Indianapolis Times, Volume 47, Number 179, Indianapolis, Marion County, 5 October 1935 — Page 7

OCT. 5, 1935

It Seems to Me HEYWOOD BROUN INHERE has boon so much talk about "rods" in . our schools and colleges that the presence of black-shirted preceptors has been largely overlooked. I am quite ready to admit that the word ■fascist" has been stretched out of all meaning, almost to the same extent a:, ‘‘red." And yet there is a tendency in much teaching which definitely moves toward Nazi ideals rather than those which

we are pleased to call American. As an advocate of free speech and academic freedom I would get myself into a somewhat illogical position if I hollered that the expositors of Hitler’s philosophy must go. while at the same time I argue, as I do argue, for the retention of those whose thoughts are Marxist. Since this is a short column, I hope 1 may be allowed to skip the debate as to the merits of the contrasting systems. I should like to see the undergraduate in a position to meet all economic thought and then make his own decision. But I think I have a right to

ileywood Broun

object when any member of a college faculty preaches military dictatorship and pretends that he is arguing for American liberties. tt a tt Getting Down to Facts \ TOW, let’s proceed to get specific. The institution 1% of learning which I have in mind is the College of the City of New York, and I am pointing at Dr. Irving N. Rattner. who is head of the C. C. N. Y. American Legion Post, which includes both faculty members and graduates. The Legion post has made a survey and announces that only 3 per cent of the undergraduates are Communists. Just what yardstick was employed T do not know. I am more interested m the doctor's announcement that this 3 per cent must be upiooted and in the methods by which he purposes to do it. First of all, the radicals are divided into three groups—“born agitators,” “unstable personalities” and "highly intellectual.’ It is this last group which seems to rouse Dr. Rattnor’s ire to its highest pitch. College students who are hightly intellectual! Who ever heard of such a thing? Steps should be taken immediately. And the prescription of the good doctor seems to be not, unlike that Hollywood howler called “The Red Salute.” The physician thinks that there should he founded in the college “a Big Brother movement against Communism.” This is to function through a series of clubs "named after famous generals, statesmen and literary men.” “With the aid of the faculty u r e will make membership in these clubs compulsory for freshmen.” tt a u Thinking to He ( rime 'T'HE luckless lad who matriculates at C. C. N. Y. 1 through dint of burning the midnight oil will find upon the official postcard informing him of his admission the depressing words:—“You are hereby tapped for the Warren Gamaliel Harding Club in order that you may learn Americanism. Join it and like it. or else ” Or. of course, it could be the Calvin Coolidge Club or the Andy Mellon Marching Association. In other words. Dr Irving N. Rattner. City College alumhus. and certain faculty members propose to band together to establish an institution of learning in which the arch crime is to be thinking and in which possession of an idea is to be regarded as an offense against the Sullivan law. Nowy all this w'ould be very amusing and could well be taken in the spirit of good clean fun if it were not for the fact that Dr. Robinson, the college president, has already indicated that he w'ould like to turn every umbrella into a saber. And there is just one more point, although it may seem trivial. The College of the City of New York is supported by taxpayers. It is just barely possible that some of them assumed that their contributions were intended for the maintenance of students ancl not dumb basketball players. (Copyright., 1935)

Your Health BY DR. MORRIS FISHBEIN

'TpHE appearance of your child depends greatly on l the attention you pay to his teeth. It is for the purpose of preventing deformities in the teeth, and resultant misshaping of the face, that anew specialty in dentistry, called orthodontia, has grown up. Such specialists seek to restore the teeth and jaws to a normal appearance and prevent further deformities. The first thing an orthodontist wants to know, when he sees a child with a queer-shaped mouth, is whether the youngster has any bad habits, like thumb-sucking, and whether it has trouble breathing because of an obstruction in the nose. a a tt SOMETIMES some of the teeth must be extracted to make room for the rest. In other cases, the teeth must be wedged apart. Generally, if the baby teeth are crowded and the jaws do not shut well, you won't find any improvement when the permanent teeth come through. In fact, the condition might get worse. You should sec, therefore, that a competent dentist begins work on the teeth, when the child is only from 4 to 6 years old, to get what help may be given at these ages. tt tt tt BETWEEN the ages of 6 and 9. the permanent incisors take the place of the smaller milk teeth. Proper spacing is necessary so that these teeth will come in straight and true. Tire canine teeth come in between 11 and 12 years and fill the gap between the incisor teeth and the first premolars. If there is crowding, these teeth will be forced outward and resemble miniature tusks. X-ray pictures of such development will show whether the teeth and gums are healthy, and whether the teeth are coming through normally.

