Indianapolis Times, Volume 46, Number 255, Indianapolis, Marion County, 5 March 1935 — Page 12

PAGE 12

The Indianapolis Times • \ *cmrr-HowARD newspateß) W. HOWARD rr**l*Jnt T I.COTT POWELL Editor EARL D BAKER . Basin*** Manager Phone Riley •V* 1

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TUESDAY. MARCH i. 1835. HONEST MERCHANT MARINE PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT properly declares that the United States should have an adequate merchant marine to serve the r.“eds of our ocean commerce and supplement the means of our defense. He is right also, we believe, in saying that government subsidies are necessary to make up the difference between American and foreign shipping costs. And he is both right and courageous in *a*..ng that whatever subsidies are granted should be open and frank subsidies. The Prc :dont did not exaggerate in his d< enption of the abuses which have crept in; > our -hipping system under the disguised sub idics m exorbitant ocean mail contracts and low-interest government loans. • Some of these < abuses) have to do with th improper operating of subsidiary companies, the pa > men', of exces :ve salaries, the engaging in business not directly a part of shipping and other abuses which have made for pr>or management, improper use of profits and scattered efforts," the President said. He might easily have added a long bill of particulars, outlining the legalized racket that boame too common in the management of part of our merchant marine by men who had more interest in pocketing subsidies than in building up an efficient shipping service. He m. ht have mentioned the violations of our i ai'n'j laws and the defiance of safety regulations. But it is one thing to expose these abuses and quite another to correct them. The real test will come in writing a law and setting up the government machinery to prevent a recurrence of these practices. The President wisely suggests that the quasi-judicial functions of the shipping board be transferred to the interstate commerce commission. But he failed to designate the agency to control subsidies. Either ICC or some other agency with its tradition of probity should have the power to see that the taxpayers’ money actually gets into the building and operation of ships.

A KING THERE WAS *• A ND the end of the fight is a tombstone white with the name of the late deceased. "And the epitaph drear: ‘A fool lies here who tried to hustle the East.”* No fool is Prajadhipok of Siam, who has abdicated quietly in a lodge in Surrey, England. but apparently he paid the price of Westernizing his kingdom at too fast a pace. He, his brother and his father, the last three Siamese kings, modernized Siam in two generations—almost. They abolished slavery, polygamy, much superstition. They built good roads, pure water works, postal and telegraph systems. They established compulsory education, rural credits, a metric system, conservation and health measures. They made Siam the most modem nation of the Orient, Japan excepted. But when Prajadhipok tried to introduce democracy into his government he found prnilege too strong for him. Three years ago Col. Phyia Bahol seized power through a military coup. The army clique invited the little king to rule as a constitutional monarch—meaning their puppet. He agreed provided they would let the people have real power. He laid down nine conditions of acceptance, among them freedom of speech, assemblage and political action; court trials for political offenders, abandonment of pohtkal persecution and amnesty for political prisoners, and other liberal measures. Col. Bahol, now premier, refused. So the little king has relinquished his pa-goda-shaped crown, h's 24 go l den umbrellas and his eight-million-dollar sa'ary, "with sad relief.” Less exacting, doubtless. *lll be little Prince Ananda, his 11-year-old nephew, who will be offered the towering crown. TWENTV-FIRST AMEXDMENT NORRIS of Nebraska and Rep. Lea of California announce they will urge Congress to accept their proposed amendment for direct election of President and Vice President. We trust they will unite on the measure as originally proposed rather than accept the suggested compromise. The original form caUcd for scrapping the electoral college, voting directly for President and Vice President, recording majority and minority votes on a popular rather than a state-unit basis. Last session Senator Norris was persuaded to agree to retain the state-unit method of counting votes on the ground that the South mould not accept the popular count. Rep. Lea insists that the state-unit plan is the root of £he present evils. It mould make possible the seating of a President elected by a minority of popular votes, and permit the continued virtual disfranchisement of an average 45 per cent of the electroate mhose votes are not counted under the present arrangement. In view of the cumbersome routine of amending the Constitution it mould seem that the "twentyfirst amendment" should cure all and not part of the present system's faults. At any rate the electoral college should go. It is as outmoded as the whale oil lamp. It was planned for a non-partisan government and does not fit our party system. The late John G. Carlisle of Kentucky, of whom it mas said that if all America's lams were destroyed he could sit down and rewrite them, approved the principles of the proposed amendment as "honest, democratic and American." "In my opinion," he said, "no amendment will afford a complete remedy for the evils now existing unless it shall provide for the distribution of the presidential or electoral

