Indianapolis Times, Volume 46, Number 148, Indianapolis, Marion County, 31 October 1934 — Page 10

PAGE 10

The Indianapolis Times ' <A SCRirrS-HOWABD >'EWBPArER) ROT W. HOWARD Present TAtCOTT POWELL Editor EARL D. BAKER Bailees* Manager Phona Bll*y HBl

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jnCA 1 •■#/ •< Give Light and the People Will rintl Their Own Way

WEDNESDAY. OCT 31. 1934. A BUSINESS CHALLENGE , T'HROUGH the years of the depression, corporation reserves have piled up. Income customarily plowed back into industry has been allowed to accumulate. Factories have depreciated, their owners postponing needed replacements while awaiting definite signs that the depression is behind. At present the administration is using all of its persuasive powers to start the spending of these earmarked billions to give a needed lift to the heavy industries. Railroads are about $7,000.000,000 behind on replacements, gauged by post-war pre-depres-sion schedule of expenditures, and many times that much behind if gauged by the modernization necessary if the railroads are to recapture their transport supremacy. This is true whether the trend be toward electrification of the or toward development of the Diesel engine streamliners, such as the one that broke the transcontinental speed record last week. A gigantic rural electrification program is possible in vast areas where farmers still use kerosene lamps because they can get nothing better. In the Tennessee valley, the government is demonstrating how this can be done, at a profit. Millions of homes need repairs. And through its loan insurance plan, the federal housing administration is offering every incentive to banks to make loans to home owners. Next month, the FHA will start its loan insurance for the building of new homes. City slums and the shacks of tenant farmers stand as mute testimony of America’s low r housing standards. Millions of families, propertyless and dependent on doles or low wages, can not obtain credit through private channels; and for these the government is attempting a solution through rural rehabilitation, subsistence homesteads and slum-clearance projects. About half of the nation’s 10,000,000 unemployed are cast-offs of heavy industries. Billions should be spent in the next year or two rebuilding America. Between now and the opening of the next congress, the administration apparently intends to wait for private initiative to take the lead. But if the men who control the nation's wealth fail to do the spending the government will have to—and soon or late take the money from those who have it by taxation. Donald R. Richberg, No. 1 adviser to the President, stated the proposition clearly in two recent speeches in New York City. ‘‘Let it be made clear that someone must take the lead.” said' Richberg. ‘‘The federal government should not be required to continue to carry millions of able-bodied workers on the relief rolls . . . when the way is open to put them back to work. . . . ‘‘lf private initiative is so weak, if private capital is so timid, if management and labor are so lacking in vision that private enterprise will not march ahead to solve its oivn problems, then let no one criticize, but let every one applaud a government that has the courage and strength and vision to undertake the job.” AVIATION SCORES THE famous air race from England to Australia was won by two Englishmen, Scott and Black, in an English-made plane; but an examination of London newspapers demonstrates that the race was nevertheless a triumph for the American aircraft industry. For if the Englishmen won. second and third places were taken by American ships a Douglas airliner piloted by a Dutch crew, and a Booing cruiser flown by Colonel Roscoe Turner and Clyde Pangborn. And the point that has impressed commentators in London is this: Whereas the winning British ship was a sleek, streamlined racing plane, constructed for speed and for speed alone, the Douglas and Boeing planes were regular transport ships, precisely like those now in service on American commercial airlines. The Douglas plane, as a matter of fact, carried nine persons on the long jaunt. If it had been stripped down to fighting trim, relieved of all unnecessary weight, and stocked with extra fuel instead of passengers, it might well have taken first place. So the race has brought little pride to the British aviation industry. The London Evening News says of the Douglas plane's performance: •It gives irrefutable, tragic proof that we are miles behind other countries in commercial air transport. The race was an ordinary trip for the Douglas. The efficiency of American engines and aircraft is such that at no point did it have to stay long on the ground. “Only one Royal Air Force fighting plane Is as fast as this ‘flying train.’ Comparison with our civil aircraft is too degrading.” Nor is this the only testimonial to American planes. Dutch authorities were so pleased by the Douglas plane's performance that they promptly ordered ten more like it, for sendee on the 9.000-mile route from Holland to the Dutch East Indies. All this is a pretty clear indication that in the field of commercial aviation we have a perfect right to indulge in a good deal of oldfisliioned American pride. It also suggests that one way to regain our lost foreign trade may be to follow aviation's lead—make an article so much better than all compel itors that customers can’t resist it. RELIEF AND RECOVERY Administration officials deny published reports that they are planning a 912.000.000.000 five-year public works program. Those denials should not be taken too seriously. When the November elections are over and politicians can speak mors frankly, it tpon will become dear that some such figurej