Today s Science BY DAVID DIETZ

T>HYSICS and astronomy, the big news in the sciX entific world since the beginning of the present decade, seem to be losing the spotlight of interest to medicine. The present year has seen a lull in major discoveries in physics and astronomy. There has been nothing to compare with Dr. Claude Beck's surgical treatment for angina pectoris, for various discoveries in the field of endocrinology, or the excitement caused by the announcement of Dr. Henry C. Connell. Kingston. Ont.. of anew treatment for cancer. Earlier in the decade, there was the exciting discovery of new atomic particles, the neutron, the positron, the deuton or doubleweight hydrogen and. still later, tripleweight hydrogen. a a a STILL other experiments in which electrons behaved like waves and light waves behaved like particles held the attention of the world. It was evident that history was being made as rapidly in the field of physics as it was back in those exciting days at the turn of the century when X-rays, radio-ac-tivity and radium were discovered. As though that were not enough, there was the argument over the cosmic ray. Almost every important scientific meeting was enlivened by a discussion of whether the rays were waves or particles. In addition, there was also the discovery of artificial radio-activity. But now physics, like business, seems to be taking a breathing spell. This does not mean that research has stopped. tt tt tt PROF. EINSTEIN, for example, is giving his time to reconcile the quantum theory with the theory of relativity. Likewise astronomy, has. for the moment, nothing to offer quite as exciting as the theory of the expanding universe. The notion that the universe was growing like a balloon or a soap bubble into which air was blown, was one of the most dramatic idea ever brought forward. But medicine is more than making up for this • Quiet on the fields of astronomy and physics.

afiOAD to WAR -

With Italy's iiin< pou'linj away at {Ethiopian towns and British warships mnvint into position in tho war i. ono. this grippinff story of the last debacle takes on added interest. The Times todav presents the twelfth artiele of a 1.1-article dijest of Walter .Willis' "Road to War ” QN Oct. 28 a horse-boat was torpedoed without warning, with the loss of six American horse tenders. The Germans argued that she was a British government transport and hence of military character. The liner Arabia was sunk without warning on Nov. 6; she was crowded with passengers, and though all were saved, it seemed a flagrant violation of the pledge. But the Germans contended that she had been armed, had behaved suspiciously and had appeared to be a troop ship. Many other excuses were ciscovered by the submarine captains, and a procession of protests was now issuing from the State Department. Von Jagow cabled (on Nov. 15) the first hint to Count Bernstorff that if the President did not make a peace move, the German government would. On Nov. 22 the ambassador received definite word that his foreign office intended immediately to announce the German readiness to enter peace negotiations. Bernstorff hastened to discourage this disastrous idea with fresh promises of early mediation. But on Nov. 23 von Jagow, who had throughout been one of the strongest opponents of the submarine, was relieved from his post as foreign secretary. He was succeeded by the undersecretary, Zimmerman. Zimmerman was a commoner: he had a reputation in the United States as a democrat and was, therefore, assumed to be a better friend of peace than his aristocratic predecessor. The change was hopefully received by American opinion. Actually. it signalized the beginning of the end.