NRA —Dead or Alive? BY RAYMOND MOLEY IN THE MAGAZINE. TODAY

'T'HE permanence of NR A rests in the last A analysis upon its necessity. Its vitality is as persistent as the problem of covemmen* relationship to industry, which it was destined to meet. While that problem lives, the NRA idea can not die. Until we have solved it. we must look forward to working, in one application or another. with the ideas behind NRA. What the President has said in his message to Congress asking for the extension of NRAs powers is. in substance, this: The problem of government relationship to industry is too big, too detailed and too immediately concrete to be left to the slowly divulged chances of a series of court decisions. The interests involved in our economic life are too great to be abandoned to the unpredictable outcome of unregulated competition. The NRA is here —an organized, functioning reality. There seems to be no way for an advanced industrialism in today’s world to escape government intervention unless industry itself intervenes in and takes control of government. Even then, we should have something which could be described by three letters. If this particular NRA were given up, some other formula of letters or words would be used to describe its successor. If government should not Intervene somehow and somewhere to further the great social values that have always marked government's justification and purpose, modern competition would revert to a dog-eat-dog process. Monopolies would grow until the only competition we should have would be between monopolies themselves. This war of lumbering giants would end with fearful lo -ses. Such writers as John Strachey and Lewis Corr> in fact, predict that capitalism will destroy tself in this way. But we do not have to beliei e that social democratic governments will fail t. keep this from happening, unless we lose faith in cur own sense of direction and our own ability of self-government. 000 COMMUNISTS offer something they say is better than the struggle of eternal vigilance needed to maintain the economic balance in a truly democratic economy. But on the basis of their evidence, only a tiny minority of the American people has given the Communist argument credence. Fascism offers nothing more than a fleeting and ultimately destructive solution. Fascism would merely mean the concealment from the newspapers of an irrepressible conflict. NRA is the actually existing machinery by which we are trying to work out a method of averting the self-destructive tendencies of an unrestrained capitalism. If we believe, as I do. that some kind of machinery* like this must exist, unless we can find some substitute that is affirmatively better, there is no alternative but to keep our present machinery in existence. NRA was not created as a permanent solution of a governmental problem. It was set up merely as one of many emergency devices created to stop the onrush of deflation and to give a measure of temporary stability to the Industrial system. while, at the same time, it would afford a laboratory for experimentation with more fundamental remedies. NRA Is a conduit of approach to the problem of the relationship of government to industry. What of the incontrovertible benefits that have come from NRA? These are the abolition of child labor, the abolition of uneconomic and unsocial competition in the reduction of wages in the lower brackets, the beginnings of a system of collective bargaining based upon some sort of a scmi-judicial process, and the beginnings of a system of industrial law designed to reduce commercial corruption and anti-social competition within industry. On the other hand, there can be little argument as to the things NRA has failed to do. It has failed in one of its chief emergency tasks—raising the income of the individual worker—largely because of a rise in the cast of living and the spread of actual available work to more people. 0 0 0 NRA has taught us that, in some fields at least, there are definite limitations upon what the federal government can do. One of such limitations arises in connection with the regulation of service trades. The complexities involved in the practices of the so-called service industries are so great as to make it impassible to attain for these industries the helpful results contemplated by the Recovery Act. The many conflicts and overlappings in the codes are shortcomings so generally recognized as to need little comment. These, together with the sheer number of regulations embodied in the codes, have definitely slowed up business. Tire uncertainty and caution which they have instilled in business men have been a deflationary influence. These, it seems to me. are the aspects of NRA where failure, in some degree at least, has been demonstrated, and where the lessons we have learned have been largely negative. One of the greatest services of NRA has been to afford a tribunal for the airing of those great controversial issues which have been smouldering beneath the surface of our industrial life for many years. NRA simply provided a forum where differences could be localized and brought to issue under rules and regulations for the orderly conduct of a dispute. It did not prohibit the throwing of dead cats; it furnished a ring where dead cats might be thrown, subject to something like orderly rules. In tne field of conflict between workers and ?mployers. NRA has offered, and is still offerings. a forum for the presentation of two great controversies. The first is whether a high hourly wage or some device to insure a higher yearly wage best serves the ultimate interest of employes, employers and the public; the second is the feasi-