as reported is necessary. The actual figure is apt to turn out larger, if anything. How could it be otherwise? There are close to 17,000.000 persons on relief. The number will be larger this winter. Most of the burden falls upon the federal government. Even the most conservative citizen now admits that those unfortunate Americans can not be left without food and shelter. The question is not how much to spend this year. That is determined by the extent of unemployment, which In turn was determined last summer by the failure of private business to revive and take up the unemployment slack. The question now is whether present administration policies are such as to stimulate business revival to sufficient proportions by next year that the relief burden of the fall and winter of 1935 will be less. The fact that business activity is lower and unemployment Is higher now than one year ago today, is proof of the inadequacy of present New Deal agencies. Reorganization of those agencies, better co-ordination, and a more definite administration recovery policy are necessary, in our judgment, to advance the limping New Deal. What the administration does during the next few months will decide whether the country Is up or down a year from today. Meanwhile it is futile for any one to whine about the present relief burden. The money must be spent both for the purpose of feeding those 17,000,000 worst depression victims and also to feed private industry which—for the foment at least—will starve without government orders. Os course, the public'should demand that these relief funds be spent in the most effective way. But, apparently, there is not much reason for worry now on that score. The general relief policy, as far as it has been disclosed through leaks and official hints, is twofold. First, that most relief be in the form of work rather than outright doles. And second, that as much money as practicable be spent on low-cost housing. That seems to be an intelligent general approach. It is most important, however, for all of us to realize that such government expenditures, necessary as they are, will not alone pull us out of the depression any more than relief expenditures during the last year have pulled us out. Either private capital must go back to work—producing equipment, houses, goods and jobs—or within the next year the government itself will be forced to go into business to produce those goods and jobs on a scale of government-operation never before even contemplated in the United States.

HURTS OWN ARGUMENT PRESIDENT GLENN FRANK of the University of Wisconsin tells an interviewer that we must throw the throttle wide open on mass production and clear the way for a oneway trip to a richer and more stable America. His call for recognition of the fact that our current problems stem from an economics of plenty rather than of scarcity will strike a responsive chord among many Americans, to be sure; and it is heartening to observe that he wants to see the recovery effort go forward with all speed. But it is a little bit hard to understand why —given this attitude —President Frank insisted that Chairman Lloyd K. Garrison of national labor relations board give up his government post and return to his duties at the university. Mr. Garrison had made a splendid record. President Roosevelt wanted him to stay in Washington. To let him stay would have been to make a pretty fair contribution to this recovery effort. JOBS MUST DEVELOP T'vONALD RICHBERG’S warning that the government will have to spend huge additional sums to put nen to work if more employment is not created in private industry is simply a plain statement of an obvious fact. We have carried the unemployment burden so long that it is beginning to be a crippling load. We can continue to pour out millions of dollars a week to support the jobless for a few more months or a few more seasons, but we can't continue it indefinitely. Sooner or later we must find a way of hooking these men up to jobs. If private industry recovers enough to provide the jobs, well and good. If it does not, Uncle Sam will have to see what he can do. There is no escape from this dilemma. In one way or another, the men now out of work must be given a chance to become wage earners again. STATESMEN LEARN A GLANCE back at the immediate aftermath of the slaying of King Alexander of Yugoslavia indicates that the statesmen of Europe may have learned something in the last twenty years, after all. An act of this kind was precisely the sort of thing which could have brought on war, if the responsible authorities in the various countries involved had assumed warlike attitudes and gone about fulminating to high heaven about the iniquities of foreign peoples. But they did not. Instead, they talked peace. France, Italy, Yugoslavia, Hungary in each of these countries the leaders adopted a conciliatory tone and worked actively to head off trouble, instead of standing up heroically and announcing that they were prepared for the worst. A similar program in 1914 would have prevented the World war. Let us be thankful that the statesmen have learned by experience. A dollar won on a football game and not promptly paid is, we suppose, a delayed buck. Admiral Byrd's men won't be allowed to vote by radio. Probably afraid their votes would have to be sponsored. A gypsy newspaper is now being published in Rumania, But it probably won't brag about its home-delivered circulation. Byrd's party reports it made only thirtyeight miles in six days, due to a raging blizzard. Oh, well, they're not going anywhere. There’s nothing to the rumor that the Piccards came down when they ran square into the price of steak. Takes less to win a baseball, series than a poker hand—the Cardinals practically won the championship on a pair, > at

