Indianapolis Times, Volume 47, Number 16, Indianapolis, Marion County, 29 March 1935 — Page 26

PAGE 26

The Indianapolis Times (A ACRIPPS-HOWARD NEWSPAPER) ROT W. HOWARD Prealdent TAT C.iTT r*'WELL Editor EARL D. BAKER Bcalneaa Manager Phone Riley 55U

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Give Mght an* the prapl* Wtll Fin 4 Their 0t Wap __ l-RIDAT lIAP.CH 29. I3V WESTWARD HO! OFF for anew frontier on the earth's skyways the yh.p North Haven is steaming westward from the Golden Coast to blaze trail for a cor.imercial air service from the Pacific Coast to the Orient. Aboard are 118 modern argonauts—engineers. builders and other technicians—who win set up little settlements for fueling stations at Midway and Wake Islands, stepping stones between Hawaii and the Philippines. Pan-American Airways will send a big clipper seaplane to Honolulu next month for a trial flight. Soon a regular passengcr-mali service will be started between California and Manila, ano from there to Canton. Conquest i the object of this historic voyage of the North Haven, but not conquest in the military sense. It is to be a conquest of time. Crossing the world's biggest ocean nowtakes three weeks. By air you soon may travel from San Francisco to Canton in four days. Bringing the Orient nearer to our shores should cement the bonds of friendship. May the new skyway toward the glamorous lands of the Far East always be traversed in the interests of cultural intercourse, civilizing commerce and international peace! THE FIGHT CONTINUES CONNECTICUT S refusal to ratify the Child Labor Amendment deals a final blow to hopes of victory in 1935 in this long campaign. Since it is now impossible to get the needed 12 states to act this legislative season, ratification is postponed at least another two years. The four states ratifying this year—lndiana. Wyoming, Utah and Idaho—deserve commendation for their wisdom and humanity. The selfish and misguided gentry who defeated the amendment in 16 states should rejoice while they may. As sure as sunrise, this nation in one way or another will shut the gates of Its mines, factories and mills to chilcren and open Instead the doors of its schools Vo them. Defeat this year is another, possibly the best, argument for extending NRA for two years. The codes have kept off the labor marts between 100.000 and 200.000 children of 16 or younger. Without protection of the codes, these children will be thrown back to the mercy of inadequate state laws. Only four states have prohibitions that approximate the codes’ 16-year minimum age for wageworkers. Most states permit children of 14 to work under certain regulations. Anti-child labor crusaders should weigh the wisdom of introducing anew Federal bill against child labor in Congress. While two such measures have been held unconstitutional one in 19 i7 and one m 1922—the present liberal majority of the Supreme Court might contrue a carefully drawn law favorably. We have gone a long way since 1922, and we look at things differently. No matter how it is done, whether by codes or by law. the practice of working children for wages soon will be halted by Federal fiat. As Miss Katherine Lenroot of the Childrens Bureau says. The fight is still on ” TARIFFS AND WAGES IN a recent speech. Secretary Hull emphasized again the important but often obscured truths that high tariffs and high ,wages do not go hand in hand, and that high tariffs are detrimental to the interests of most workers and producers. He recalled a survey comparing wages in 36 typical industries not aided by tariffs with wages in 36 protected industries. In 1929, the average wage-earner in the highly protected industries got 5595 less than the average worker in industries receiving no tariff benefits. Employes in the unprotected industries averaged $1704 a year, while those in the highly protected industries averaged SI 109. "Those who contend that a virtually prohibitive tariff is essential overlook or ignore certain basic facts," the Secretary said. "In 1030 where were approximately fifty million gainful workers in the country. More than Itaif ... employed in service industries, transportation. wholesale and retail business, public utilities and building trades, are . . . not helped by the tariff, but, as consumers, are hurt thereby. Ten million farmers, a large part of whose products are exported and sell at world market prices, are obliged to buy in a protected market. Os the remaind?r, a large I proportion . . . engaged in industr.es ... on an export basis ... get no assistance from the tariff and are. indeed, injured by it.” SWEATSHOP PAY v r OUD think that the man who had a job in time of depression would go a round parting himself on the back and rendering daily thanks to his lucky stars. That's true, in most cases. But some jobholders lately have been developing a weakness for feeling sorry for themselves. They take an attitude something like this: that because the Job of supporting the unemployed fa’ls on the government, and ultimately on the taxpayer, the man who has a Job and pays taxes is very much to be pitied, since he is enabling others to live in idleness. A young New Jersey accountant the other day sounded off at some length on this subject. He happened to know an unemployed family tbat was in dire children, a squalid shack for a home, and relief payments of $6 25 a week as its sole Income. He tried to help a young man m this family get a job, and put an advertisement in a rural paper, stating that a 20-year-old American who could drive a car and knew how to take care of horses would take any Job for his keep and $lO a month. The accountant got 300 answers to that let\ar. Prospective employees all over New Eng-