votes of each state among the persons voted for according to the number of popular votes actually received by each, and that a plurality of the presidential or electoral votes shall elect.” DELAY AND DAMAGE JN addition to jeopardizing the WagnerLcwis security bill by delay the House Ways and Means Committee is chiseling from the measure some of its essential features. Recent amendments by this committee have reduced safeguards and standards almost to the vanishing point. And other amendments have eliminated a large group of workers entitled to protection. In cutting out the provision that state administrative boards be non-partisan and subject to merit rules, the committee has taken a dangerous step. It invites into the security system its greatest enemy, politics. Indefensible also is the committee's removal of provisions that old-age and mothers’ pensions provide a ‘'reasonable subsistence compatible with decency and health.” Federal grants-in-ald mast be conditioned on Federal standards. Under the committee's amendments a state can make an irony of security and require the Federal government to be party to the jest. The committee voted to remove from the bills unemployment and old-age provisions all casual, domestic aid farm workers. It also exempted employes of churches, hospitals, educational and non-profit-making institutions. Admittedly these exclusions make for easier administration of the system, but they affect a class of workers, some 4,000,000 in number, who are in need of the state’s protecting arm. They should be included In

bUity of inventing new methods of collective bargaining. Despite the contentions of the American Federation of Labor, the public generally has become convinced that the workers’ interest will best be served not by a blind insistence upon the highest possible hourly wage, but by the development of some method to provide more work at a higher yearly wage. We are beginning to see that in the field of labor, as in the field of materials, volume, and not unit price, is the key to prosperity. The NRA has further provided the forum and the laboratory lor intelligent experiment with the most appropriate methods of collective bargaining. The Administration has insisted —and the recent automobile controversy has shown the wisdom of this policy—that opportunity be provided for the encouragement of honest and intelligent experiments in labor organization. The great value of this is to afford the means by which methods of labor organization may be improved and, it is to be hoped, to foster an increasingly intelligent type of labor leadership. a a THIS may not be to the liking of those who enjov a present monopoly in the field of labor leadership; but it is in keeping with the resistless process of democracy, which insists upon a constant renewal and revitalization of leadership in all human activities. In the adjustment of the relationships between big and little business, as in the adjustment of the relationships between industry and labor, NRA has a most difficult and, at the same time, most important function to perform. I know of no more valuable experience in American economic history than that of NRA in the price-fixing field. Despite the prohibitions of the Sherman Act, there had been a growing feeling in American industry for years that some form of price fixing was essential to the stability of Industry. There was, I am convinced, only one way of demonstrating to business men the fallacy of price-fixing and production control. That was to give them an open opportunity to carry it out under government scrutiny. This opportunity NRA afforded. I do not deem the failure of the price-fixing and production-control provisions in a number of the codes a failure of the NRA. On the contrary’, it has demonstrated that NRA can function as an effective instrument to discredit business practices shown to be uneconomic. Asa result of the NRA experience with pricefixing, industrialists today are coming to realize more and more that prosperity does not depend, as many of them previously supposed, upon a high price per unit, which restricts output and dries up the market, but upon volume production, which reduces cost and baits the market. If our experience during the life of NRA has taught us one lesson more forcibly than any other, it is that the European cartel and the American ideal of free business will not mix. But, as I have endeavored to explain, the experience of NRA has not been sufficient to warrant the definite determination of its permanent form. NRA ought to be continued for another year or two in its present temporary form. 000 DURING that time, it seems to me, these principles merit consideration: 1. The administration of the NRA and the codes created under it should be greatly simplified. An intelligent suggestion to this end has been made by Lincoln Filene’s Committee on Unfair Trade Practices, a subdivision of the Business Advisory and Planning Council of the Secretary of Commerce. This suggestion is to eliminate from the codes all clauses relating to “economic practice’’ and to provide, as a substitute, the essential principle of what is known as Order 66 of the Administrator (Feb. 2, 1934). This order, in substance, proposes the adoption of rules of unfair trade practices by agreement between manufacturing industries and distributing trades and their application, so far as possible, in a uniform manner to many industries. Much of the confusion which NRA has caused has resulted from an attempt to set up a different code of practices for each industry. 2. The NRA should continue to prosecute its work, already begun, of combing out conflicts and overlappings in the codes. This is a stupendous job and, like any job of revision, it will take longer than the original creation of the codes. 3. The further development of trade associations should be encouraged by the NRA, with a view to the use of these associations by pri%’ate industry to the fullest degree in matters that do not injure the public interest. 4. Restrictions and regulations may be warranted in the natural resources industries that would be unwarranted in other industries The special conditions in these industries and the necessity of conserving our natural resources should determine the nature and the extent of these restrictions and regulations. 5. The NRA should continue its efforts to work out reasonable wage and hour standards for industry. NRA has had valuable experience in this field and it would be a mistake for Congress to attempt to fix inflexible standards of wages or hours, or to delegate this task to a new agency. irr ,1' The policy - recently enunciated by Clay Williams, of limiting the attempt to fix minimum prices to a strict enforcement of provisions for wages and hours should be put into effect It is not only the most workable, but perhaps the only legitimate means of minimum price fixing. 7. It is obvious that government can not attempt to organize labor. The best that a democratic government can do is to insist upon freedom of choice by employes in their selection of the organizations best calculated to further their own interests. •

