Indianapolis Times, Volume 47, Number 11, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 March 1935 — Page 6

PAGE 6

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Ot’ * Light rtn-i the freple Wilt F*n4 Thrir Own Way

SATURDAY MARCH 33 1135. MR. HOOVER TRIES MK HOOVER alter two years of political lienee has called Republicans to rally to their greatest opportunity since Lincolns Day. That the opportunity for leadership is here none will deny. But we search the Hoover message in vain for any definite program. He is rich in generalities. He is for home and mother, for liberty, for Americanism But so has he always been. That didn’t prevent the depression. Mr. Hoover would have us believe that, under the Democratic Administration, the fundamental American principles are in “daily jeopardy.” He thinks we are the victim of an enormous centralization of government and that “the freedom of men to think, to act, to achieve, is now being hampered.” His solution is as indefinite as his Indictment. He proposes that e go back to rugged individualism. The assumption is that individualism reigned in the Hoover administration. Apparently he forgets that he put the government into farm relief, that he started the Reconstruction Finance Corp.. the world's largest government banking operation, that the Interstate Commerce Commission, the Federal Trade Commission, and other agencies for government interference” in business were old before Franklin Roosevelt entered the White House. And apparently it has escaped his notice that organized business is today leading the fight to extend the NR A. Government is taking a hand increasingly in economic affairs not because it wants to but because it must. It stepped in after socalled individualism broke the farmer, wrecked the banks, destroyed the industrial market and profits, and drove the workers out of the factaones on to the bread lines. If the Republicans were in power today they would be forced by hard necessity to take the same general line of defense of the national welfare as the Democratic Administration. The proof of this is that all of the New' Deal legislation has been enacted with bipartisan support in Congress. If Mr. Hoover does not know this it is because he is singularly kola ted from economic and political realities. That the majorities of both of the old parties are in virtual agreement regarding general lines of policy does not mean, however. that there Is no need for an opposition party. There is verj* wide disagreement as to the proper methods of applying the general policy. And it is to the interest of the New Deal Itself, as well as of those who criticise Its detailed operation, that this opposition be led intelligently and courageously. Such opposition leadership. If and when it comes, will not evade issues with generalities about Americanism, but will try to demonstrate that it can do the practical daily job better than the Roosevelt Administration. In times of crisis that is the test of any opposition party, but it is a test which the public applies with especial rigor to a group which failed in the job as completely as the Hoover Republicans. SOIL NEEDS PRESERVATION ONE of the most important measures now being pursued by the Federal government is the effort to check soil erosion. The problem of erosion—which most of us hardly recognized as a problem at all. until recently—was graphically presented in a recent speech by H. H Bennett, director of the Interior Department’s soil erosion service. “Most American soil has been tilled only a short time in comparison with that of Europe.” he says. “Yet in the area east of the Appalachians, where there was no erosion when the white man took the land from the Indian there are new 100 000 gullies 50 feet deep and a mile long. “America has wasted its soil resources more rapidly than any other country in the world.” It is worth remembering that our tremendous agricultural resources have been the foundation of our greatn-jss. The task of preserving them is one of our most vital responsibilities. FROM WAR TO WAR A RECENT cablegram from Berlin, telling how Germany’s new conscript army is being organized, contained this sentence: “The military class of 1914—those entering their 2Lst year—were expected to be called to the colors for a year’s training.” It is impossible to read that sentence without a feeling of very deep melancholy. For 1914 was the year the World War broke out; and this class of 1914 is composed of young men who were bom in that year. What a tragic group of young men! Bom In the year the world broke out in flames, many of them made fatherless before they had ct their first teeth, brought painfully through a babyhood rendered difficult by food shortage, blockade, and all the other terrors of the “home front "—-and now. reaching manhood. called to the colors u> prepare for a new war* Fate has been more than ordinarily unkind to these men. Fate—and ordinary everyday human folly. ISOLATED PEACE WHATEVER else it may be doing, the current European war scare is t least providing a field day for American internationalists. The burden of their cry right now is that a and *hen Europe goes to war it will >e

