Indianapolis Times, Volume 46, Number 127, Indianapolis, Marion County, 6 October 1934 — Page 6

PAGE 6

The Indianapolis Times U *cmrp-HowAnn sevipapei) ROT W. HOWARD Pr#M*nt TALCOTT POWELL Editor EARL D. BAKER Bailor** Minagrr Phoo* Rllry MBI

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•'*< • 44* Givt Light and tht People Will F\n<% Thrlr Own Way

SATURDAY. OCT. S. 1934

THE WHISPERING BRIGADE 'YT'OU can count on the fingers of one hand the number of first-class cities which have come through the depression with a surplus. which have reduced’their 1935 tax rate by as much as 18 cents, which have accomplished this with their credit unimpaired and their services uncurtailed. Indianapolis is one of those few cities. Every resident, no matter what his political faith, is proud of that record. Small wonder, then, that the Coffin machine, which seeks to elect Walter Pritchard, is hard pressed for issues. No one is in the least surprised that "Boss" Coffin’s henchmen are resorting to a whispering campaigr so silly that its charges and promises should be printed and issued as anew edition of the ‘‘Nonsense Novels.” These stupid and unscrupulous individual*, are circulating among people who have suffered by the depression, promising more poor relief if Judge Pritchard is elected. Ridiculous! They know that the mayor has nothing to do with poor relief. That is the functon of the township trustees. They are spreading tales of favoritism, under the present city administration, to persons of a particular religious belief. We thought the nightshirt and dunce-cap brigade had disappeared from Indiana, but apparently there is a handful of these imbeciles still /left. And “Boss" Coffin has never had any prejudice against using imbeciles for his own purposes. We have carefully investigated these whispers of religious favoritism and there is not an iota of truth in any of them. Any interested citizen can easily check up on them himself by inquiring at city hall. The records of appointments are open to the public. The citizens of Indianapolis are far too intelligent to be hoodwinked by such balderdash. They realize that a city is a business and they want a business administration. Mayor Sullivan has given them Just that. The next four years of recovery will be fraught with a multitude of complex municipal problems. The community will be expanding. Old businesses will be growing and new ones will be coming to town. Indianapolis is now on a thoroughly sound economic basis. It is ready to leap ahead of other communities, which have been wastefully and foolishly operated. It is prepared to give real service to growing commerce and industry. The Coffin machine has thoroughly demonstrated its utter inefficiency and unreliability in the operation of a city. Judge Pritchard himself is a pleasant and honest man, but he can not free himself from Coffinism. A stream never can rise above its source. There is Just one man in whose hands the affiars of Indianapolis may be SAFELY trusted. He is beholden to no boss. He is willing to sacrifice a large slice of his personal income to take the job. That man is John Kern. VETERANS MAY SERVE WAR veterans’ organizations, says a dispatch from Washington, are preparing to take a terrific crack at war profits during the coming year. Revelations made before the senate munitions committee in recent weeks have hit the veterans where they live. Through such organizations as the American Legion and the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the ex-soldiers are resolved that these revelations be kept fresh in the country’s memory’—and that the next war we get into will provide far slimmer pickings for the merchants of death. The entire question opens to the veterans a field of very great usefulness. The things w’e have found out about the profits of the munitions business are enough to shock any citizen; to no one can they be quite as shocking as to the men who actually did the fighting. Properly directed, the indignation thus aroused can be an exceedingly good thing for the country. It will be a great many years, probably, before the human race discovers the secret of foregoing war. The imperfections of human society and of human nature keep us from realizing the beautiful dream of universal peace. But we are entitled to expect that, when war comes, its dreadful weight shall rest on all citizens alike. To pay men S3O a month for offering up their lives and to make billionaires out of the men who supply them with their weapons is to make a mockery out of every principle of democracy. Probably it is a dim recognition of this fact that has made the bonus sentiment so strong among the veterans’ organizations since the war. The demand for the bonus may be quite as unjustified and selfish as its opponents maintain; nevertheless, it arises against this background of war profits, and it is rather hard to persuade the veteran that it is wrong for him to ask for a few hundred dollars when he knows that the makers of shells and guns were enriched by the hundred million. Get this feeling of injustice directed into the right channel, and the veterans’ organizations can do a work of unparalleled usefulness. If we must go to war, in the future, then we must go; but we are justified in insisting that it be for a principle, and not for enrichment of the munitions makers. Let the veterans hammer away on this point, in season and out of season, and we shall have anew reason for feeling indebted to them. THE SPANISH REVOLUTION REVOLUTION again sweeps Spam. And i .iow — as five other times since the overthrow of the monarchy in 1931— the fight it to save the second republic. But for the fifst

