inconsistency which must strike the average child as peculiar. In many of our dealings with children we show the same unreason. It's a wonder their poor brains aren't all in a muddle, or that they believe anything they are told. No sooner do they enter school than they are subjected to the- illogic of the adult mind. The good manners which their mothers have so painstakingly taught them are called “sissy stuff’’ by their playmates. Their whole code of behavior must oe altered. A polite guerilla warfare has gone on for some time between a mother and teacher of my acquaintance. The former, being a good Southerner, taught her boy and girl to answer their elders with a “Yes, Ma am and a "No. Ma'am,” but their teacher doesn’t approve, so every time they fall into that error before her, they are told to say, "No, Miss Jones.” A tiny straw, but it shows the variableness of maturity's whims when vented on infant heads. Everything called harmful at home seems to be popular with adults outside. “Gambling is dreadful, says Mama, but in the movies they see mobs of men betting on the races. “War—oh, hideous!” says Mama, but their newspapers are full of it and the radio talks about it all the time. Yes, indeed, adult behavior must often be incomprehensible to the children. I have been a long time in education and I have yet to hear a single valid argument against the position that education is a national responsibility.— Dr. Robert M. Hutchins, president, University of Chicago. You can’t have “horse and buggy” prices with New Deal taxes.—Henry Stude, president, American Bakers Association. >... i— ~

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

I: -v ' 8 i I WM

Forum of The Times 1 wholly disapprove of what you say and will defend to the death your right to say it. — Voltaire.

<Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, relioious controversies excluded. Make vour letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them to S.'O words or less. Your letter must he sinned, but names will be withheld on reouest.) ts ts tt WERE REALLY GLAD YOU LIKE IT By a Daily Reader Please accept my sincerest congratulations for your excellent work in keeping the people of this city clear on foreign affairs. "Road to War” was a magnificent story and I appreciated it very much. "Black Shirt. Black Skin” is certainly a story that clarifies a number of things in my mind. Those types of stories form just one of the reasons I read your newspaper from “cover to cover.” tt tt tt THAT’S THE OBJECT OF THE FORUM—TOLERANCE Bv Hiram Lackey As we watch the growth of Heywood Broun, and study the power of his wit and logic, we dimly realize the magnificent service which Mr. Roy W. Howard and his chain of newspapers render America. We wish to offer The Indianapolis Times our gratitude for its courage and generosity in publishing stingers opposed to its immediate interests. While Mr. Broun is disarming our scholarly traitors by his wit and logic, we might analyze the character and motives of those who betray our sacred rights of intellectual freedom. Why does a newspaper refuse to publish articles which are opposed to its editorial policy? Do not the editors have the balance of the newspaper in which to prove their contentions? Do they not have the advantage of the prestige of an editor? Have men who shape the editorial policy no faith in the power of truth to defend itself? Or do they too well understand its conquering power? Can a newspaper refuse to publish the answers of radicals without exposing itself to the grave charge of being insincere? In honor of those suffered to bless us with religious and intellectual liberty, it is just to expose our halfeducated traitors who stoop to do the sneaking things in their efforts to filch from us all that is really worth dying for in true Americanism. Behold them as the liars and cowards that they are! Before The Times clips off that statement, please recall that it is no blunter than the truth with which a certain penniless teacher knocked out the wealthy conservatives of his day, as he signed his own death warrant. When The Times says ‘No” to InJustice BY N. C. W. How God must look down with pitying smile To see weak, vain mortals’ futile guile. Striving to grasp a fleeting bubble They thought held joy. But only trouble Comes from slyly stolen, unjust gains— Leaving a heart sick with quivering pains. , ■

