Indianapolis Times, Volume 46, Number 129, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 October 1934 — Page 10

PAGE 10

The Indianapolis Times <A ftCßirrs-HOtYARD NEWSPAITB) ROI W. HOWARD Pn.tdDt TALCOTT POWELL Editor EARL D. BAKER Rutin*** M*mg*r t'hon* Riley 555 1

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!•’ •<* dive lAyht and the Per, pit vr iZi find Their Oirn Way

TUESDAY. OCT. 9, 1934

“HAND-PICKED?” \I7E frequently have remarked that Gover- * nor McNutt is not an Issue in the senatorial campaign. We still believe it. Yet certain members of the old guard, with a greater love for politics than for the truth, have Insisted on dragging the Governor and his policies into the Minton-Robinson race. These frightened members of the Ananias Club first spread the amusing yam that Mr. Minton would, if elected, immediately resign in favor of Governor McNutt. Aside from the fact that such a move would wreck the Democratic party in Indiana, aside from the fact that Governor McNutt has no intention of resigning to become a senator or anything else, what about Mr. Minton? Asa practical matter why should he spend his time and effort for nothing? Take a look at his picture—particularly his Jaw? Does he look like a man who would play the role of a political Sydney Carton? When this yam became too absurd for further repetition the frightened followers of Senator Robinson had to content themselves with statements that Mr. Minton was “handpicked” by the Governor and that if he were elected he would be “boss ruled.” It so happens that The Times knows just' how much “hand-picking’' the Governor did in this matter of a candidate for the senate. In fact, we were mightily annoyed with Governor McNutt because he consistently-re-fused to “hand-pick" Mr. Minton. Way back last winter we felt that Mr. Minton, young, vigorous, progressive and with a marvelous record for saving the people money on utility rates, was the logical candidate to defeat Senator Robinson. We toid the Governor so and asked him to throw his weight in Mr. Minton's direction. He refused to commit himself. He continued to refuse until the very night before the Democratic state convention when it became so apparent that the rank and file of the party wanted Mr. Minton that the Governor capitulated. Frankly, we don’t know who the Governor’s pre-convention candidate for the senate was. We are sure that his secretary’, Pleas Greenlee, didn't know’, either. Nobody knew except Governor McNutt himseif. We are not criticising the Governor for his neutrality prior to Mr. Minton's nomination. Perhaps that was the wisest attitude for him to take. But we do happen to know the whole “inside” story and we are repeating it merely to show how much truth there is in this “hand-picked” stuff. And a good many other reports that are flying about are just about as reliable as this one. What the voters would like to hear from Senator Robinson and his adherents is a clear, factual discussion of pressing national issues and what they propose to do about them. CLEAR THE RECORD CRIMINAL activities have taken on increased "popularity” in Indianapolis during the last few weeks. Apparently without clews which will clear the case from police records, authorities have been unable to find the murderer of Donald E. Dillon, 13-year-old south side boy, whose death has been a mystery many days. Several steps have been taken in the case, but the real issue—finding and convicting the mur-derer-still is unanswered. And Foggy Dean will get anew trial for the alleged machine gun slaying of Police Sergeant Lester E. Jones. Sergeant Jones walked into the fire of the gun in the Peoples Motor Coach Company garage in February, 1933. For three weeks prosecutors and defense attorneys fought jury selection and the actual trial of the case. Many things have happened since February. 1933 and the Sergeant Jones case probably has been forgotten by many people. Members of Sergeant Jones’ family and this newspaper never will forget that murder. Saturday, the Indianapolis front pages carried the story’ of the death of another Indianapolis man. He appears to have been slain, but his slayer, if there be one, has not been captured. The only share of the spotlight which justice ha* been able to corner in the last few weeks is the sentencing of Jmest ißed> Giberson to the Indiana state prison for life. This occurred yesterday when the sullen prisoner pleaded guilty to his participation in the Sergeant Jones case. Criminal Judge Frank P. Baker apparently has found the proper method of abating a nuisance. Giberson had a habit of escaping from confinement here and in Noblesville. Without doubt, crime is on the increase here. Before it gets too far along it will be well if it is stopped. One answer will be the solution of many past crimes. NO THIRTY-HOUR LAW THE American Federation of LaDor at its San Francisco convention yesterday unanimously adopted a resolution favoring a federal law denying to interstate commerce all goods not produced under the five-day week and six-hour day. To freeze into federal law such a rigid rule would be to repeat the enforcement fallacy of the eighteenth amendment, to gainsay the theory of flexible regulation under the NRA codes, to court industrial confusion and probably bring about more unemployment instead of les*. The federation just has gone on record approving NRA and the extension of its codes. These codes are adaptable to various industries. region* and conditions. Labor is quit* right in declaring that the forty-hour week, said to be the average established by the codes, has not absorbed the jobless. It is right in demanding reopening of the codes.