utterly impossible for the United States to stay out of it. Looking back at what happened in 1914 and immediately thereafter, It Is not hard to understand why people should feel that way. And yet it is equally hard to see why the program we followed during the last war has to be duplicated in the next one. We weren't able to keep out of the last I war—granted. But is there any overwhelming reason why, profiting by the lessons we learned then, we can not keep out of the next one? If we hope to do so, there-are two courses open to us. The first one is to follow the lead of the internationalists, work with the League of Nations right up to the hilt, negotiate and confer with European statesmen whenever the European pot starts boiling, and take in every way possible an active, energetic course to keep war from starting. Considering w-hat the American electorate has done to the League of Nations proponents at various times, it is hard to picture any American government following that course. The other possibility is to buttress our isolation in every imaginable way. And the most important way would seem to be to get anew concept of neutrality. We started out to be neutral in the last war. But what happened? We loaned money and sold supplies to all comers; the only persons who could get at us to borrow and buy were the allies; as an inevitable result, we soon became in fact, although not avowedly, a silent partner in the allied cause. We were their banker and their production manager. Once that had happened, it was only a question of time before we should get into the war in bloody earnest. Neutrality of that kind is no neutrality at all. If we follow the same course in the next war, we may exjiect the same result. But we can devise anew kind of neutrality. We can refus, to sell or to lend to any warring nations. That would be a hard policy to follow, of course. But it would enable us to steer clear of trouble. We might as well make up our mind to it. If we prefer isolation to taking a hand in the internationalists’ game, the isolation must be complete. Complete isolation is expensive, but that may be the price we have to pay for remaining at peace. SENATE AND SEA DISASTERS WAGNER’S resolution calling for a survey of the Morro Castle. Mohawk and other sea disasters, passed by the Senate, is vigorous and far-reaching. The Senate's Committee on Commerce and its subcommittee on Merchant Marine are authorized not only to collect and co-ordinate the reports of the Commerce Department and United States Attorney's investigations of the various sea holocausts but by inference to investigate the investigators also. This last, urged upon Congress by the Scripps-Howard newspapers in their campaign to obtain adoption of anew and humane set of American sea laws, is of great importance. The Wagner resolution inferentially recognized the inadequacy and inefficiency of the Federal Steamboat Inspection Service by directing an inquiry regarding it. The resolutions drove **raight home to a fundamental cause of the Morro Castle catastrophe in authorizing inquiry into the methods and practices in recruiting crews, including wages and all conditions of employment. It also directed investigation of the ancient law on limited liability for death and injury and the effect of salvage and marine insurance laws on safety of vessels and passengers. The committees are therefore given power to rip wide open -rfh ugly situation and create anew era of safety on American ships at sea. , Now let the committees subpena inspectors who let the ill-fated ships sail, members of the New Yorx Grand Jury reported dissatisfied with the way their inquiry was conducted, likewise competent persons who observed the unsatisfactory inquiries of the steamboat inspectors. who were sitting in judgment also on the work of their own bureau. GOVERN M ENT TEAMWORK ■\yfUCH of the conflict and suspicion now being engendered between the White House and Capitol Hill might be prevented by the pending Harlan bill to permit Cabinet officers to sit in Congress, lay their cards on the legislative table and submit to questioning from Senators and Representatives. The proposal is not new. Back in 1864 a special committee of both Houses recommended that Cabinet members sit with Congress on Tuesday and Thursday mornings and engage in debates. Similar proposals were made by committees in 1881 and in 1925. Nor is it novel to other countries. In England. France. Norway. Denmark, the Netherlands and other parliamentary countries, of course, the government sits with legislative bodies and answers for its policies. In the United States the only In,'., between the executive and Congress are presidential messages, informal visits and phone messages b tween congressional leaders and the White l ouse, infrequent testimony by Cabinet members or their assistants before congressional committees. About the only controls Congress exercises over policy, except the negative one over finance, are lengthy and costly congressional investigations. In President Grant's eight years Congress conducted 37 such inquiries. A franker and more efficient relationship is needed, particularly in these days of expanding executive powers Prof. Harold J. Laski says that Cabinet attendance in Congress would make the debate more responsible, restore the significance of opposition and tend to prevent such costly corruption as was revealed in the Fall and Daugherty scandals. Elihu Root has said it would “improve the conduct of both the legislative and executive business of the government." Dr. Charles A. Beard thinks it would have a wholesome influence on both departments of government.” The proposal is backed by Chief Justice Hughes. John W. Davis and others. Woodrow Wilson, whose administration was marred by bitter clashes with Congress, urged that the Cabinet be used p.s a connecting link between the executive and legislative branches. ’The degree of separation now existing between the executh and legislative branches can not long be preserved without very serious consequences resulting," he wrote. "Congress and the President now treat each other as almost separate governments, so jealous is