STILL PECKING AWAY

Thinks Strawn Is Right

By 11. E. Hankins Regarding your article “A States’ Rights Measure” in The Times of Oct. 21. Because some states NOW have an old-age pension law, the Social Security or Insurance Law is in conflict. Therefore Silas Strawn is correct that the recent Federal law on this subject is a usurpation of the rights of the states and must stand a Supreme Court test. It will, of course, be considered unconstitutional, because of the states’ rights for 150 years. A case in point: The Fair Trades Acts, of California, three times supported by decisions of the state Supreme Court. Against these is the Federal law “in restraint of trade” and the California Fair Trade Acts stand against the Federal law. Silas wins without an argument. Now, no real business man is against an old-age pension. The objection now is the method of collecting the money under the

tolerant conservatives it makes “The Forum of The Times” an institution which awakens 'favorable comment, and creates a more just and humane social order. This is the life of your newspaper. You may remind our modern conservative Arnolds that snakes, deprived of their right to hiss and rattle, are rendered no less dangerous. Death lurks in the bite of their poison fangs, not in the warning of their hiss and rattle. B B B BELIEVES ONLY ONE IN FAMILY NEEDS WORK By E. F. Maddox I believe that tne editor of The Times will agree with me that the re-emoloyment of the needy is the most important problem which this nation faces now. I also believe that all fair-minded and sensible people can agree that my proposal to redistribute our jobs on a basis of need is nothing more than common sense

Questions and Answers

Inclose a 3-cent stamp for reply when addressing any question of fact or information to The Indianapolis Times Washington Information Bureau. Legal and medical advice can not be given, nor can extended research be undertaken. Be sure ail mail is addressed to The Indianapolis Times Washington Bureau, Frederick M. Kerby, Director. 1013 Thirteenth-st, N. W„ Washington. D. C. THE EDITOR. Q —Will cutting the whiskers of a cat impair its vision? A —A naturalist found that cats with their whiskers cut short were unable to judge distance accurately. In experiments, cats without whiskers would repeatedly miss their prey when springing for it. The investigator concluded that the facial hairs aid the animal to fix its eyes on its prey and that it is undoubtedly injurious to remove the whiskers from a cat which must hunt for its living. Q—ls the word ain’t good English? A—The dictionary defines it as

new Federal law for this purpose. The basis that has been used is not correct. Miss Perkins, I believe, said 21 per cent of the cost of an item was labor, and labor is, in 1937, to start paying 1 per cent, then be increased to 2 per cent and finally 3 per cent. Then the employer comes into the picture to share the added expense. Is the labor cost of most items only about 21 per cent? Correctly figured, it is nearer 90 per cent. If those at Washington have misled Miss Perkins in figures given, that is just too bad. Mr. F. A. Smith, C. P. A. of Kansas City, Mo., who has served Lloyds of London, and the Canadian government on various figures can, I am sure, give you a detailed report on the impractical present basis the Federal Social Service Act desires to collect on. This injustice that business can not stand should interest you more than the above question which the Supreme Court will no doubt dispose of in the first test.

and justice to the unemployed heads of needy families and their dependents. There is nothing brilliant about the plan, just common horse sense. To say the plan will not work because of the greed of capitalism is entirely beside the point. This plan is not proposed to save capitalism, but to give Justice to the laboring man. My contention is that there are too many people working who have parents and husbands well able to support them. When women enter into competition with men in industry our employment problem is doubled. I propose to retire all women and girls who have adequate means of support but are holding jobs they don’t need. Put the burden of labor on the able-bodied men and let the women rest from their labors. Our children are neglected and are suffering spiritual and moral de-

a colloquial word for “am not” or “are not,” and adds that it is always inelegant. Q —Name the president of the Dollar Steamship Lines and give his address. A—Mr. R. Stanley Dollar, eldest son of the founder, the late Capt. Robert Dollar. The address is 311 California-st, San Francisco. Q —Who was the first British Consul General assigned to the Eastern States of the United States? A—Thomas McDonough, appointed Dec. 2, 1790. His assignment included what was formerly known as the Massachusetts Bay Colony, the State of Rhode Island adn Providence Plantation, and the states of Connecticut and New Hampshire. Q —What is the address of the American Mathematical Society? A—sol W. 116th-st, New York City. 1