But it can not have the flexible code method and'at the same time the fixed blanket statute method. President Green of the A. F. of L. says that the shorter work week is “the only constructive remedy to relieve unemployment.” Admitting that a shorter work period is one of the several major remedies required, a rigid hour law would work hardship on many industries and force them to close down. That would not help labor. This is a vastly complicated problem which can not be solved by the simple device of passing a thirty-hour law. POOR CUSTOMERS 'T'HIS winter the unemployed will be fed and clothed and housed with public funds. Three years ago there was no such assurance, but the bitter debate over using the taxpayers’ money for these purposes was decided by the people, themselves, in sage of uncompromising necessity. The issues now are: How well and how efficiently shall the needy by cared for? How shall it be accomplished? The National Association of Manufacturers says that, for those in distress who can not find work, “public funds legitimately may be used to provide relief of actual need on a subsistence basis.” The association insists, however, that all goods supplied to the unemployed should be purchased through regular channels to stimulate private industry, and attacks the selfhelp barter system, by which some unemployed groups, with government aid, produce and exchange goods for their own consumption. Ours are subsistence doles. In fact, in order to provide bare necessities at the lowest cost for those in need, the government, in many instances, has had to make mass purchases direct from the producer. And, obviously, private industry is the loser to the extent that the government encourages the unemployed to produce their own necessities instead of spending relief money for direct purchases. But, according to Relief Administrator Hopkins, most of the goods produced by the unemployed are goods that could not have been purchased with the limited funds available, goods that w’ould not have been created otherwise, goods that enable the unemployed to live slightly above the subsistence Thus they are not competitive with private industry. • If private manufacturers want to sell goods of this type to the unemployed, the consistent thing for them to do is to advocate doles above the subsistence level. Recipients of subsistence charity and necessarily subsistence customers. SCOTTSBORO AGAIN 'T'HE trials of the two Scottsboro Negroes that resulted in the convictions which were upheld Thursday by the Alabama supreme court were, if possible, even more cruel and farcical than the first trial. There w’as the same tense mob hostility. There was the same exclusion of Negroes from the jury panel. There was the same appeal to passion on the part of the prosecutor. The presiding judge all but ordered the two juries to bring in a verdict of guilty. In the first trial the two white girls, alleged victims of the nine hapless Scottsboro boys, gave corroborating testimony. But in the last two trials, one of the girls confessed that the charge was a frame-up. Upon the discredited and contradicted testimony of the one girl hobo who stuck to her story, Alabama’s courts again have sentenced these two Negro youths to the electric chair. The other seven boys await in jail for the day when they, too, will be called. These two cases, of course, will be appealed to the United States supreme court. There can be little doubt that this highest tribunal will say again, as it said when it reversed the first conviction, that “due process” was denied the defendants and “to hold otherwise would be to ignore the fundamental postulate . . . That there are certain immutable principles of justice which inhere in the very idea of tree government which no member of the Union may disregard.” ONE PONZI LESS /CHARLES PONZI, whose magician-like feats with other people's money made the fictional Get-Rich-Quick Wallingford look like a piker, is sailing to his Italian homeland, an alien deportee. Ponzi is going back Irom where he came thirty-one years ago. and as he came—with his pockets empty. He is leaving behind an America that learned a lesson that it didn't long remember. It was in 1920 that authorities clamped down on Ponzi and revealed the sleight-of-hand tricks by which he convinced credulous thousands that he could make their life-savings earn 50 per cent in forty-five days. After Ponzi came the Florida land bubble, the Insull bubble and the Wall Street bubble. The come-on game is probably as old as the proverty, credulity and cupidity of man. It bobs up every few years, but its essential characteristics always are similar. On the one hand is a plausible sounding scheme to get something for nothing and on the other hand are people who have worked hard but have not quite enough to provide the comforts they want. They risk half a loaf to get a whole. There is little the government can do except to make it possible for the suckers to look before they leap. FACTS AND HAUPTMANN A>ONSIDER the pleasant ins and outs of the law's technicalities. New York lawyers, who have studied the case against Bruno R. Hauptmann, Lindbergh kidnaping suspect, point out that what the general public has taken for a very strong case against him is really pretty weak. To begin with: Is Hauptmann to be tried in New Jersey for kidnaping? By New Jersey law, kidnaping is a felony, and no indictment on a felony can be drawn there if two years have elapsed between the time the crune was committed and the time the grand jury takes the case. But this statute is voided in cases where the prisoner has been a fugitive from justice. Very’ rtell. then—from what was Hauptmann a fugitive? There was no charge against him at any time before his arrest. No kidnaping indictment was ever handedi down. Can New Jersey try him for murder? To do so, the state must prove that he was ;t the ▼