land and the central Atlantic region seemed to figure that a $lO-a-month wage scale represented a bargain. So, when his young friend had accepted one of the offers, the accountant toe* the letters to relief agencies to see if other unemployed people didn't want Jobs. There he got a shock. The jobs went begging. None of the Jobless men rose to the bait. And the accountant complained bitterly: “As long as the government is going to take it out on those who pay taxes and support the vast bureaucratic machine of the Democrats, the unemployed won’t work; they’ll continue eating their heads off.” Such honest indignation is very touching, until you stop to the boon which these unemployed men rejected. For a wage rate of $lO a month, even with keep, is a sweatshop wage, under any circumstances. Is It, really, surprising that American workers should reject it? Would we gain anything by lightening our relief load at the price of a wage scale like that? What happens to the American standard of living, at $lO a month? The accountant reports that these offers came from high-grade outfits—Long, Island estates, summer camps, shooting lodges, schools, and the like. And if we supremely lucky folk who are able to pay taxes would stop pitying ourselves, we might agree that these would-be employers rate Just as much criticism for offering $lO-a-month Jobs as do the jobless men for turning them down. CLEAR ECONOMIC SKY WASHINGTON observers now believe that the threatened wave of strikes in major industries will not materialize this spring, after all. A few weeks ago the outlook was dark. Leaders of organized labor were on the out with the Administration. Serious trouble threatened in soft coal, automobile, steel, rubber tire, and textile trades; and no one needs to meditate very long to realize what a succession of strikes in these basic industries would do to the recovery program. Now, however, the sky is brighter. Concessions have been made by both sides. President Roosevelt's dream of an industry-labor truce seems closer to realization, with labor leaders mollified by assurance of Administration support for at least part of labor's legislative program. It is to be hoped that this new optimism is Justified. Widespread labor trouble is always costly to every one concerned. It would be especially costly just now. It is the responsibility of labor, industry, and government to find a peaceful solution for current difficulties. BACK TO THE MIDDLE AGES AN enterprising British real estate firm, marketing anew residential subdivision in Middlesex, has equipped its new estates with built-in dugouts, guaranteed gasproof and bombproof, and is making quite a point of the matter in its advertising. "Live here and be safe in time of war,” is its sales slogan. It would be hard to find a grimmer bit of testimony to the insecurity of life in the face of modem warfare. Centuries ago, people built their . juses without windows so that e'.ch }. ..e would stand ? seige. Today we have advanced immeasurably from the dis.acred conditions which made such architecture necessary. , But if we have to equip our homes with bombproof dugouts. where is the gain? We simply have gone pack to conditions of toe middle ages. FOR BUYER CONFIDENCE FRAUD intrenched is hard to uproot. Congress discovered this when it passed the truth-in-securities law and the stoek market control law, and will find again when it tries to carry out the Pretident’s appeal so ra new pure food and drugs iaw. "Let the buyer beware” is an acceptable trade philosophy only when the buyer has an opportunity to inform himself. The truth-in-securities law placed the investor on a more even footing with the financial promoter. Through a revitalized pure food and drugs law. the President would give the same type of protection to the consumer of food products, drugs and cosmetics. Such a law would aiso protect the majority of honest producers of these products from unethical practices of their dishonest competitors. “Only the scientific and disinterested activity of government,” the President said, “can protect this honor of our producers and provide the possibility of discriminating choice to our consumers.” The Copeland bill, reported favorably by the Senate Commerce Committee after two years of deliberations, would strengthen the flimsy 29-vear-old law by closing many legal* loopholes, bringing the cosmetic trade under supervision, excluding additional harmful or adulterated products from our markets, setting up standards for truthful advertising as well as truthful labeling. The bill may not be perfect, but it is at least a framework for the legislation asked by the President to “outlaw the bad practices of the few . . . protect the many from unscrupulous competition . . . proride a bulwark of consumer confidence throughout the b’.tsiness world.” ESCAPE FROM REALITY 'HE way in which an economic crisis car. be a direct menace to world peace was strikingly illustrated by a paragraph in p, recent news dispatch from Berlin, telling ox Germany's reaction to Hitler's rejection of the military clauses of the Versailles treaty. The entire country,” said tlr.* dispatch, “has forgotten its economic troub’es during the last few days to swamp Hitler’s office with enthusiastic letters and telegrams of gratitude.” It Is right there that the danger lies. Any national leader, confronted by an insoluble economic crisis, can always take his people's minds off o* their troubles by adopting a “strong” foreign policy. The temptation to adopt such a policy, therefore, is extremely great. But a strong foreign policy is the kind of policy that eventually leads to war. In trying to submerge the economic problem, the leader runs the grave danger of starting something that can only be finished by fighting. Now that Prince Mdivani is about to lose his bride, the Woolworth heiress, all that remains to comfort him is the memory of dimes they spent together.