each of its prerogative. What we need is harmonious. consistent party government instead of a wide dispersion of function and responsibility. We can get it only by connecting the President as closely as may be with his party in Congress. The natural connecting link la the Cabinet.”

As I See It BY GEN. HUGH S. JOHNSON.

CHICAGO. March 23.—As a tyro columnist, but ni an attempt to be an accurate one, I have spent the last three days—between writing speches and making them—in trying to find out what people of all walks of life, in this, my old stamping ground, are thinking about. Whatever else may be remarked about my work in NRA, it did bring me such a wide variety of public contacts as few men have had. I had almost said "enjoyed,’’ but it is not the word. It isn't any fun not to be able to stick your head out of the door without having somebody recognize you. It cramps your style in many ways especially as not all men are kind. You become a hort of curiousity—like a three-headed calf. But it does bring to you people who want to talk about their troubles and if I am to write anything worth reading. I must try to hear all this and. as laihfully as I can. report it. As I said a day or two ago, bankers and business men out here are like soldiers in the trenches about five minutes before H. Hour. They are frightened, uncertain and honestly alarmed. One of the most important groups of farm representaitves in the country came to me and talked for hours. They don’t like the present policies of the Department of Agriculture and they seemed to thnik I could do something about it. Os course I can’t, but I ' will say this—which I had said to them and have said before. I by no means agree with Henry Wallace on many things, but there is an honest, a studious and a very conscientious official. I would rather take my chance with a man like that than with several of the political trimmers in Washington today. a a GOVERNMENT is important, but the bulk of our government is local. I went out in a police squad car last night for two hours cruisaround one of the worst districts in Chicago with Capt. Andy Barry at the instigaticn of my old friend Serigt. Dailey. It is one of my diversions to do things like that wheneverd anybody will take me and I have done it in many cities. It was a revelation to me. I know something tbout the old Chicago. This toughest of districts w’as as as a tomb. Radio calls kept coming into the car every minute. We rushed with sirens shrieking to two reported robberies only to find them fakes and we smashed into a gang which looked as though it were stealing an automobile only to find it an error. But the big point with me was that here was a police captain who was not what we used to call in the army “waffle-tail,” meaning a man who sat out so much of his time in cane-bottom chairs that an impression of the pattern was left on the seat of his pants. We went back to the cell house and he talked to the poor jetsom that had collected there like a father. a a a C'IAPT. BARRY has 12 notches on his gun—i gansters killed in personal encounters under fire. It is getting very unhealthy for mobsters and gunmen in this city. It may shock the older and more conservative ideals of law enforcement, but men like Barry and Dailey are what this age needs. With mobsters they shoot first and inquire afterward. This is known to the gunmen. They are a race of cowards anyway and this kind of policy is exactly whet they need. The fact is that Chicago is being cleaned up and when you have said that you have said something. (Copyrieht. 1335. by Unitpd Feature Syndicate, Inc. AH rights reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part forbidden.