scene of the crime—which, unless the authorities have important evidence at whose existence they have not even hinted, may well be quite impossible. They must prove that the Lindbergh baby was murdered, which also may be difficult. Indeed, some lawyers assert that as the evidence stands now, there actually is room for doubt whether Hauptmann could even be extradited from New York to New Jersey. Suppose, then, that he stands trial in New’ York for extortion. It is reported that Dr. John F. Condon is unable to identify Hauptmann definitely as the man to whom he gave the ransom money. In that case, say the lawyers, the New York extortion charge might not survive a session in court. All of this indicates that the road to a conviction in the Lindbergh case may be a rocky one. The fact that a man is found in possession of money definitely identifiable as the ransom money may be damning, in the eyes of the general public; in a court of law, more evidence is needed. Now this does not necessarily mean that the law is, as Mr. Bumble once remarked, “a ass.” The law is devised quite properly so that an accused man gets the benefit of every doubt. A man must not be convicted on mere likelihood; the jury must be certain. But it does throw a light on some of the difficulties that lie in the path of a prosecutor. A case that looks strong to the man in the street may look w’eak indeed to the lawyer. EXPENSIVE DEFENSE TF naval technicians 4iad not evolved their art to such a high degree of complicated and costly perfection, the price of building a first-rate battle fleet would be a great deal less than it is—and the economic argument for armament reduction would lose much of its force. Construction was begun the other day at the Philadelphia navy yard of tw r o new 1,500ton destroyers, the Cassin and the Shaw. Each boat will cost approximately $2,700,000 for hull and machinery. Contrast that with bills that were incurred a generation ago, when the United States began to rebuild its fleet following the post-Civil w’ar letdown. The Olympia, a heavy cruiser used as Admiral Dewey's flagship at Manila Bay, cost almost exactly what one of these new destroyers will cost. In other words, the cost of building one of the lighter craft, which a first-rate navy must number by the dozen, is equal to the cost of a main unit of the fleet a generation ago. No wonder modern navies are expensive!