principle now, leaving administration of their benefits to be worked out later. While the House committee tinkers and hacks at the measure time flies. States eager to pass co-operating laws are baffled. One of the 44 Legislatures meeting this year already has adjourned and a jpore of others will begin folding their tents in mid-March. $3.60 A WEEK TN the NRA Research and Planning BiviA sion report are numerous statements, charts and tables tending to prove that hour and wagg provisions of NRA codes have especially benefited low-wage workers, particularly women workers and more particularly those in the South. These conclusions seem strange beside charges of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People that 30,000 Negro women workers in Southern laundries are "doomed to slave wages of 14 cents an hour, and usually less.” The association wants the NRA to conduct a study of the adequacy of the 14-cent hourly wage in the Southern laundry code. At 14 cents an hour for 40 hours, the weekly wage is $5.60, which can not be considered adequate in any part of America. “These underpaid Negro women,” the association says, ‘‘are in many instances the sole support of their families.” Wage differentials which impose much lower firing standards upon the workers of one sex or of one section of the country are all the more indefensible when thej bear down upon one race. The Supreme Court at least had more regard for the public’s feelings than the Hauptmann jury did. There wasn’t even a whisper about going into vaudeville after the gold case ruling.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

The Message Center

(Timet readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make pour letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them to 250 words or less. Tour letter reust he signed, but names will be withheld at request of the letter writer.) tt tt a PUBLIC BUILDINGS RESEMBLE FAMILY REUNION SITES By William Lemon. The average citizen should always remember the fact that we have one daily paper in Indianapolis not afraid to print the lact regardless of who is struck, namely, The Indianapolis Times. Today, as always, our people are either too radical or too conservative. Then a state Representative introduces a bill putting a 5-cent tax on oleo to get the votes of his farmer friends, regardless of the fact that it will cause hardship on our poorly paid and underprivileged class. Then there is another bill designed to eliminate the direct primary, so that unscrupulous politicians can handpick and control our various candidates. Then private bankers try to convince the public that the Federal government isn’t capable of controlling our banking system. Think of the huge number of state Representatives, all with their hands in the taxpayers’ pockets, ail with an ax to grind. Why couldn’t this number be cut down in half or more and their salaries used for the benefit of our obsolete state institutions? Go to the Statehouse, Courthouse or City Hall and see how many paid clerks are idle in the corridors discussing politics. Why not eliminate some of these swivel-chair artists? We also should elect officials who are not overburdened with too many relatives and not make our various offices family affair*. Then our Statehouse, Courthouse and City Hall will not look like a daily family reunion. n tt tt ROOSEVELT PROGRAM SHOULD HAVE FULL SUPPORT By Mrs. James H. Morgan. In answer to Daniel Carrick's letter I wish to say that as a young Democratic woman and the mother of three girls who we are striving to make desirable citizens, it certainly is disgusting to hear- a man supposed to be a preacher of the gospel and truth backbite and say such untrue things of such a great humanitarian and friend of the common people as Franklin D. Roosevelt. My husband could always get a job as long as there were any, but at present he is an FERA worker earning from $6.90 to sl2 a week. I'll admit that is not enough to send three girls to school, feed five, pay | lights, water, gas, rent, insurance, | fuel and clothing, but we will say j this much: it certainly is a tremendous help with what he earns outside and is a source of confidence among those with whom we deal. You say Mr. Roosevelt is to blame. How can he untangle in two short years something it took the Repub- j iicans 12 years to conceive? Why j not give him a break by writing your congressmen and asking them to give him full co-operation instead of bucking him like {hey are? Why not try this means of solution instead of back-biting and stirring up a lot of dissension among the masses of the people? Maybe you are like a lot of these preachers, always trying to cram a lot of hell and brim- | stone down the people's throats and expect it to get you a free meal ticket. Pinch yourself and wake up. Maybe The Times will help you procure a list of the churches and public organizations that are backing Roosevelt to the limit. Why did Wall Street become so alarmed when he took office and used the tactics he did? Was it because he had sold out to them?