Looking at America BY GEN. HUGH S. JOHNSON

OKMULGEE, Okla., March 29.—Two events of yesterday are important. Mr. Barucn testified with effect before the special Senate Munitions Committee. Adolf Hitler demanded equality of armament with France. The latter is a forecast of European war. The former shows us a way to keep out of it. Provisions for putting a ceiling on war prices, I eliminating war profits, rnd drafting or mobilj izing industry, will mat .his nation the most powerful engine for defei.fi 'e war the world has ever seen. I doubt whether European nations realize this, and I am sure ou- own people do not. Formerly, a war was a matter of maneuverI ing relatively small armies to a point of combat , and fighting a few decisive battles. Modern war i is a problem of ranging an army as wide as the frontier against another equally wide in masses ! so deep neither can maneuver, then digging in. ; From that phase on, the issue depends on which ; can hurl the greatest tonnage of metal and gas against the other. It is a contest in industrial and agricultural production and that, in turn, means a battle of national credits, and financial resource. If there are no profits, if by swift organization and firm control, peace industry can he quickly converted to war time production—if, above all, there are no runaway war prices, the nation thus blessed will win any wr.r against a nation of equal or even greater economic and military strength which has not so provided. Equally important, the crushing aftermath of war—paying for it—will have been very much lightened. a a tt IN the World War it took us a year to get our industry converted to war uses. Right up to the armistice, it was not working at full efficiency. We suffered such runaway prices that the war cost us twice ns much as it would have cost with a controlled price structure. In other words, we would have been helpless for a year against, any enemy who could have attacked at once in mass, and the blood of our resistance—money—was ebbing aw'ay twice as fast as was necessary. At that, we did better in rapidity and efficiency of mobilization, and in price control, than any other belligerent. The war cost the others about three times as much as it would have cost if they had put a ceiling on prices, and they were slower in converting their industries to war uses. It is a fact that the allies were licked on the financial front as well as on the industrial front, when we came in to save them. The rise in war prices saddled them with debts so great that many of them were repudiated. We learned more about industrial and price control than they ever suspected. The Nye Committee will see this if they dig deep enough. If the Congress enacts a bill applying our lessons in the World War it will have done much to render us impregnable to attack, and hence immune from war. Copyright. 1935. by United Feature Syndicate. Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part forbidden.)