Liberal Viewpoint FROM time to time I get rather dubious concerning the prospects of the New Deal with its inadequacies; its inconsistencies; its fundamental weakness in failing to protect the consumer and to guarantee mass purchasing power, and its unwillingness to face recalcitrant capitalists squarely with the alternatives of playing .ball or accepting state management of industry. Then I read some of the attacks made upon it by Tories who seem incapable of grasping the economic realities of 1934. and I feel almost like a partisan of the Roosevelt administration. Ogden Mills is up to his old tricks of declaring that the depression had run its course by “the summer of 1932,” and that if it had not been for the oppressive and socialistic policies of Mr. Roosevelt we might be enjoying another golden era like unto the bull market days of Mr. Coolidge: “It is just as if a doctor, called into treat a patient who had just overcome the crisis of pneumonia but was still sick, should begin by moculatihg him against colds through the use of serums that further upset him.” a a a IT probably is too much to suggest facts to Mr. Mills, but it may be well to remind those inclined to accept his doctrine that they should consult the graphs of general business conditions, aank failures, stock prices and bond movements from August, 1932, to March, 1933. At the most, Mr. Roosevelt only applied the pulmotor to a patient already in a coma, and, when he was able to sit up, insisted that he should not get his feet wet or sit in a draft before he got out of the hospital. Any serums administered have been very mild and most of them given at the earnest behest of the patient. The main trouble has been that the sick monk became a devil just as soon as he imagined that he was well. We might expect a little more from a serious book than from a campaign speech, but Ralph Robey produces an identical argument in his “Roosevelt Versus Recovery” (Harpers). He tells us logically enough that the three possibilities before us are capitalism, Fascism or Communism. He does not want the last two, and he assures us that capitalism must change if it is to survive. BUT his devotion to “change” is a very nebulous lip service to the word. He recommends a return to the deflationary policy of 1931-32 that all but wrecked the country and will concede no more regulatory changes in business than are absolutely necessary to escape immediate collapse or revolution by the thinnest of margins. He sees no hope for capitalism under the NewDeal: “If we are to prevent a national disaster, we must turn back to the tenets of liberal capitalism. If we are to prosper as a nation, we must restore the requisites of a sound economic sys;em. Our choice is betw'een fighting tuberculosis in its early stages and fighting it after hemorrhages begin. It is a choice between the New Deal and sound prosperity. It is Roosevelt versus recovery.” Both Fascists and Communists will do well to lend earnest aid to Mr. Robey's economic and political policies. Nothing would more surely or speedily land us, first in the arms of the Black Shirts and then in the laps of the Reds. A much more sophisticated but equally fatuous line of reasoning appears in James P. Warburg's book, “It’s Up to Us” (Knopf). He argues that we must choose between an individualism ;vhich remains essentially “rugged” and a completely regimented society like that in Italy or Russia. The New Deal, he tells us, is hopeless because it tries to straddle and combine the two irreconcilable schemes of a planned economy and democratic capitalism. We must choose between a capitalism which throws a few sops to the masses in the ivay of unemployment insurance, lower farm taxes and the like, and the system of Russia and Italy. The latter, he says, are failures because Colonel Knox of the Chicago Daily New's has been across the water, looked them over, and turned thumbs down on them. u a a ONE may turn Mr. Warburg’s logic back on him with deadly effect. If we can not yet be sure that a planned economy will work, certainly we know that the type of capitalism which Mr. Warburg envisages has already proved a pathetic failure. The face-lifting and shampooing which he recommends will not change its character, operations or results. There is no workable alternative to a planned economy. The alternative is between the moderate, and perhaps inconsistent, program of Mr. Roosevelt and the sweeping and thoroughgoing job of planning which the Fascists and Communists are trying. The sooner American business understands this, the more likely it will be to save us, for a time at least, from Fascism and Communism.