Capital Capers BY GEORGE ABELL

EGYPT’S new minister, Ibrahim Ratib Bey, bids fair to eclipse the sartorial splendor of the late Belgian Ambassador, Paul May, whose white waistcoats w r ere the “ne plus ultra” of diplomatic society. The new envoy is a polished, cultured individual who wears a monocle with the savoir faire of Sir Austen Chamberlain.. His morning coats are cut with a fine flair. His diplomatic career has been interesting. He w’as deputy, then minister to Turkey, then senator. He once served in the Turkish army. The other day, Ratib Bey—white-waist-coated, monocled and morning-coated—called upon his excellency, the Brazilian ambassador. Envoy Aranha received him cordially. They spoke in French (the diplomatic language) since neither is yet proficient in English. Brazilian business, Ratib Bey learned, is constantly improving. Remarked Ambassador Aranha: “Coffee is rising ... a good market.” Sighed Minister Ratib: “Ah, I wish Egyptian cotton would do the same.” Returning to his legation, Minister Ratib found a number of truckmen busily engaged in moving wooden cases into the cellar. “Cotton?” wondered a chance observer. They were not cotton bales, but w’hisky and champagne consignments from a, celebrated London establishment. Today they will be drained in honor of his majesty, King Fuad I of Egypt, w’ho, on Oct. 9, 1917, succeeded his brother, Hussein Kamil, as sultan. ** * l Note—Keen-witted, popular Khalil Bey, who has been working through the heat of a Washington summer as charge d’Affaires of Egypt, will leave soon for a deserved vacation. nan THE world series is hard on animals. Saturday an entire wing of the agriculture department’s bureau of animal industry was completely deserted. Reason—Baseball fans had hastened to the chief clerk's office to hear baseball via radio, and leaving such questions as protection of animals, the President’s relief program and the drought problem to settle themselves. B U TALL, slender Sir Anthony JenkinsOn, 22-year-old editor of the Oxford undergraduate publication, Isis, has come to this country to study American news methods. “When I return to Great Britain,” he announced, “I hope to join the staff of the Glasgow Herald.” Eagerly, the young visitor met Washington newsmen yesterday, sipped in true British fashion—a cup of hot tea at the home of veteran Sir Willmqft Lewis, for many years correspondent of The London Times. English diplomats here were happy to greet a real member of the peerage, instead of a fraud. “Why don’t American newspapers look up titles in ‘Who's Who’?” inquired one envoy, testily. The other day, it appears, a certain “Earl Oxford” arrived in Manhattan. Gleefully, newspapers hailed him as “a brother of the Earl of Oxford and Asquith.” Actually, he was a comedian, out of a job, named Earl Oxford. Sir Anthony, however, is the thirteenth baronet of one of England's oldest families. The title was created in 1661. His grandfather was Lord Liverpool, famed prime minister; his father Captain John Banks Jenkinson, was killed in the World war. 808 NOTE—The Glasgow Herald is owned by Lord Camrose. Graciously Douglas Williams, representative in New York of The London Daily Telegraph (another Camrose newspaper), piloted young Sir Anthony about town, assisted by Bert Huian, New York Times correspondent. ana DIPLOMATS accredited to Havana and Washington, Mexico City and Washington, etc,, have a wonderful time. The other day. his excellency. Munir Bey. ambassador of Turkey, departed for Mexico City to present his credentials to President Rodriguez. He will visit Chapultepec Castle, where once ill-fated Emperoi Maximilian and Empress Carlotta reigned); lunch amid the floating gardens at Xochimilco; view historic Taxco, a vision of eighteenth century loveliness; bask in the sun at glorious Cuernavaca. Then—bick to Washington, where, on Oct. 29. he will preside at a reception honoring the anniversary of Turkish independence. The President talks to the people at the fireside, but when he talks to congress it may have to be in the woodshed. And so the man who cracked down on the chiselers broke down himself.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

(Timet reader* are invited to efprett their vietex in thete columns. Hake pour letter shurt, to all can have a chance. (Amit them to tSO icordi or lets.) n a CO-OPERATIVE PLAN QUESTIONS PUT. By G. W. T. In this column on Oct. 4 C. A. Chambers tried to explain co-opera-tion in the United States. He argues that we should buy co-oper-atively in order that we might realize a higher standard of living. The petroleum industry states that maintenance of excessive service equipment cost the industry (the consumer, as much as $455,000,000 in 1931. The bureau of agricultural economics released figures which indicate that the annual cost of salesmanship amounts to $27,000,000,000. This means that each and every family spends SI,OOO a year to have goods sold to them. How would cooperation reduce these excessive costs? How could we go about it to eliminate these costs of the middleman? The codes of fair competition as set up under the NRA are supposed to prevent unfair trade practices. Does the co-operative plan meet these rules and regulations The Consumers’ Advisory Council was set up to protect consumer interests. Does the co-operative plan insure consumer protection? And last, if the co-operative movement has grown so fast within the last ten years, why hasn’t the average person heard about it? If it has any value for us we should know more about it. Be more explicit, Mr. Chambers. We are all looking for a way out. BBS FINDS G- O. P- LACKING IN SOCIAL WELFARE FIELD Bv a Reader. The rally of the “Get Our Plums” party demonstrated that the rugged individualists are finding it hard going without their accustomed public crib jobs. They condemn everything attempted by the President to curb the destruction of American standards. Not a single concrete proposal has been made by this group of disguised Fascists which will guarantee to the American people security of economic welfare. The policy of the Hoover administration gave us the collapse of March, 1933. If the Democrats could take care of the Republicans by finding public jobs for them, the policy of government would not matter. The rally looked like an old-time medicine show’. If Mr. Roosevelt fails to direct production to meet a high standard of living, the Fascist Republicans will ballyhoo him out of the job, and show him how to use persuasive power, not on capital, but on labor. BBS ABOUT “BEER PARTY” AND WHITE HOUSE. By Z. J. Meloy. At the ninety-eighth annual New Jersey conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church at Atlantic City on Sept. 29, the Rev. L. L. Hand. Lambertville. N. J. f read a report alleging that President and Mrs. Roosevelt held a beer party in the White House. The conference, composed of 600 ministers and lay delegates, did not reappoint Mr. Hand to the board of temperance, prohibition and public morals. He had been president of the board for five years. It seems impossible that the New Deal has reached into the churches and that the churches are afraid to offend Dictator Roosevelt by al-