SUCH A WORLD!

Bonus Term Is Erroneous

By G. M. Cowgill. I protest the use of the word “bonus” by the press, when speaking of the adjusted service certificates. This is misleading and unjust, for this back pay for the veteran is in no sense a bonus, but adjusted pay for services rendered. The public is led to believe that the so-called bonus is a gift. In 1924, the Congress of the United States passed the Adjusted Compensation Act, officially admitting that a debt was due to the World War veteran in recognition of his sacrifices. It was agreed that Uncle Sam would compensate the veteran on an equal basis for his time and labors while in the service, with the lowest wage earner who remained at home. At home, the lowest paid laborers received $2 a day during the same period. Men in training camps and at the front received approximately $1 a day each day during the World War. And the government spent that for them. Each man was compelled to make

He can’t be at every one’s doorstep, so why not stop the hell and brimstone talk awhile and do something useful in life by helping him see that those unfortunates get a square deal? We say "on to prosperity with Mr. Roosevelt at the helm.’’ n n a CIGARET SMOKING LETTERS BRING ANOTHER ANSWER By a Times Reader. In the Message Center of Feb. 27 there appeared a very interesting article by G. A. Stark under the caption "Blames Cigaret Smoking for Crime of Nation.” The article you refer to can be found on page 10, The Indianapolis Times of Feb. 20. and it gives me great pleasure to note there was at least one resented this statement, and I had fully intended to say exactly all you said and quite a bit more. You certainly deserve much praise for this article, but I am going to send the Massage Center editor an article on this same subject that I do not know whether he will publish. Mr. Stark, I would advise you not to quit The Times, because, after all, it is no doubt the fairest paper in the state. tt tt tt PEOPLE MUST PRODUCE GOODS FOR CONSUMPTION By H. L. Stesar. There is a very definite connection between the Federal relief dole program for our unemployed millions and the “hoped-for industrial recovery’. The relief program can be the means of reviving employment in private industry to its full capacity, or it can be the means of destroying all possibility of recovery. We are always talking about the time when industry will be more normal. This will come when we make it come. It will not come by waiting on it to come through some magic. We are responsible for the present conditions. They are the direct result of the policy we are pursuing. We are just playing tne boob as far as making intelligent effort is concerned, to change from this wishful waiting to practical methods. Our ideas will have to put on overalls. This problem is not one, as many would have us think, of catching the lucky ring. The problem of relief is the result of a very decided un-der-consumption on the part of the unemployed and those on part-time work or low wages. Expecting tl\ese people to provide the needed orders

[l wholly disapprove of what you say and will 1 defend to the death your right to say it . — Voltaire. J

an allotment to dependents, for an average of sls a month and the average man bought a slou Liberty bond, paying $lO a month, and on top of that he had on an average of $6.60 a month deducted for war risk insurance. Adjusted service certificates are just exactly what their name describes. They are certificates issued by the Federal government to World War veterans for the purpose of equalizing the wages paid the nation's soldiers, sailors and marines, and the wages received by civilian laborers in 19171918. If there is a Congressman or Senator who is willing to wait 27 years for salary for services rendered, I, for one, would like to see the color of his hair. Some of them have the intestinal fortitude to say that a veteran who has fought for his country must declare himself a pauper before he can get his wages. They have a gentleman’s agreement in Congress that the gag rule would not apply to the Adjusted Compensation bill. They are running true to form.