Liberal Viewpoint BY DR, HARRY ELMER BARNES

POLITICAL ambition has begotten many conspicious examples of shameless effrontry in the past, but rarely has is produced a more amazing instance than Herbert Hoover’s recommendation of a return to Republican rule as the sole means of restoring prosperity and constitutional government to the United States. Hoover and the Republicans could not even hold prosperity when she was thrown in their laps. How can they expect to woo her back? The Republican regime from ID2L to 1929 held four aces and a wild joker, and still it could not save the jackpot. Mr. Hoover says that: “The Republican party today has the greatest responsibility that has come to it since the days of Abraham Lincoln.” One may agree with this, but not with the implication that Mr. Hoover placed upon it. The responsibility of the Republican party today is to be able to muster enough sense of historical propriety, social realism, and patriotic duty to retire gracefully from the political scene. It belongs to the dinosaurs. If Mr. Ropsevelt has done nothing else, he has certainly put an end to any possible logical function of the Republican party in American political life. a a a THE role of the Republican party in America since the Civil War has been to protect property rights and the propertied class. Mr. Roosevelt has now assumed that function and made the Democratic party as much of a bulwark of property as any party can be without inviting national disaster. If capitalism can be saved with no more inroads than Mr. Roosevelt has made on property it will be a miracle. If the property interests of the country have any modicum of reason and sense they will rally behind him as their last hope. To back up a more reactionary party and President would mean the ultimate extinction of all private property. After the Repub’ican party guided us into depression by permitting, and in too many cases, fostering that looting and speculation by finance capitalism which brought us to ruin, Mr. Hoover recommends that we go back to the same old suicidal policies followed from 1921 to 1929. After'things went from bad to worse under four years of his leadership, he has the audacity to assert that “we stand on the threshold of a great forward, economic movement, if only the paralyzing effects of mistaken governmental policies and activities may be removed. In short, remove the policies and achievements which have taken us as far as we have moved from the abyss of the closing days of February, 1933. Mr. Hoover contends that “the freedom of men to think, to act, to achieve, is now being hampered.” a a a JUST when did Mr. Hoover become a champion of human freedom and deep thinking? Did he as President ever once raise his hand in behalf of civil liberties? Did he ever stimulate free and independent thinking, even in his own university at Stanford, to say nothing of the White House? Would even any candid Republican allege that civil liberties are at a lower ebb today than in the Hoover administration. And just how does the NIRA. the child of the United States Chamber of Commerce and of Mr. Hoover’s friends, Julius Barnes. Silas Strawn and Henri I. Uarriman. ‘'hamper” business—at least that “big business” for which Mr. Hoover speaks? Clause 7-A, the only fly-in-the-ointment for business, has been effectively smothered. Finally, Mr. Hoover tells us that—- “ There must be confidence in the security of the job. ol the business, of the savings which sustain the homes. . . . There must be constantly improved safeguards to the family from the dislocations of economic life and of old age. Very true words, but what has the Republican party of Mr. Hoover ever done to justify, the common men of America in turning to them for hope of unemployment and old-age insurance or the protection of their home and savings? What did Mr. Hoover have to say in behalf of unemployment insurance from 1929 to 1933, when our ranks of the unemployed grew from 4.500.000 to 15.000.000? Were not his cronies in business ai.d finance the very men who staged the speculative orgy and gutted our banking system, thus sweeping away the savings of both the employed and the unemployed? And what did Hoover and the Republicans do for the farmer? Let us not forget that it was during the 12 years of Republican rule that the American farm income shrank from $15,000,000.000 a year to $5,200,000,000. The Republicans j deflated the farmers. To return to the Republicans today would be like going back to stagecoaches to solve the traffic problems of metropolitan New York City. Approximately 1 per cent of the United States population are morons, statistics show. The charitable fellow who figured that out apj parent iy doesn't do much driving.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

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The Message Center

(Times renders nre invited to express their vines in these columns. Make pour letters short, so all can hare a chance. Limit them to 2-jo words or less. Tour letter must be sinned, but names trill be withheld at request of the letter writer J a a a UNMOVED BY PLEA OF HOOVER By A Times Reader A call to arms of all who believe in our American system of government might sound fine coming from some one other than Mr. Hoover and Mr. Fletcher. Not that I hold any grievances against either of these men. As I reflect, I can not help remembering the system they represent. Mr. Hoover, as the last of three Presidents who served as a sphinx under America’s first dictator, who ruled our government by remote control from the little street. If the above could be disputed, I might see a note of sincerity in Mr. Hoover’s appeal. a a a UPHOLDS BELIEF IN SUPERNATURAL By B. M. G. I would like to express my views regarding a statement in The Times of March 19, credited to Dr. Charles F. Potter, which should cause thinking adults to stop, look and listen for the sake of malleable youth. He said: “Belief in the supernatural has hindered the progress of many.” Meaning anything beyond or exceeding the powers of nature? Striving above what is human to seek the divine? Does he mean those superhuman struggles of supermen down through the pages of glorious history, who by their supernatural faith contacted the divine spark, recognized it, had faith in it, groped through the darkness of human bondage, human hopelessness and human ignorance, for the benefit and enlightenment of future generations, making progress possible for the human clods ruled only by human instincts? Rather, I think that each superman who rises above the human clods, with a firm belief in the supernatural, pulls away the dark veil of ignorance and oppression and admits a little more of the light surrounding us and we progress a little farther by his effort. Heaven pity a man who must have so musty a cavern in his mind that it wafts up to him for publication, such a thought, “Belief in the supernatural has hindered the progress of man.”—Charles Francis Potter, humanist. And as the people marveled, Christ said to them, “Greater things than these shall ye do by faith,” and by our link with the supernatural we are unfolding daily, new avenues of progress to combat human lust and death. a a a PUTTING IT UP TO GEN. JOHNSON By Charles A. Hubbard An open letter to Gen. Johnson: Chaos or dictator? What will ?. dictator do? (The National Broadcast substituted Amos and Andy at 10 and I did not hear your recommendations). The President endeavors to presene the status quo of capitalism by using some socialistic means, which course is inconsistent, even if his purpose was worthy. Conventional capitalism as we know it has failed here, there and everywhere; people are demanding a change, and they follow leaders who offer something different — Father Coughlin and Senator Long —even if they are demogogues and “horses’ tails” as you imply. Personally I think these men have a mission, and their radio talks have taught mihioha to. think, and uiti-