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THAT LINEUP OUGHT TO HOLD ’EM!

Three-Fourths of Negroes Declared Democrats

By a Constant Reader. In The Times of Oct. 5 I note the severe criticism of Benjamin Osborn, who was referred to as the political barometer of the Negro vote simply because Mr. Osborn endeavors to prove the disloyalty of the Republican party of today to the Negro race. The criticism of Mr. Osborn is based upon his assertion that the Republican party does not distinguish between the Negro of 1861 and 1934, which is very true. However, the Negro who makes this assertion often is misunderstood and branded as ungrateful to such great leaders as Lincoln and Washington, but this is not true. All honor to Lincoln and Washington and Grant and Harrison and scores of other great leaders who made it possible for the Negro to enjoy what he is enjoying today. However the Republican party has outlived its usefulness and become the tool of the rich and aristocratic, while the Negro represents the poor laboring class and the party which Frederick Douglass, that matchless Negro Republican orator of long ago, once referred to as the ship for the Negro. Now the party has become the haven for the corrupt office seeker and grafter, since the Negro is known to constitute the balance of power in the Republican party, and the shrewd grafter and office seeker falls desperately in

lowing unfavorable references to White House activities. Yet, that is apparently what actually happened. When the government goes so far as to throw fear into the churches and to control them to a point where they will not even allow criticism of the President, then we are actually living under a dictatorship and free speech is a thing of the past. EDITOR’S NOTE—Mr. Hand s report of the White House “beer party” varied widely from authentic reports. Asked to cite his authority, Mr. Hand is alleged to have failed to do so. Since the Holy Writ is rather strict about “bearing false witness” perhaps the other clergymen felt Mr. Hand should have been more specific in establishing his charges against the President of the United tSates and his wife, who is a convinced personal dry. BBS CONDEMNS CHARGE FOR CASHING CHECKS By Halford Williams. I wish to say a few words in regard to the 10-cent charge being imposed by the bankers and some stores for cashing federal emergency pay checks, which are very small. This in my opinion is about the last straw to break the camel’s back. The bank where I had my big $6 check cashed probably took in about 200 checks in one hour. I ask any one. did the bank gain or lose? It is about time the working people of Indianapolis awakened to the fact that they are being gouged and chiseled on everything. We are supposed to take it and like it. If one undertakes to disagree with profiteers and money changers he is branded as radical or red. If these bankers and storekeepers can’t make enough without gouging the workers, they should, quit altogether. If the banks |and stores continue this practice, the working persons should get together and re*

[ / wholly disapprove of what you say and will [ defend to the death your right to say it. — Voltaire.