time in the recent battles, the Syndicalists, Communist*, Socialists and so-called real Republicans have risen above their factional divisions and combined against the conservatives. As in the revolution of 1931 the landowners, the church, and the Industrialists represent the old order, with a king or without. The autonomy movements of the Catalans and Basques increase with strife. The reforms promised three years ago were blocked, and the few concessions soon were taken away. The spirit of social revolt and bitterness has continued to grow. Recently the clerical Fascist, or Catholic Popular Action, party of Gil Robles, gained greater power over the conservative government. This threat of Fascist rule brought workers into the streets fighting to keep the republic from falling into the hands of a Spanish Mussolini or Hitler. In this civil war the greatest strength of the conservatives is among the women of Spain. They cling to the old order; they object to separation of church and state, and to division of the vast landed estates. But with each wave of revolution, more women are swept along with it. Whether the present fighting puts into power a revolutionary republic or some form of Fascist regime, this probably Is only another battle in a longer civil war between the right and the left. WHO SAID RADICAL? r T'HE conservative New York Times publishes on its front page an article by Its London correspondent which tells how the conservative English are amazed that President Roosevelt’s social reform program Is attacked in the United States as radical or impractical. England got a twenty-year start. Unemployment insurance, pensions, workmen’s compensation, health insurance and certain other items in the Roosevelt program have been in operation there since before the war. Child labor was abolished gradually in England, and long ago British employers recognized the right of workers to combine and bargain collectively. “They (British reforms) were attacked in this country, too, in the years before the war,” reports the London correspondent. “Business men protested bitterly against unemployment insurance; physicians organized a nation-wide outcry against health insurance, and the Liberal governments which pushed the program through were denounced as socialistic and worse. “Today social legislation of pre-war days is accepted as part of every British worker’s heritage and nothing would induce the working masses’ or the so-called governing classes to part with it. “Every one in England recognizes, in fact, that if there had been no social security here in 1931, the depression would have hit this country with much more terrific impact than it did. As it was, the British people were fortified against shocks, and when the crisis came it was primarily a financial and budgetary emergency requiring only a few ‘unorthodox measures.’ ” OTHERS LEAD, WE FOLLOW TN a state plagued with general strike mem- -*■ ories, "Utopian” schemes and “epic”'plans, Secretary of Labor Perkins spoke intelligently to the American Federation of Labor convention in San Francisco. She pictured the New Deal not as plunging into pathless economic jungles, but plodding in the paths of reconstruction. She stressed the importance of the administration’s forthcoming social security program. In this reform, it appears, our country' is following paths long since worn by others. In Europe more than workers are insured against the hazards of unemployment. Here, only Wisconsin has such a system. “The significant fact now stands out,” Secretary Perkins said, "that in no country which has experimented with unemployment insurance has the system broken down, even in the present world depression, and in no country has the public treasury been called upon for amounts to relieve distress approximating our expenditures for relief.” The secretary’ recalled that even among our own states social insurance is not unknown. Here twenty-eight states have some form of old age pensions; forty-six have mothers’ pensions; forty-four have workmen’s compensation. To tell in the saddest words what might have been. Miss Perkins quoted from unemployment insurance studies in Ohio and Minnesota. Had Ohio begun in 1923 to set up security funds based on 3 per cent of industrial pay rolls, with benefits of 50 per cent of normal wages lasting sixteen weeks, its fund would have remained solvent through two years of the depression and started 1932 with a $11,000,000 balance. Had Minnesota in 1926 adopted a plan for pay roll contributions of 2 per cent each from workers and employers, with benefits of 40 per cent of normal wages beginning in 1927 and running for forty weeks of unemployment, the fund would have entered 1932 entirely solvent with a net surplus of $20,700,000. The next congress should enact a program covering at least compulsory unemployment insurance and old age pensions, with some federal aid to mothers’ pensions. To make possible the co-operation of the states in their 1935 legislative season the President’s program should be ready before congress meets to protide time for the inevitable public discussion. Social insurance is a better and cheaper way than unemployment doles and poorhouses. Sonet and Japanese soldiers shot at one another across the Manchoukuo border, but both nations were caught off guard. So there'll be no war. Winter is just around the corner, but you can bet it wont be as elusive as prosperity. Travelers leaving Germany are not allowed to take more than ten marks with them. Germany, instead of inflating its money, has instead inflated its opinion of it. With President Roosevelt planning another $2,000,000,000 public works program, well have to admit he’s giving the unemployed the works. Brigadier General William Mitchell says he'd like to see the United State* build fifty dirigibles like the ill-fated Akron, which is all right if we have a few more like him to inflate '**'**•■ v