‘OFFENDING THE ALLIES’

ON Nov. 27 House was summoned to Washington, and Mr. Wilson laid before him the j draft of a proposed peace note. Immediately the colonel discovered that the President had again “fallen into the same error of saying something which would have made the Allies frantic with rage. . . . The sentence to which I objected was: ‘The causes and objects of the war are obscure.’ ” Again and again, the colonel sadly noted, the President had ■‘offended” in the same way. ‘‘l told him the Allies thought if there was one thing clearer than another it was this: . . . that he | did not seem to understand their | viewpoint. They hold that Germany started the war for conquest; that she broke all international obligations and laws of humanity in pursuit of it. They claim to be fighting to make such another war impossible. ... I urged him to insert a clause, in lieu of the one to which I objected. which would make the Allies believe he sympathized with their j viewpoint.” House then retreated once more to New York, whence he fired off suggestions that the note should not be sent in “immediately,” that it could not possibly “be successful at this time,” or “without further preparation” with the | Allies. Col. House did not know that j on the day of his conference with the President. Bethmann had been writing to von Hindenburg: “In view of the irresolution which | will mark the behavior of Wilson j up to the very last minute, and the increasing disinclination of our enemies with the approach of winter to enter into negotiations, we must not allow the psychological moment for our own peace ofI fer to pass unexploited.”

WILSON DELAYS AGAIN

NOW anew difficulty arose. The German authorities had chosen this unfortunate moment greatly to enlarge their rough-and-ready attack upon the unemployment problem in Belgium and northern France. Several months before they had tried the experiment of deporting the mass of civilians left idle in the ruined industrial area around Lille to serve as agricultural workers in the fields. The Entente propagandas has rung with the alleged brutalities of the operation. Now it was extended on a large scale and great numbers of Belgians were sent not only into the countryside but into Germany. The President delayed his move still longer, while the State Department "ntered a solemn protest at Berlin on Nov. 29 against the deportations. This communication, raising a matter in which no American interest of any sort was involved, and implying that our government accepted these accusations at their face value, could only destroy the already waning confidence in any mediation by the United States. On Dec. 4, Ambassador Gerard sailed again for Germany, at the "special request" of the President. ‘‘Before I left I was impressed with the idea that he desired above all things both to keep and to make peace ... I think that the inclination of the President j was to go very far toward the forcing of peace. "But at that moment the short i session of Congress reassembled, and simultaneously the Asquith government in Great Britain fell. When the Cabinet was reconstitu ted with Lloyd George as Prime Minister, it seemed clearly to im- | ply a bitter-end policy and a "knock-out blow.'* "House's beloved Sir Edward was out of office; his place was i taken by the practical Mr. Arthur

James Balfour, who had written the Cabinet memorandum on peace terms.

GERMAN STEPS IN

AT noon on Dec. 12 the German Chancellor handed to Mr. Grew a note which he requested the government of the United States to transmit to the Entente Powers: he then went before the Reichstag to announce and explain his action to the world. The note read: “The most formidable war known to history has been ravaging for two and a half years a great part of the world. That catastrophe . . . threatens to bury under its ruins the moral and physical progress on which Europe prided itself at the dawn of the twentieth century. “In that strife, Germany and her Allies . . . have given proof of their indestructible strength. . . . It was for the defense of their existence and freedom of their national development that the four allied Powers were constrained to take up arms. The exploits of their armies have brought no change therein. . . . “They do not seek to crush or annihilate their adversaries. Conscious of their military and economic strength and ready to carry on to the end, if they must, the struggle that is forced upon them, but animated at the same time by the desire to stem the flood of blood and to bring the horrors of war to an end, the four allied Powers propose to enter even now into peace negotiations. “They feel sure that the propositions which they would bring forward and which would aim to assure the existence, honor and free development of their peoples, would be such as to serve as a basis for the restoration of a lasting peace. . . .”

TOO LATE FOR ACTION

IF the peace move ever had any chance of success, the chance ended at that moment. A neutral intervention by the United States might conceivably have been so managed as to mobilize the war-weary' publics of all the belligerents against extreme demands by either side. For Bethmann to hope to do so was fantastic. To the Entente, of course, his offer seemed only proof that victory was at hand. President Wilson had delayed too long. The door had not only been shut, but was now bolted fast; and that being so. the President was now finally to spring to action. The peace note which had been deferred for four weeks was to be rewritten and sent off in six days. On Friday. Dec. 15, Mr. Wilson came into the Cabinet meeting with the note in his hand. On Saturday afternoon, the sixteenth, Secretary Lansing transmitted the German note to our ambassadors for presentation to the entente powers. He sent with it a hint that an American peace move was to be expected shortly, entirely unconnected with the German offer. This communication was handed in at the Quai d'Orsay on Monday, the 18th. On Tuesday M. Briand spoke to the French Senate. Baron Sonnino addressed the Italian Chamber and Mr. Lloyd George stirred the House of Commons—all with the flaming rejections of the idea of peace negotiations. And it was with these speeches and voters filling the Entente press that President Wilsons peace note arrived at last ;n the Entente capitals.