love with the Negro overnight and attaches his name to the Republican ballot and becomes a member of all the Negro churches who chance to be simple enough to admit him. For more than a decade the Negro permitted himself to be used as a tool and if you should trace the ancestors of such grafters after the election nine times out of ten you would find this same man to be the son or grandson of a soldier of the South who fought to keep the Negro enslaved. but while seeking the Negro vote his slogan was “We freed you.” The Negro becomes tired of this same old warmed-over hash, and now you will find that threefourths of the Negro voters have turned Democratic and they represent the very best class of the Negroes of Indianapolis and elsewhere. If any one doubts my statement he has only to visit the Walker casino, Indiana avenue and West street, during a Democratic rally and he will be convinced. The new Negro of 1934 is beginning to think for himself, and instead of following a party which has become obsolete as the Republican party has, he is endeavoring to better his condition by following the grand old Democratic party with that matchless leader in the person of Franklin D. Roosevelt.

fuse to accept a check and demand return to the cash pay envelope. I am wondering how long the citizens of Indianapolis are going to listen to the misleading propaganda of a certain organization and the bunk handed out by some politicians and take it lying down as they have for several years. The consumer should organize. B B B REITERATES STAND FOR LOW WAGES Bt Daniel B. Luten. "Times Reader” takes exception to my contribution published Sept. 21 in which I advocated more purchasing power for employers rather than for employes. We have had two recent periods in which wages rose to abnormal heights; the first was 1918 to 1920, the era of jokes about rich riveters and workers buying silk shirts. It was a time when employers ultimately found wages and salaries rising faster than prices and as a consequence profits were converted into losses. The depression of 1921 resulted and lasted less than a year because wages were reduced along with decline of prices. The other period was that of 1927 to 1929. The total employe income of all the people of the United States was $33,000,000,000 in 1922, rising to $51,000,000,000 in 1927 and to $53,000,000,000 in 1929. It was equal to twice the total of all other

Daily Thought

But this I say, he which soweth sparingly shall reap also sparingly; and he which soweth bountifully shall also reap bountifully—ll Corinthians, 9:6. WHEN you give, take to yourself no credit for generosity, unless you deny yourself something in order that you may give.—Henry Taylor.

OCT. 9, 1934

incomes derived from interest, rent and profits. This period was the era of profitless prosperity, the era in which leaders of industrial thought began to propound the theory of high wages and low costs as a policy of enlightened industrial practice. This theory would be sound as long as low costs could be obtained by high wages, but wages increased faster than production and prices remained substantially stable. As a consequence, profits again were converted into losses and the present depression was inaugurated. President Hoover called a conference of leaders in November. 1929; they counselled sustained wages. The employers did sustain w’age rates and Henry Ford actually increased the daily rate. But with losses incurred employment had to be sacrificed when wages could not be reduced otherwise. So workers were dismissed and the more rigidly the wage rates were'maintained, the greater the number of workers to be released. Again we are experimenting with the same theory, that if wages be increased prosperity will return. The textile code is the first to demonstrate that it does not work. After one year the higher wages had forced higher prices which resulted in less volume of business; the President decreed a 25 per cent reduction in hours and the corresponding reduction in wages was the basic cause of the strike. It is the greed of the worker in times of prosperity that finally brings about loss of prosperity. The motive may be commendable, but the results are lamentable. Hearts of gold, heads of ivory. PROPOSES SUBSTITUTE FOR POOR RELIEF By Orie J. Simmons. In lieu of the present clumsy poor relief, and to trace the identity of each citizen and to make every one tax conscious, I propose an identity tax of 10 per cent to be assessed on all personal income without exemption, or surtax. The tax would be payable weekly by identity tax stamps purchased at the postoffice. Let the proceeds go to pay a weekly identity refund check of $1 delivered by mail to each citizen, man, woman and child. Trie payee would affix to check before cashing, sufficient identity tax stamps to cover his total income tax for thq week. The checks could be cashed only at a grocery or bank able to vouch for the payee’s identity. Any change of address would be indorsed on check by payee, and entered on directory and identity records at the postoffice.

Not My Ways

BY RUTH PERKINS ! Leathy’s garden is not mine, Her walks are never deep in leaves, j And for her trim tomato vines I know that Leathy never grieves. I Leathy’s children are not mine. Their frocks are all so sweet and clean. [ And though 1 know they nghtly dine. Their legs are never brown and lean. My garden is a tangled bed Os poppys, peas and hollyhocks, Os pulled up radishes of red And muchly trampled garden walks. And Lord, I know not Leathy’s heart. But if she too feels love's design. Then LdHthy’s ways are happy ways, 1 will not fret that they’re not mine.