Liberal Viewpoint —BY DR. HARRY ELMER BARNES

AN intelligent friend of mine, who is a close student of current social economic conditions. remarked to me the other day that he was afraid people would get used to the depression and that things would go along much as they are today for many years, with no marked trend toward either Fascism or revolutionary radicalism. He had been traveling around the country a good deal this summer and it seemed to nim that people are more cheerful than a year ago and less alarmed about the future. He admitted that business, in general, is no better than a year ago, and that the relief bill of the nation seemed likely to be greater this winter than last. Yet it appeared to him quite possible that the American people are getting reconciled to salary and wage cuts, a low’er standard of living, relief allowances, and the like, and were adopting with considerable good nature the psychology of a “licked people.” It is pretty obvious that the only people who can get used to the depression are those who can actually keep alive while it lasts. These fall into certain recognizable classes. First, we have those who are "down to their last yacht,” and have to live on SIOO,OOO a year instead of $300,000. Then we have those with jobs which still enable them to maintain a fairly dece it standard of living. Next come those who are getting federal bounties. This group is made up chiefly of southern and w’estem farmers who benefit by the AAA and related legislation. Others have kept their roofs over their heads through federal loans. Finally, we have the millions who just about exist as a result of federal relief of one sort or another. u tt NOT all of these are by any means reconciled to their present economic situation. This fact is made exceedingly clear in the many excellent articles in the current magazines commenting on the temper of the country. Discontent which manifests itself in violence has been averted chiefly through the fact that the majority of people still believe that Mr. Roosevelt will pull us out of the depression and that the present sorry state of affairs ultimately will be brought to an end. F"en though the mass of Americans might conceivably adjust themselves peacefully to the prospect of going on indefinitely with a much lower standard of living or adapt themselves to remaining permanently on relief rolls, the present state of affairs can be maintained only by vast expenditures and ever mounting indebtedness on the part of every unit of government from the federal administration to the township. This would mean progressively greater taxes which would be bound to provoke growing discontent, especially in a system like ours which is not based upon capacity to pay. And the ever mounting debt burden would sooner or later lead to a serious depreciation of public credit. Even today the credit of some states and of many municipalities and counties is none too good. tt tt tt EVEN if a systematic scheme of federal unemployment insurance were now instituted, its successful administration would carry with it heavy expenditures on the part of the federal government. This is the inevitable penalty for our foolishness in, the past in failing to adopt a system of unemployment insurance which would enable us to pile up reserves during a period of prosperity and slight unemployment. Moreover, it would be an optimist who can believe that American business and finance will hold out indefinitely on the present level of activity. In short, any attitude of reconciliation to the depression would be highly destructive. It would ruin the government, capitalistic business and the morale of self-respecting people. Those who suffer most would be ripe for revolution or for regimentation under Fascism. There is little prospect that we shall be able to meet the problems presented by the depression by getting used to the conditions which it produces. The only solution is to get out of it, and this will never be done until we permanently increase the purchasing power of the mass of Americans. If the New, Deal can not do this for us, we must get reconciled to the prospect of some more thorough form of collectivization. Fascism, with all of its attendant evils, could be nothing more than a temporary stop-gap.