THE VULTURES WAIT

Urges Roosevelt Support

By a Roosevelt Follower. After being informed by the newspapers that our "depression President,” Hoover, is expected to run for President in 1936. I can hardly keep from expressing my personal opinion. I can’t understand how, after being “licked” so badly in 1933, Hoover could ever have the “ne.ve” to even try to run. And now, after getting us into the depression, he wants to come in and “tear down” what President Roosevelt has worked so hard and intelligently to build up. It hasn’t been an easy task for our President to do what he has so ifiiihfully done for us! He should be “looked up to” by all honest and intelligent Americans! It naturally will take time to build up what has been torn down by Hoover, but if the American public will stand by Roosevelt, as they have done so far, there will be no bread lines, but employment instead.

mate good will come out of the discussions they lead. If we are to retain the benefits of capitalism, and the advantage of individual initiative, we must reform our economic set-up and our money and credit system. Our President tries to maintain the status quo of capitalism. It is loosing friends. Socialism is a beautiful theory, but President Roosevelt backed by law, or a dictator backed by an army, can not regulate the mental processes and the every day activities of 120 million people. Your own experience with NRA should be convincing to every one. Capital is entitled to income, but not from mere lapse of time (interest). Capital must take profits on a participating basis. Capital should have the right to liquidate (fire) an incompetent manager, but no business should be liquidated ex- j cept for obsolescence of plant or product. As you know, capital has destroyed railroads, Insull, banks, factories, farmers by the thousands; it has ruined the men whose initiative has made the country great, all because capital has demanded its pound of flesh. Existing banks should be depositories only, with 100 per cent cash reserves—charging for service, but with no interest income. Investment banks under proper supervision should offer participating securities to the public, but no bonds or loans at fixed interest. If credit be necessary it should be offered by the government as a J source of revenue. The government should purvey credit —not be a buyer of credit as now. ana BRISBANE AND COUGHLIN HELD VETERANS’ FRIENDS By Edward Heron. I am not a veteran, neither have I qny relatives who are veterans, but I,' like many more who are readers of The Times, feel you are prejudiced against and unfair with the veterans, in that your editorials point out only your view of the question and does not present the veterans’ side. On Page 1 of a daily Chicago paper, dated March 24, there appeared an editorial which gave a good and fair statement why the veterans should be paid now. Did you read it? And did you ever publish such a just and fair statement in your paper? Sunday afternoon I happened to be in a home where a large audience had gathered to hear Father Coughlin’s radio address and where he stated the veterans should be paid and paid now. The applause was deafening and there aere only two

[I wholly disapprove of what yon say and will 1 defend to the death your right to say it. — Voltaire. J

Should Hoover run next year, it is my honest belief that he would only get beaten worse than before. If Roosevelt should run for another term and be elected to office, by that time things would be back as they were before the depression, but if Hoover should get in again no doubt but that our bread lines would increase. As soon as our President was elected to office he immediately began making plans, but Hoover never even tried to do anything about it—l should say practically nothing. I honestly and sincerely believe that the American people will not let Hoover come in and “tear down” what our faithful Roosevelt has worked so hard to build up for us. I have every faith in our President and, as a faithful follower, I’m backing him!—and I’m hoping the American public will.