Liberal Viewpoint BY DR. HARRY ELMER BARNES

EVEN clothes play a part in politics in the national capital. H. G. Wells, the British author, was a dinner guest this week of Atty. Gen. and Mrs. Homer Cummings. Dressing for the event, Author Wells suddenly found he’d forgotten his white waistcoat in New York. What to do? The shops were closed. None of the hotels could furnish a waistcoat. In this dilemma, H. G. decided to call up his old friend, George Creel, the publicist, who was also to be a guest at the dinner. . “I say,” he begged George, “could you lend me a white waistcoat?” Alas, Mr. Creel could find plenty of sympathy, but not an extra waistcoat! However, a publicist is seldom at a loss and George called up Henry P. Fletcher, chairman of the Republican National Committee. Henry had one and would be glad to help Author Wells out of a tough spot. The waistcoat arrived and Author Wells tried it on. It fit about as one might expect—which wasn't any too snugly. Then Mr. Wells made a sudden discovery. There were no buttons with it. Clutching the ample garment about him, Author Wells heroically set out for his dinner engagement. On arrival he explained his predicament to his host. Atty. Gen. Cummings, who laughingly furnished the missing buttons. “But I'm afraid it doesn't fit.” observed Mr. Wells, pensively regarding the bulging waistcoat. Senator Hiram Johnson of California, one of the guests, retorted: “No wonder it doesn't fit. You can’t expect a Republican vest and Democratic buttons to get on agreeably together.” a a a /CHILE'S educational mission is being feted by diplomats in *he Capital and being shown the sights so quickly that the five gentlemen who comprise it scarcely have time to draw their breaths. Yesterday. Chile's ambassador here. Senor Don Manuel Trucco. was host at a large reception in their honor. And before 7 o'clock struck, the five mission members had to dash out to dinner. And today they are being entertained at luncheon, tea and dinner. Tomorrow. it's the same all over again. fted candles glinted in the crimson-walled dining room of the Chilean embassy. Red roses and yellow jonquils decorated the' table laden with pate-de-foile-gras sandwiches and everything else one can think of in the way of an elaborate buffet. The entire diplomatic corps—with few exceptions—was present. a a a NEARLY all the diplomatic corps, bv the way. seems to have been in Florida. Ambassador Trucco. bronzed and healthylooking, wearing a wing collar that does him honor, received his guests npeaking French with a perfect Touraine accent. “I loved the Florida sunshine.” he exclaimed. "My place was not far from Palm Beach. Beautiful . . . beautiful.” Gerard Walravens. the young Belgian diplomat who is an expert on cement tariffs, also looked in the pink. He and his wistful-eyed Chilean wife, the lovely Maruja. both visited the Truccos down South—accounting for their sun tan. “Florida.” remarked Maruja. “is paradise.” Counselor Ben Cohen's sister, the attractive Sonora Olga Peni. also a returned visitor from Florida, spoke of palm trees and patios. As for the three Trucco daughters—Marta. Graciela andßßebecaa —a gallant envoy referred to them as "the three Graces from Palm Beach.” Sir Malcolm Campbell hasn't yet gone fast enough to overtake some of the night club joints in New York and Chicago.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

The Message Center

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make your letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them to 250 words or less. Your letter must be signed, but names will be withheld at request of the letter to iter J a a a READER POKES FIN AT IRVINGTON G. O. P. CLUB By Georee Gould Hine. From that quaint little community east of Indianapolis called Irvington. with its cellars full of potatoes, its barns full of feed and its houses full of people busy at the churn, the washtub and the spinning wheel, there has just issued a solemn proclamation which sayeth in eight-point detail how to run the nation. They sayeth, in effect, that if nobody will spend and everybody will save, then verily the nation’s troubles will vanish. They sayeth this because they knoweth that if the wagon breaks down, the village smithy will fix it for a sack of potatoes, and because they knoweth that if their clothes wear out, mother will make more out of cloth she, herself, has made out of wool father, himself, hath clipped from sheep he hath grown. They sayeth this .because they heareth that the strange world outside of Irvington is in trouble and they knoweth that evil can only come because the strange w'orld has not worked, earned, saved and acquired as it should, thus deserting the principles of the fathers. And when there cometh among them an office-seeker to exhort them, lo and behold, they do assemble and resolve and proclaim as follows: Give heed, ye nation, unto the people of Irvington: Why have ye not acquired—because ye have not saved: why jiave y e savec *— because ye have not earned: why have ye not earned—because ye have not worked: why have ye not worked—because ye have deserted the principles of the fathers. Return ye, therefore, unto these principles and ye shall have "a social security system that applies to everybody.” And so with copies of this eightpoint declaration mailed to all Republican state newspapers—the quaint little Irvington Republican Club returns to its churn, its washtub and its spinning wheel—and further sayeth not. a a a EXPRESSES OPPOSITION TO CAPITAL PUNISHMENT Bv E. Stone. In regard to your letter a few' days ago in the Message Center, Mr. Jackson. I think the most of us must agree with Mr. Woodard. The Ten Commandments were given to us as a law’ to live by and were also upheld by Christ in his teachings. Mr. Jackson, please read the Sermon on the Mount. sth chapter of St. Matthews, also read the rest of Christ's teachings. So much better if you have a red letter Bible. When you have finished please note you have found no instance where Christ taught capital punishment, life for life to be administered by man. Please read St. Luke. 23-43. and vou will find where Christ did not as much as condemn a thief to death who men had condemned. The Bible was written by man through divine inspirations and teachings by Christ, therefore it will never be mastered by man and thrown aside as a dead book. It is misleading on first reading because man grasps it in his own selfish worldly attitude, but when read