Capital Capers j THE first cold day of the season brought out a huge crop of furs . . . silver fox, mink, sables, Hudson seal, kolinsky—even a dash of ermines ... at a magnificent reception in the Czechoslovak legation. Czechoslovak Independence day was toasted in Scotch whisky amid a setting of red roses and candelabra. Charge d'Affaires Dr. Nemecek received his guests smilingly in the large drawing room, assisted by his attractive wife, who wore pearls against a black afternoon gown. “I smell mothbolls,” remarked one diplomat, as he entered, his sensitive nose quivering. In fact, all the furs of the season had apparently just been taken out of storage. Blond and beauteous Mme. Ziva Djalal, wife of the Persian minister, wore sables around her throat, setting off a beige creation that reeked of Paris. Amiable Mrs. Homer S. Cummings, wife of the attorney-general, wore a black fur cape. Vivacious Evelyn Gordon, who accompanied her affable father, Judge Peyton Gordon of the district supreme court, was swathed in silver fox furs, with only the tip of her nose showing. The brunet beauty of Mme. Gerard Walravens, wife of the young Belgian diplomat, was enhanced by a fur-lined coat with long sleeves. Dignified Baroness von Bulow arrived wearing a dark, tailored suit trimmed with fur and carrying a large muff. Mrs. Nancy Mann carried a combination muff and vanity case of silver fox that operates cleverly ■with a zipper. There were so many furs that at times one hardly could see the guests for their wraps. a a a DR. THOMAS H. HEALY, assistant dean of the Georgetown Foreign Service school and one of Washington's most decorated men-about-town. appeared wearing a Czech order in his coat lapel. Healy has just returned from the American Legion convention at Miami, and told a good story about his experiences there. It seems that he delivered a mighty address to legionnaires about preparedness. His voice over the microphone sounds like President Roosevelt's. After his speech, many calls were received asking when Roosevelt had arrived in Miami. In the little mountain town of Sonora, Cal., humorist Will Rogers walked into a barber shop and heard what he thought was President Roosevelt talking in Miami. He immediately sat down and wrote one of his journalistic quips, backing the President's attitude on preparedness. Healy had the clipping in his pocket. a a a MINISTER DJALAL of Persia was present at the party, wearing a diamond scarfpin, and very much exercised about the false account which recently appeared in newspapers about two London-to-Melbourne American aviators beine arrested in Persia. The story, says the minister, is a malicious lie. Truth is the American airman landed in a small Persian town late at night, were asked courteously by police to show their passports. This they did and were immediately permitted to resume their flight. They were never put in Jail at a 11*

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

JAMES WHITCOMB RILEY-BORN 30 YEARS TOO SOON

. u Oh, it sets vouc hcagt aclickim* ff 0 I [jit, like Trte tick hamy clocks w WHEN YOUR CCOPS ALL TAKE A UCKIM* 1 1 Jfilr * "j sot your check is im the boa.

The Message Center

(Times readers are Invited to express their views in these columns. Make your letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them to &50 words or less.) a tt a RESENTS QUESTION BY POLL TAKER By Mrs. R. E. Baur. Recently we were visited by poll takers for both the Democratic and Republican parties. The worker for the Democrats asked our party affiliation and we stated that the members of our household were Socialist. Several days later the Republican worker came and we gave the same information. To our great surprise, we were then asked the name and address of the firm by whom the man of the house was employed. We asked what pertinence this question had and received the very unsatisfactory answer that it was on the printed form. We are writing this letter in the hope that some loyal Republican worker, who during this campaign is sworn to defend the Constitution by word and pen will answer two questions; Would we have been asked for this information had we stated that we were Republicans? Had we given this information, how would the Republican campaign committee have made use of it? To us, it appears that the Republican party, notoriously controlled by the greedy type of employer, would use the threat of discharge for any worker who does not vote and think along economic lines that are sound for the employer class. We would hold under suspicion any so-called representative of the workers who would indorse the Republican party. a u RAY PRAISED AS FIT CANDIDATE By K.‘ M. L. and E. M. B. Only about once in a generation do the voters have the opportunity of electing a man to public office who is endowed by nature and fitted by training and experience for the office he is seeking. Otto Ray, Democratic nominee for sheriff of Marion county, is such a man. The sheriff of Marion county is the chief law enforcement officer of the county. It is his duty to execute the laws. In a county such as Marion, this office requires a high degree of executive ability. Os course, it requires rugged honesty, fearless action and efficiency. These are basic qualities. But it requires more than these. In times like these it requires a man whose heart beats with the love of humanity. He must have in his soul love for his fellow-man. He must have a feeling of kinship, regardless of race, color or creed. Otherwise his official acts will be stern, cold and sometimes cruel. He must know when to be stem in his duty and when to temper his actions with mercy. He will have many unpleasant duties ranging from evictions and foreclosures to the apprehnsion of desperate criminals. He must have sufficient knowledge of humanity and its fraiiities to be able to distinguish and yet faithfully perform his duty. Otto Ray has the basic qualities for the office he is seeking. He served as a police officer for six years, four years of that time with the rank of captain. He was in charge of the license department. He conducted this department in a business-like manner. He collected thousands of dollars in license fees each year. In this work he demonstrated executive ability of high order. Otto Ray has a love for humanity* lie knows the problems of the