ALTERATION IN TACTICS

THE note had been placed j upon the cables at 9:30 on Monday evening. Dec. 18. Swiftly and intelligently, the President : had altered his tactics to meet the new situation. He simply called . upon all the warring powers to declare what it was that they were fighting for: "The objects which the statesmen of the belligerents on both sides have in mind in this war are virtually the same, as stated in j general terms to their own people and to the world. "Each side desires to make the rights and privileges of weak peo- j pies and small states as secure IM j

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

as the rights and privileges of the great and powerful states now at war. Each wishes itself to be made secure in the future . . . against the recurrence of wars like this and against aggression or selfish interference of any kind. “Each is ready to consider the formation of a league of nations to insure peace and justice throughout the world. Before that final step can be taken, however. each deems it necessary first to settle the issues of the present war upon terms which will certainly safeguard the independence, the territorial integrity and the political and commercial freedom of the nations involved . . . “The President, therefore, feels altogether justified in suggesting an immediate opportunity for a comparison of views as to the terms which must precede those ultimate arrangements for the peace of the world. “Stated in general terms (the objects of the war) seem the same on both sides. Never yet have the authoritative spokesmen of either side avowed the precise objects which would, if attained, satisfy them and their people that the war had been fought out. “It may be that peace is nearer than we know; that the terms which the belligerents . . . would deem it necessary to insist upon are not so irreconcilable as some have feared: that an interchange of views would clear the way at least for conference and make the permanent concord of the nations a hope of the immediate future . . .”

MINUS COL. HOUSE

IT was a shrewd effort of genuine statesmanship; it was also one upon which Col. House, for almost the first time in the tortuous course of Wilsonian diplomacy, had not been consulted. On the day after it had gone, there arrived in New York a friendly little note from the White House, explaining that time had been too short for summoning the colonel. But the note, which had been read to the Cabinet on Friday, had not been cabled until Monday evening—and New York is only six hours from Washington by train! The response was what might have been expected. Returned again to Berlin, Mr. Gerard found the Germans “simply delighted with the President's peace note”; but from every allied source, of course, the cries of anger and dismay resounded. For the Allies, unfortunately, could not state their real war aims. Their own peoples would have refused to go on fighting for all the territorial spoils they had been compelled to pledge each other. “That ass. President Wilson,” the British soldier. Sir Henry Wilson, disgustedly told his diary, “has barged in and asked all belligerents their terms.” Lord Bryce wrote a personal letter of protest to Mr. Wilson against a note in which he appeared to draw no distinction between the aims of the combatants; while in London Lord Northcliffe told Mr. Page that “everybody is as angry as hell.” Mr. Asquith refused even to talk about it—“it is most disheartening"—and the king, Mr. Page heard, broke down and wept.

THE LAST EFFORT

ASAD and ominous Christmas came and went—the third Christmas of the war. On the twenty-seventh the first disappointment arrived—from Berlin. To the President's request for a statement of war aims Zimmerman replied with only a brief and barely courteous announcement that his government preferred the method it had already proposed of direct negotiations between the belligerents. Then on Dec. 30 the State Department received the Allies' collective answer to the German peace offer. It was a long and passionate denunciation of Germany and a reassurance of the complete purity of the Entente cause, clearly designed to end all idea of peace, not only in the United States but in Germany as well. , Air. Wilson, in the meanwhile,