veterans present among the large crowd. So you can easily see the majority of the people want them to have it now. Mr. Brisbane, the great columnist, is strong for the veterans and so are a great number of highly educated men, for they feel it is deserved and due them now because they paid bonuses to every one else immediately, but made the poor veteran wait and are still trying to make him wait 10 years longer. a a a ABOUT HUGH, HUEY AND FATHER COUGHLIN By Alexander Kahn. As I see it from my puny eyes,— (I am neither a Kingfish, nor a general, nor a father)—the world is gliding calmly on, even though from every side prophets warn her that she is heading straight toward an imaginary downfall; warn her so as to attract the attention of her eyes on their self-glorified personages. Free speech is a virtue and a blessing to the United States and to its people, but in the hands of a few of these dangerous men. the Huey Longs, the Father Coughlins, and the Gen. Johnsons, it has become a boring nuisance. I only hope that these three men will continue to preach their misrepresentation on the radio, for then I will not be forced to listen to them because I can easily turn the radio off. Personally, it usually amuses me to ponder upon the perverted psychology of these men, for each declare that each is wrong and he is right, when in reality, they are all wrong. Not only are they playing with dynamite in preaching such dangerous heresy, but also, and worst of all, they are wasting our time. If I would express my opinion of them in General Johnson’s language, I would say that “None of them have a damn bit of sense,” and in the words of Senator Huey P. Long "Down with all radio politicians,” and as Father Coughlin would say, “These men are to be pitied, for they know not what they say.” No

Daily Thought

Anew commandment I give unto you, that ye love one another; as I have loved you. that ye also love one another. —Sc. John, xiv,' 34. THE heart of him who truly loves is a paradise on earth; he has God in himself, for God is lo y.— Lamennaia.

MARCH 29, 1935

matter how I would say it, the meaning is clear. Nevertheless, with all of this, I truly envy these men for their highly delicious descriptive choice of words. Huey Long is a pied piper, Gen. Johnson is a ghost, and Father Coughlin is a demagog, but just between you and me, I would call them nothing worse than “highfaluting flukes.” Seriously though, these three in- ' dividuals do have their good points. They and their speeches, like John Milton and his “Paradise Lost,” tend to arouse and encourage the imagination of their listeners. Now imagination is a necessary embellishment of poetry, and thus these men are indirectly and unknowingly aiding to draw forth some spontaneous outburst of delicious poetical composition or rhetoric by some fool who hasn’t sense enough to take their mud-slinging lightly. Not only are they aiding humanity by producing poets, but also they are doing their part by helping build up the resistance of the human ear. At times, one strains forward to catch the low whispering of the inspired speaker as he sadly describes , the pitiful conditions of today, and then in the next instant, quite unawares, one suddenly receives a terrific slap on his tympanic membrane because the orator has chosen to change his theme and denounce the practices of his opponents, and accordingly has raised his voice to a screech so as to lend force and enchantment to his words. Thus, by these rapid changes in volume from one extreme to an- • other, the speaker has given the listeners’ eardrum a real workout. In fact, after listening to 45 minutes * of these speakers’ oratory, the resistance of the average listener’s ear- j drum has increased 100 per cent. After this, the petty annoyances which $o worry the common man, are scarcely noticed and certainly do not bother him. And so, citizens of Indianapolis, ’ do not think too harshly of these three mud-slinging, senseless, false prophets of today. Just remember that Huey P. Long, Gen. Ilugh S. Johnson, and Father Coughlin are • not really hurting any one but their '■ own little selves; and they do have ; their peculiar advantages as I have pointed out to you.

Smoke Shadow

By G- F. Let me go—let me go, go, go, Quickly as faint shadows, Faint shadows of smoke gliding over snow. Let me go, like the wind pushed • darkness ft That wavers uncertainly over the snow. * Hurry! Twist me in spiral and billow, Mould me to meaningless shapes, Only act quickly. Be swift, Then let me go; Like the shadows falling over the enow, Like the shadows that are lost as they go Waltzing over the snow. Let no one know I did not care * To bare through the long sunny day. I Your harsh music, laughter, and ; prayer. Just let me go as the quick shadows go— Lost a they play on the snow.