Two Ways of Picking Public Servants

By 31errill Rockefeller. The Society for the Advancement of Thoroughly Incompetent Public Servants hereby submit for your approval two intelligent systems for picking office holders. The applause system is undoubtedly the most popular of all methods of choosing the best man. It is very simple, so simple that only a small minority of the votters are unable to understand it. The art of applauding has gone through a number of evolutions. Not so long ago, it was the custom to wave handkerchiefs; then it was discovered that clapping the hands was not only very satisfactory, but also more sanitary. But instead of merely clapping the hands, you applaud the politician by throwing away your vote to him. Your vote is his reward and applause in appreciation for the show put on by the deserving candidate. You applaud hirp for his eloquent, entertaining speeches, his mud-throwing ability, his clever, quick denial of charges of the opposition. If he is handsome, this probably only interests the women voters; slaps backs, hands out cigars and beer; if he knows and tells at least three separate and distinct jokes—in short, if

people. And his is no mere academic knowledge. He originated and directed the American Legion and auxiliary relief stations, which in co-operation with the mayor’s program, clothed 40,000 needy persons and distributed more than 11,000 baskets of food. He founded the city and county employes relief kitchen and was cited by the American Red Cross for welfare and relief work. He always has recognized his duty to his community, his city and his country. He has been an outstanding, active worker in all worth while civic and relief projects. He took an active, successful and prominent part in the Y. M. C. A. membership drive just ended. He served as president of the Central Labor Union and answered the call to arms in 1917. He has been truly a public servant. He is not controlled by any individual or group. He has fought the battles of the people. By his life in this community he has demonstrated that he is the man who is built for the job he is now seeking. a a a NEW DEAL REGARDED AS STRANGE DEAL By Robert E. A. Crookston. To me, the New Deal is a strange deal, indeed. The present administrations. both state and national, are pulling off some vaudeville stunts which I am unable to understand. It is too much of a puzzle and I would like to be enlightened. When the seventy-third congress met, we were promised that prosperity would soon be here through the efforts of the New Deal; that the credit system of the country would again become sound; unemployment would decrease, and that we would live happily ever after. Here are the results of the New Deal: Our nation is around twentyseven billion dollars in debt; our credit system is toppling on the brink of ruin; unemployment is steadily on the increase; our unemployment relief is an unsatisfactory mess, both to those on relief and to the taxpayer, as the relief worker is not receiving enough to exist upon and the taxpayer will have to pay the bill sooner or later. In that bill will be found millions of dollars which those on relief-work

T 1 wholly disapprove of what you say arid will | defend to the death your right to say it. — Voltaire.

he is a regular personality kid with a dash of Santa Claus, that is all part of the show and should be kept in mind when the time to applaud comes. The general practice of this system has always kept our judicial, executive and legislative posts free from graft, incompetent office holders and numerous other evils. Next is the lesser of two evils method. Some persons who pay heavy taxes and work hard for their money find this system more satisfactory than the above one. This system is much more difficult and requires some thinking, hence it has but few followers. It follows logically that if one candidate is incompetent, and another is only half as incompetent, the one who is only half incompetent should get the job. Try this one on your voting machine. There is a possible third system. I might call it the eenie, meenie, minie, mo system. But then intelligent, thinking American voters wouldn’t be interested in this one. Too much chance for the wrong man to get in office. But why should I worry about all this? I won’t be old enough to vote for four years.