had been discussing with House what was to be the President's ; last effort—and in the minds of many one of the noblest efforts he ever made. Could not the President force the issue by himself stating what he believed to be reasonable and practical peace terms? House had already suggested something of the kind, and was at once in his element —rearranging the map of | Europe, carving up the Central Powers and distributing their fragments among the Allies. At 2:30 on Jan. 10 M. Briand in j Paris handed to Ambassador Sharp the joint reply of the | Entente governments to President j Wilson's request that they state j their war aims. A large part of the reply was devoted to another | denunciation of the “series of j crimes perpetrated (by the Germans) without regard for univer- j sal reprobation.” It repeated the formula already j being echoed and re-echoed in the ! Entente press: What they wanted was “reparation, restitution and 1 . , . guarantees” against another “aggression” by the Central Powers. For the rest they are fighting not for “selfish interests, but above all to safeguard the independence of peoples, of right and of humanity.” Having laid this foundation, however, the Allies did permit themselves to be a little more specific than Zimmermann had been.

A POWERFUL ADDRESS

THEIR demands include: “The restoration of Belgium, of Serbia and of Montenegro, and the indemnities which are due them; the evacuation of the invaded territories of France, of Russia and of Rumania with just reparation, the reorganization of Europe; guaranteed by a stable regime and founded as much upon respect for nationalities and full security and liberty (of) economic development, which all nations, great or small, possess, as upon territorial conventions . . . ; the restitution of provinces or territories wrested in the past from the Allies by force or against the i will of their populations, the lib- ! eration of Italians, of Slavs, of Rumanians and of Czecho-Slovaks from foreign domination; the enfranchisement of populations subject to the bloody tyranny of the Turks; the expulsion from Europe of the Ottoman Empire.” On the evening of Jan. 11 the President, in a two-hour session with Col. House, was going over own draft outline of prac- ! ticable peace terms. It was ari ranged that he would deliver his j proposals in an address from the | impressive forum of the Senate chamber. I . The address of Jan. 22, 1917, was an ingenious and powerful effort of constructive statesemanship. What it did was simply to take the idealist and propagandist : rationalizations of the belligerent war aims and give them a pracI tical application in the real world of men and nations. It established the necessary conditions to a viable peace conceived in such terms.

THE PRESIDENT SPEAKS

COMPLETING the address of May 27, it clearly and for the first time related the American people to such a peace, and distinguished—as our various Entente sympathizers and peace league men had never done—just what were our rights and our responsibilities in participating in its establishment: "In every discussion of the peace that must end this war. it is taken for granted that that peace must be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us again ... It is inconceivable that the people of the United States should play no part in that great enterprise. "But we owe it to candour and to a just regard for the opinion of mankind to say that, so far as our participation in guarantees of future peace is concerned, it makes a great deal of difference in what way and upon what terms • the war) is ended. "The treaties and agreements which bring it to an end must embody terms which will create a

peace that is worth guaranteeing and preserving, a peace that will win the approval of mankind, not merely a peace that will serve the several interests and immediate aims of the nations engaged. “The question upon which the whole future peace and policy of the world depends is this: Is the present war a struggle for a just and secure peace, or only for anew balance of power? . . . Fortunately, we have received very explicit assurances on this point. “The statesmen of both of the groups of nations now arrayed against one another have said, in terms that could not be misinterpreted. that it was no part of the purpose they had in mind to crush their antagonists. But the implications of these assurances may not be equally clear to all. “They imply, first of all, that it must be a peace without victory. It is not pleasant to say this. . . . I am seeking only to face realities. . . . Victory would mean peace forced upon the loser, a victor's terms imposed upon the vanquished. “It would be accepted in humiliation, under duress, at an intolerable sacrifice, and would leave a sting, a resentment, a bitter memory upon which terms of peace would rest, not permanently, but only as upon quicksand. “Only a peace between equals can last, only a peace the very principle of which is equality and a common participation in a common benefit.” Upon this, the absolutely essential basis for the sort of peace in hope of which the millions were alone being nerved to sustain their suffering. President Wilson then established the broad conditions which would be necessary to the making and maintaining of it.