for industry, to speed up production and increase employment is just a nightmare. Industry is very sick, because these consumers are not able to make effective demands for consumption. They never will be able to provide our industries with orders; people without "money tokens” are like the occupants of cemeteries as far as demand is concerned. They were the very customers who formerly made the demands effective by purchases, and thereby made earnings and profits passible for economic enterprise. They must be restored to the effective consumers lines. Their needs can be the basis of orders to industries, by the Federal government, and these orders must be large enough to compel our industries to hire back these people to produce the goods. a tt a NEED FOR OLD-FASHIONED DOMESTICITY IS SOUNDED By Mrs. Nellie Picon. When there is a holiness revival in town, very little is said about it in our daily papers. You may see an advertisement about one inch_long. Someone might come to church, hear the gospel, be converted and live a different life. But you will take a large space for a write-up and picture of a man being in and r-ui of jail for getting drunk and dodging police. Each time you do this, you put your approval on the man. Do you think that it is a good ad for our youth today? You see a large ad for cigarets. It used to be a nice-looking young man, now a nice-looking young woman. But lately it is an oldfashioned mother with a cigaret, dressed like an old-fashioned mother used to dress. Os course they are almost an object of the past. You can not tell the mother from the daughter now. What our land needs is some oldfashioned mothers with some ideals. Children are reared by a flapper, never taught to be holy, never taught about the Bible, never hear a prayer uttered in the home. What can we expect of our children? Daily Thought * ■ -- - For the Scripture saith, Thou shalt not muzzle the ox that tread- , eth out the corn. And, the laborer is worthy of his reward.—Timothy v, 18. JUSTICE is to give to every man his own. —Aristotle. *

.MAP,OH 5,193 c

HUGE SALARIES SHOULD BE BANNED BY U. S. By C. IV. S. Sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander, when such men as Eugene G. Grace, president of the Bethlehem Steel Corp., who testified to the Senate Munitions Committee that his salary and bonus for 1917-1918 amounted to $2,798,000, has nerve enough to deplore the organized veterans’ demand for the soldiers’ bonus, many who would not draw more than SSO to SIOO. These same men were patriotic enough to serve overseas, be crippled and gassed so that men like Eugene G. Grace could draw such staggering amounts without being in the danger zone. Many of the boys are, not because they want to be, on relief and the nation as a whole has to help them. Mr. Grace and others are building another 12-million-dollar steel mill. I wonder what for? If the government permits men to draw such salaries, and there are many, there should be no argument about the boys getting theirs now.

So They Say

Aspiring poets must learn to live on bread and water. If they're good poets, their art will keep them alive. —Herman Wildenvey, poet-laureate of Norway. I deny emphatically that the prevailing wage rate in the Federal work-relief plan would cost the government one additional dollar.— Senator Hugh Black, Alabama. Wholeheartedly I return home to Boston and New England to complete my life job among friends who have given me their affection and loyal support.—Babe Ruth. Private industry should be aided and encouraged in time of war and m my opinion should not be subject to conscription the same as man power.—Eugene G. Grace, Bethlehem Steel president. A man can out-trade me once, but he can not continue to do business on that basis. I trade on the basis of ‘‘what’s fair to me and what’s fair to you.”—John D. Rockefeller Jr. The movies feed on the brains of story writers and dramatists and they also now look to the stage for most of their best actois. The result may well be a drying up—Walter Prichard Eaton, playwrightcritic. Life at 100 is not much different than it was at 50, except that you can’t get around quite so well.— The Rev. Samuel Dunham, Binghamton (N. Y.) centenarian. If we are satisfied with relief alone, we shall never achieve economic reconstruction. Senator Robert F. Wagner, New York. PRE-CYNIC BY HARRIETT SCOTT OLINICK About him is a splendid restlessness. He moves with gracefulness; with lithe, sure ease. His eyes are ever seeking things unseen. He sneers contempt at quiet nights; at peace. He runs to life with eager, careless hands. Anxious to snatch her close; tc 4 drain her bare. How sad that he must find how dry her breasts! How certain he will claim he doe* not care I