never received. Sixty cents of every dollar is for overhead expense and 40 cents of every dollar for relief work, is a benefit to the office holders and their political employes, but mighty little benefit to those on relief and much less benefit to the taxpayer. The administration pays the farmer for not growing wheat and corn, for not raising hogs, for plowing under cotton; the result is that we are more than one billion bushels short of corn and millions of bushels short of other grains and since Aug. 1 we have imported from Canada six and one-half million bushels of grain. Besides this, we have also imported grain from Argentina and Poland. This is all very puzzling to the American farmer. No wonder we have approximately 200 business failures a week when such conditions exist! I wonder, is this all done so that President Roosevelt can raise the prices higher, as he wishes to do? If he is a friend of the people as so many believe he is, why does he attempt to bankrupt the farmer through importation of grain and starve the working man by higher prices? Take a look at the trustee’s grocery order to the needy. In October, 1933, a family of three received a grocery order for $1.90. In October, 1934. that family still receives a grocery order for $1.90. In the meantime, food prices have risen 13 to 20 per cent. The result is that the needy are receiving less for food. Those on relief work are at a loss to know what to do or where to look —no money to buy clothes, fuel, ana but very little food. I wish to ask this final question,; Mr. Democrat: Am I better off today than I was a year ago? a a a SINCLAIR C ONSIDERED MOST CONSISTENT By a Time* Reader. Congratulations on your editorial on George Creel’s repudiation of Upton Sinclair. The only thing wrong with Mr. i Creel’s act was that it came a little late. If the statesmen and leaders of j the Democratic party have not j known all along that Upton Sinclair was trying to put over a Scciajfti 1

OCT. 31, 1934

program under the cloak of Democracy, then they had better read up on Socialism. Such spectacles as that in California is just what is causing thinking people to chfnge their view of the New Deal. The President pav dearly for the mistakes of his Socialist admirers. Every such incident only helps to increase the growing suspicion that the New Deal is more Socialistic than Democratic. But why put all of the blame on Mr. Sinclair? He can not change j his creed. He w'as not a Democrat and that fact w-as probably well known by all concerned. If he had a chance to win, he wtould have had i plenty of friends, but now when it j looks like he will lose, he is repudi- | ated because it is feared his senseS less program is harmful to the ad- | ministration. Well, after all, I think that Sinclair is the most consistent one of the bunch. He stuck to his plat- ; form and that is more than some others have done. Let a Socialist be a Socialist and a Democrat a Democrat. a a a ASSERTS ROBINSON AIDS DEMOCRATS By Amused. Strangely enough, Senator Arthur R. Robinson, like the football player who ran the wrong way with the ball, is solidifying the ranks of the Democratic party. When the present campaign got ! under way Li'l Arthur decided that j the best way to win was to attack I the constitutionality of the New Deal and wave the flag with greater abandon than ever before. Casting around for issues in the political sea, the Republican state committee decided to wage its attack against Governor McNutt. Rather pointedly, the committee told Senator Robinson that he was using the wrong tactics, that President Roosevelt was too popular and that all arrows aimed in his direction would fall unheeded. But the senator stubbornly insisted that he was right. Finally, under pressure he gave in to the anti-McNutt propaganda against his better judgment. Many Democrats had been feeling unkindly toward the Governor, but, like members of a large family, resented any outside attacks. As the senator began to shout, “Stop McNutt,” the Democrats began to gather closely together against the alien. Now the Democrats all have buried the hatchet with the Governor because the Republicans took up an inter-party dispute. a a a MISSED IN SEPTEMBER NEW DEAL BALLOT By Mirha?! O'Brien. I voted in favor of the New Deal in April, but no one asked my opinion in September. I am still for the New Deal and would have voted so had I been solicited. WALK BV HARRIETT SCOTT OLINICK October moon and stars have blinded me. I am made new tonight; I hold your hand. We walk beneath the heavy studded sky. You understand. I understand. The moon is shining in an ecstasy Os silver flame; the stars are sharp and white. Oh! take me in your arms; kiss shut my eyes! ■ I am made new; I am reborn tonight. •*