IRONY IN A TELEGRAM

THE first was acceptance of “the principle that governments derive all their just powers from the consent of the governed.” The second was acceptance of the principle that every great power should “be assured a direct outlet to the great highways of the sea.” The third condition was that the sea should “alike in law and in fact be free.” That was all; yet the President had embraced in these few paragraphs nearly all the fundamental military, political and economic causes around which modern wars develop. The curt telegram already reposing in Count Bernstorffs safe, instructing him to announce on the last day of January the unrestricted warfare would begin on Feb. 1. lends a rather grim irony to the explosions with w ; hich the “Peace Without Victory” speech was received. The telegram which announced the end of two and a half years of devoted labor had reached the Ambassador on Jan. 19. That gave him just 12 days in which to work. He immediately fired one cable at Berlin: “War inevitable in view of ‘the proposed action. I shall have to give the password for unnavigable German steamers (the orders to disable the interned liners) on Feb. 1, as effect of carrying out my instructions here will be like declaration of war, and strict guard will be kept. In any case, an incident like that of the Lusitania may be expected soon. If military reasons are not absolutely imperative . . postponement most urgently desirable. Wilson believes he can obtain peace on the basis of our proposed equal rights of all nations.”

A U. S. MEMORANDUM

AND then, knowing how little hope there was in Berlin, he applied himself to Col. House. The Senate speech three days later gave him something; he seized upon it and hurried off another urgent telegram to stay the fatal submarine. The same day there was a wire from Col. House asking him to come to New York; not until the 26th. however, with only five days left, did this meeting take place. Then the Ambassador found that the Colonel had not merely his own ideas to offer, but a memorandum from the President himself. Monday—The dominant factor. The Submarine. tCwngiu, McClure Newspaper Syndicate)

Fair Enough HSKOOMB VIERIGLEY FIELD. CHICAGO. Oct. s.—Tfr- firMi YV Chicago came of the World Series *‘s>s the most dashing display of baseball, martial .yy*v and elegance combined, that has ever been presorted to the patrons of the industry. The polite charm of the spectacle was marred only by the petulance of two of the umpires, the Messrs Moriarty and Quigley. The baseball was spirited and full of the fascinating uncertainty which old Abner Doubledav wrought into his invention before the Civil War. the

marching and tootling of the American Legion band were the stuff that wars are made of and the ushering was beautiful Moreover, the contest took a turn in the last half of the ninth which gave the public two extra measures of sport before the Cubs finally lost. 6 to 5. And even Mr. Moriarty's rage at certain parties on the Cubs bench was expressed in language that could not bring a blush to the cheek of wife or maid, for it is a famous fact that Mr. Moriarty does not commit his violence by word of mouth. When