cline because their mothers are away from home most of the time. This problem is fundamental and contributes to both our political and economic difficulties. If it will contribute to the spiritual, moral and economic well-being of our nation to redistribute our work on a basis of need, who is so selfish as to oppose such a plan, capitalism or no capitalism? I fear Mr. R. L. Rus is more interested in changing our economic system than in helping to bring back normal working conditions. I believe there are at least 5,000,000 women and girls working who really don’t need jobs. Also, that there are 3,000,000 or 4.000,000 men working who could retire easily and live without work. I think there are about 3,000,000 aliens at work in this nation at jobs which rightfully belong to American citizens, if so, their jobs ought to be given to the 11,000,000 unemployed and our biggest problem would be solved. My statistics may be imperfect, but the idea is sound and I challenge any person to prove that this is not sound reasoning. Daily Thought The Lord maketh poor, and maketh rich; He bringeth low, and lifteth up—l Samuel 2:7. FORTUNE does not change men; it only unmasks them.—Riccoboni.

SIDE GLANCES

7 - .. ■ j| 1W I H ifi o l I ~ I . p ,

‘‘l’m so sorry, Mrs. Lamb. I wouldn’t have had this happen for the world.”

OCT. 23,1935

Washington Merry-Go-Round

BY DREW PEARSON and ROBERT S. ALLEN. WASHINGTON, Oct. 23.—When the President disembarks from the Houston, the most pressing problem facing him will be the disastrous snarl of the Works-Relief plan to put 3.500,000 men to work "by November 1.” This chaotic condition is an open book. Known to only a few insiders, however, is the fact that the muchballyhooed program for the elimination of railroad grade crossings is virtually at a dead halt. Out of the $200,000,000 to have been spent, only $2,000,000 has been allocated. First snarl was the ruling that $1,140 must be spent per man per year on works-relief jobs. This left insufficient funds for materials. After weeks of delay the order finally was modified. Then it was discovered that a joker had been slipped into the Works-Relief Bill by the railroad lobby exempting the carriers from bearing arty of the cost of gradecrossing elimination. This put the entire financial burden on state and Federal governments. The state's share was fixed as the land necessary for grade-crossing projects. The result has been a chaos of haggling between state authorities, property owners and railroads. To date, onll Ohio and Texas have succeeded in getting under way—solely because they were able to persuade some of the railroads to put up a part of the cost. Note—The railroads are anxious to keep secret their co-operative attitude in Ohio and Texas because they fear if it became known, other states would demand similar concessions. BBS ONE reason the French were so reluctant to pledge British use of their naval bases in case of war in the Mediterranean, is the fact that Toulon, their chief liaval station, is only 140 miles from an Italian air base. British vessels in Toulon would be a tempting excuse for an Italian air raid which the French don't want to risk. b a b BEHIND tempestuous European debates over a naval blockade against lialy is one all-important fact. Geneva has just begun to realize that sanctions mean nothing without a blockade to enforce them. For years the League of Nations has been humming blithely along, pointing with pride to its machinery for imposing economic and financial boycotts against an aggressor. But only within the last few days have the Geneva statesmen suddenly realized that, in order to enforce such a boycott, most nations require special legislation. President Roosevelt, for instance, could not have declared his arms embargo had not the Senate rushed through the Neutrality Act during the closing days of the last congressional session. Argentina, for instance, as a member of the League, started to apply sanctions; then found she had no laws empowering her president to cut off trade with Italy. Her congress has just adjourned, so it will be next April before a law can be passed permitting Argentine sanctions against Italy. Many European nations are in the same fix. Furthermore, parliaments are notoriously inclined to think of re-election rather than world peace. And if severance of trade with Italy is going to harm local industry, cause unpleasant political reverberations, new legislation may wait even ’onger than April. Meanwhile Mussolini moves on in Abyssinia. Harry Hopkins has hired M. R. Werner, New York author, to write a running account of what progress works-relief is making. “I don’t expect to go out in the field much,” says Werner. "I can see the works from Washington. I wrote the life of Barnum without meeting him, and the life of Bryan after meeting him only once as a kid. “Before I finished my book on Tammany Hall I tried to go down and look the place over. But it was the Fourth of July and there were so many policemen standing around that I got frightened and went away.” (Copyright. 1935. by United Feature Syndicate. Inc.i

By George Clark