Coughlin vs. Johnson

By Emmeit J. Foley, Columiius, Ind. For the last few days I have been reading Gen. Johnson's column in The Times. I have tried to maintain an open-minded neutrality in this unfortunate w-aste of words between Father Coughlin and Gen. Johnson, but just why the general should so repeatedly bring religion into the debate is beyond me. He accuses Father Coughlin of using the mystery of religion to give weight to his arguments. Now I have heard all of Father Coughlin’s radio addresses, and I must say that he has not used religion as often as the general himself. If the general w-ould read more and write less he w-ould be better informed. Were his mind not so abortive he could readily see that using religion w’ould be a very great handicap to Father Coughlin because, believe it or not, most of Father Coughlin’s followers and admirers are men and women not of his faith. If the general doubts that let him come down off his phantom

over and over again you see a different meaning. I, for one, could not sit on a jury and condemn a man or w r oman to death, without being condemned also, even though they pleaded guilty to murder. Please note what most executioners think of capital punishment. In one case. Robert Elliott, executioner for the state of New York. New Jersey and Pennsylvania, over a period of nine years has executed something like 200 persons. He says he does not like his job and doesn’t believe in it. We are quick to condemn our brother to whom we should teach right from wrong through love and kindness, instead of getting him out of the way by murder. Capital punishment is man's law of dealing with murderers, etc. Think! Judgment unto death should be left in God’s hands. a a a CRITICISES BIG PAY FOR FEW AS OTHERS SLAVE Bv Mrs. W. C. I agree with M. Everts about the letters written in the Message Center by J. L. Watt Sr. and Robert E. A. Crookston. Mr. Crookston has never been on relief or he would know how r far he would get on the little handout and if he will read the following verses in the Bible he will see that God never intended it to be so. Please read the following verses in the Bible, the twentieth chapter of Matthew; Luke, chapter 18. verse 25; Proverbs 22, chapters 16, 22 and 23. After you read these I think you will agree with me that God never intended one class of people to be robbed to pay a few a large salary, just to sit in a swivel chair four or five hours a day. *And as far as Mr. Roosevelt being the greatest humanitarian since Christ, that is a big mouthful. If Christ were here in Roosevelt's place he wouldn't want his people to work for the small wages we are getting. President Roosevelt helped the farmer by paying him not to raise hogs or crops, but did he give the poor laboring class anything; No, all they got was a tax put on everything down to a card of safety pins. I read Mr. Garrack s letter in the Message Center and saw no reason to criticise him as every word was the truth. IX the money that is

STOP IT!