he wishes to resort to force he uses other measures. He will fight a whole benchload of tobacco-eating athletes 25 years younger than himself with his bare hands, and has done so with success. Or he will take them three at a time with ball bats. But he is notorious for his wholesomeness. He has committed poetry in his time, he lectures to the youth of the land in winter on the pleasures and rewards of clean living and he has raised a son to be a surgeon. It is a good idea to have a surgeon in the Moriarty family, for a man who does not hestitate to challenge a whole ball club naturailj sufler3 from wear and tear from time to time. a a a Turning ‘Sissg,' Xn Doubt MR. MORIARTYS temper rose in the eighth A few' minutes earlier he had called out Phil Cavarretta in a close play at second. The acoustics of the major league ball parks are such, unfortunately. that the comments of the performers are last to the patrons. Therefore, they were unprepared when the umpire stalked over to the Cubs’ bench, a huge figure of authority and wrath. There seemed to be a sharp difference of opinion down there. Possibly he issued his standard invitation to them to come on out back. But if so. the party was postponed, for after an impressive demonstration of the majesty of the law Mr. Moriarty returned to his position to the tune of the boos of some 45.000 citizens, but disdained to challenge them en masse. He may be slipping. Mr. Quigley's annoyance was briefer, but just as gaudy. In the sixth inning, Pete Fox of the Tigers hit a triple to drive in their first run. A moment later Gabby Hartnett w'hipped a throw down to third and caught Fox. to the great chagrin of Del Baker, the coach. Baker disagreed with Quigley’s judgment, and was ordered off the field. It was an important victory for authority in a time when farmers are likely to haul a judge off his bench and make him w'alk in from the country without his pants merely for signing a foreclosure. The Cubs had started off with a confident dash, scoring two runs in the second. Their pitching w'as in charge of Bill Lee. an alumnus of Huey Long's Louisiana State University, and seemed to be in able hands up to then. They got another in the fifth, and the attendance had no sense of danger until the eighth, when the Goose slapped a grounder past first base w'hich w'cnt for two bases, scoring White and Gchringer. With the score tied Lee was excused, and Lonnie Warneke. the inevitable World Series Arkansas farm boy, took his place. But Warneke lacked the authority of the opening day in Detroit, and the Tigers were leading 5 to 3 when the uprising ended. tt tt tt And Then the Drama Starts THE Cubs turned on the drama in the ninth, scoring two runs to tie it up in the last instant as Klein and ODea. pinch hitters, came through contrary to tradition. Then came the trick ending, a fumble by Freddie Lindstrom. which helped the Tigers get the winning run in the eleventh. So it will be seen that this was a gala show in all respects—social, artistic, financial, emotional and sartorial. It would be an incomplete account which did not pay elaborate respect to the ushers, a corps d'elite organized by an ingenious youth named Andy Frayne. They wear pale blue uniforms with gold trimming and a lettered device which looks like a flier’s insignia. They say “sir” and “ma'am ’ and “please” and “thank you” and do not use guns or blackjacks on the patrons. And, in an astonishing display of military precision. they fall in in a thin blue hollow square on the infield when the game is over to keep the patrons off the grass. There were some rather hard feelings toward P. K. Wrigley, the proprietor, because it appears that after the “must” tickets had been distributed to the big shots to the extent of about half the reserved sections the others were put on public sale, and many fell into the hands of the scalpers. But it will cheer the outraged patrons to know that both wings of the bleachers were empty, and that shortly before the game not a few speculators, looking very solemn, were to be seen spreading mustard on their leftover tickets and preparing to eat them. (Copyright. 1935, by Unite and Feature Syndicate. Inc i

Times Books

WE had a "lost generation" before the war. and a very self-conscious and arty generation it was; rich young Americans who just couldn't endure their own country's raw. crude vitality, and who spent their substance in a frantic, faintly ridiculous effort to get away from it all. You get an interesting and irritating picture of that generation in “European Experiences," by Mabel Dodge Luhan. (Harcourt. Brace: $3.75.) Mrs. Luhan was born to a well-to-do family in Buffalo and grew up around the turn of the century. She apparentlv was to Buffalo, for a time, what Alice Roosevelt once was to Washington: but after a time thus palled on her. and after a spur-of-the-moment marriage -was ended by death she went to Paris, where she speedily married a footloose young Bostonian. tt tt a TO Italy they went, to occupy a huge villa and entertain the wandering and ineffectual crowd of expatriates; and reading Mrs. Luhan's account of the life they led. one gets the impression that their generation was just as truly "lost" as the better publicized one which came after the war. They were lost because their own country wa3 too much for them. They ran away from it. they dabbled desperately in art, in polite conversation and in “civilized living”; and all of them posed. It is a tribute to Mrs. Luhan's skill as a writer that she can make all of these antics interesting. Her book is eminently readable. (By Bruce Cotton.)

Literary Notes

A manual on book collecting, intended solely for the beginning collector of very modest means' will soon be issued by Argus Books, 333 S. Dearborn -st, Chicago. The title of the book is Poor Man's Hobby, or Notes of Encouragement to Those Who Bravely Challenge Circumstances to Form a Collection of Books So That Their Lives May Take On Added Lustre and Their Later Memories Added Graciousness.” The author is Robert John Bayer. Eric Hodgins. co-author with F A Magoun of "Sky High," "A History of Aviation." and Behemoth; The Story of Power." and for the last two years an associate editor of Fortune, has been appointed managing editor of the magazine. He succeeds Ralph McA. Ingersoll, who recently became general manager of Time, Inc. Walter Duranty's forthcoming book, “I Write as I Please,” will be dedicated to the memory of Bill Ryall (William £olitho; f

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Westbrook Tegler