[/ wholly disapprove of what you say and will j defend to the death your right to say it. — Voltaire. J

pedestal for a few days and mix with the crowd who are listening in every Sunday at 4 p. m., E. S. T. I am one of the thousands who have been waiting to see the general successfully knock over some of Father Coughlin's pet theories. Needless to say, w-e have been disappointed. Now if Father Coughlin's theories are invulnerable — and they have yet to be proven otherwise —w-hat can the general r.„.d his Wall Street promoters hope to gain by all this personal calumny? We don't recall that the general or any of his followers went into hysterics buck m 1928 when Bishop Cannon went about the country poking his ecclesiastical nose into the political dung in the name of religion. The American people have had their eyes opened during the last seven years, and I doubt if the general will be able to obscure their vision with his smoke screen, or poison their alert minds with his "religious hobgoblins.”

wasted on unnecessary work was loaned to industries so they could run and do away with the insurance on the men so old and young could work like they used to, everybody could have a living. Out of work after 35 years of age —the old age pension has probablybeen dropped by the government—they expect us to vote for them again. I have always been a Democrat, but I\cant swallow- the same pill twice. Not me. a a a DEMANDS END OF “SILENCE” ON COUGHLIN PRINCIPLES Bv V. L. Schaeffer. You have been getting away with a lot of golden silence on the subject of our “National Union for Social Jusitce.” You have sulked behind certain syndicate writers and insulting cartoonists, but considering that several of us heard that well-timed challenge flung at you by our inspired instructor and leader, the Rev. Charles E. Coughlin, yov will have to come into the open and sneak your ow-r, piece. Which of you <if any) approves of us, our principles and our efforts? We would dearly love to know! a a a ASKS PAPER TO ANALYZE PRINCIPLES OF COUGHLIN By Fair Plav. Allow me to congratulate you on -the series of articles appearing in The Times by Gen. Hugh S. Johnson. These articles are, I presume, sa keeping with your policy of "Give Light and the People Will Find Their Way.” Keeping this motto in mind, will it not be in order for you to quote and analyze the sixteen (16) principles for social justice which are advocated by the Rev. Charles E. Coughlin of Royal Oak, Mich.? During the last two weeks the eyes and ears of the nation have

Daily Thought

Neither murmur ye, as some of them also murmured, and were destroyed of the destroyer.—l Corinthians. 10:10, JUST as you are pleased at finding faults, you are displeased at finding perfections.—Lavater.

MATCH 23W1935

been focused upon these two American citizens. There is no doubt a certain element follows this controversy for the entertainment of hearing two men’discuss the merits or demerits of each other's character, but the larger percentage of the people following the controversy are interested in the principles which are advocated and defended by these two men. Why are you silent on the issue? If Father Coughlin is wrong in his theories, will he go unanswered by a newspaper which boasts of its ability to “Give Light?” Thus far, Gen. Johnson has failed to answer Father Coughlin in an intelligent and enlightening manner. If Father Coughlin is right in the principles he advocates, why not give him such credit? Today, as never before, the people are f6llowing the activities of their government. The man who has been unemployed, existing on a virtual dole; the man who has had his wage cut to a mere subsistence level; and the small business man with his back to the wall are not interested in anything as much as they are in what is being done by the government to permanently relieve them. These men are not interested in a verbal duel between two men over defamatory remarks about eacit other’s nationality or character. The Times can render important service by giving its readers thu facts concerning the policies advocated by such groups or factions all Father Coughlin, Dr. Townsend* Huey Long, the various Bankers* Associations, etc. “Give Light and the People Will Find Their Way.”

So They Say

President Roosevelt did a great service when he took selfish, organized big business off our necks.— President Nicholas Murray Butler of Columbia University. The movies have speeded up the tempo of the novel.—Dr. Archibald J. Cronin, Scottish novelist. Most men know more at 30 than they did at 20.—Gary Cooper. Why should she (Great Britain) go to war with us when she secures everything she desires through diplomacy?—Senator William E. Borah of Idaho.

GOSSIP

BY K. HILL How- prone we are to carry, Our feelings on our sleeve; Watching, waiting for the blow. That gives us cause to grieve. And so we all are guilty, Os saying things sometimes; That's mean and vile and dirty, With selfish sly designs. Whisper ugly sinister things, With malice in our soul; That bring disgrace and torment, For revenge is our goal. Oh. the pain and mis’rv. The anguish and despair: Os li.-ei maimed and ruined, In e.ossip's grim warfare. Could we but see and picture. Ou/ own Satanic roles. The shame would burn and blister. And sere our very souls.