Capital Capers BY GEORGE ABELL

POLICEMEN in Washington frequently are disturbed by the intricacies of international diplomacy. Mr. Francis Irgens, secretary of the Norwegian legation, went motoring the other afternoon through the beautiful Virginia hills. With him went Minister de Morgenstierne of Norway and Minister Otto Wadsted of Denmark. Secretary Irgens is an ardent motorist. He skilfully piloted the car up hill and down dale until he reached the outskirts of Leesburg, Va. Then—not far from the fertile estate of former Secretary of War Pat Hurley—lrgens made a wrong turn. “Where am I?” he asked in Norwegian. “I have no idea,’’ replied Minister de Morgenstierne. “Nor I,” said Minister Wadsted. “I shall ask r. policeman,” announced Secretary Irgens. He got out of the car and approached a Virginia cop. “Ahem,” said Secretary Irgens, putting on his best diplomatic manner. “I am Mr. Irgens of the Norwegian legation, and I have with me in my automobile the minister of Norway and the minister of Denmark. We are temporarily lost. Could you please show us the road to Washington?” The Virginia cop scratched his head and turned to a garage man nearby. “Hey, buddy.” he said. “This bozo is lost and wants to find the way back to Washington. He’s got a couple of clergymen in his car. Can you help him out?” a a a LEAN, dignified Dr. Leo Rowe, director general of the Pan-American Union, is cutting quite a figure on the tennis courts of the Chevy Chase Club, by appearing in knickers. In fact, the most entertaining game of the season (so far as sheer spectacle is concerned) was that between lanky Dr. Rowe and the former chairman of the United States shipping board, muscular Huston Thompson. Both contenders wore plain white knickers which barely touched their knees, rolled socks and tennis sneakers. Agile as a youth, the venerable Dr. Rowe leaped high in the air, slartimed the ball across the net. “Forty love.” he shouted. The Hon. Huston was winded but gallant. His sturdy legs raced across the court. Onlookers applauded his quick serves. “I can’t believe it,” exclaimed an elderly lady as she raised her lorgnette. “Is that Dr. Rowe in knickers? And the Hon. Mr. Thompson? No, I can't believe it.” But the slender Dr. Rowe and the mighty Mr. Thompson paid no heed. They like to play in knickers and they don’t care who knows it. ana TWO diplomats presented their credentials to President Roosevelt with traditional ceremony. ♦ First came the new Egyptian minister, Ratib Bey. wearing an eye-glass, a red fez, a green uniform laced with gold, an enameled sword and white gloves. He clinked magnificently through the White House, read a formal address in which he referred to his “august sovereign,” King Fuad I of Egypt, and was graciously answered by the President. After which he clinked away again, removed his rather tight uniform and sipped some Egyptian coffee. The second diplomat, who arrived ten minutes later, was Senor Aranha. strong man of Brazilian politics and also ambassador of Brazil to the United States. Senor Aranha wore evening dress (his official uniform for state occasions). In presenting his letters of credence, he referred to “the friendship of 100 years, maintained, increased and never disturbed between our two countries.” Another happy phrase was "union in war and ever in peace.”

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

(Timet reader* ore invited to empress their vietoe in these oolumnt. Slake your lettere short, to all can have a ohance. Limit them to ISO words or less.) a a a EXPECTS MINTON WILL HEED M’NUTT ADVICE By E. J. Meloy. Sherman Minton’s statement that in event of his election to the United States senate he will not resign in favor of Paul McNutt, like other statements he has made, should be taken with a grain of salt. Minton’s statements have a habit of not being sincere. Aside from that his promises so invariably take on different forms thao it is difficult to identify or connect them. Speculation as to Mr. Minton’s future actions, however, is scarcely necessary. In order either to serve a full term or resign in favor of Mr. McNutt, Mr. Minton must first be elected, and in view of his political tieup with the Governor, that is not likely to happen. Scarcely any man, regardless as to his qualifications, can expect to be elected to the senate with a millstone such as Governor McNutt tied around his neck. That Mr. Minton is not of senatorial timber is a fact well known throughout the state, and comment is unnecessary. In the event of the unexpected, Mr. Minton’s election, much depends on what happens to Mr. McNutt in 1936. It is common knowledge that the Governor has his eyes focused longingly on the White House. It is well known that he plans to try for the presidency in 1940, and, in the event that the President’s political support shows any signs of weakness it is rumored on first hand information that the Governor will oppose Roosevelt in 1936. If he can not attain that height, it is altogether possible and probable that he might be satisfied with the vice- presidency, although it would scarcely satisfy his vanity. Should the Democratic convention prove unsympathetic or should the election result unfavorably, there is no doubt in my mind that Mr. McNutt will persuade Mr. Minton to forget his campaign pledges. a a a TWO DEFINITIONS OF MIND DISCUSSED By Franklin Dickey. Under the heading, “Mind in Relation to Medicine,” a recent contributor to The Message Center stated: “Mrs. Eddy defined mind as 'spirit, soul, principle, substance, life, truth, love,’ ” using the common noun in each instance, adding the comment that Mrs. Eddy’s definition ’is as bewildering as Mr. Webster’s definition,” and quoting the latter as follows: “Mind is the intellectual or rational faculty of man; consciousness, soul, memory, intention, opinion.” Since this contributor, unintententionally no doubt, failed to state Mrs. Eddy's definition of this word accurately, it seems proper that a correction of the error be made. On Page 225 of “The First Church of Christ, Scientist, and Miscellany,” Mary Maker Eddy, the discoverer and founder of Christian Science, states: “Christian Science is not understood by the writer or the reader who does not comprehend where capital letters should be used in writing about Christian Science.” On Page 4® of “Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures,” the textbook of Christian Science, in answer to the question, “What is

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HAVEN’T THEY TROUBLE ENOUGH?

Pork and Hog Price Spread Discussed

By John A. Kota!, Executive Secretary, National Association of Retail Meat Dealera. I noted with a great deal of interest an article which appeared under the heading, "Indiana in Brief,” in the Sept. 4 issue of The Indianapolis Times. It quotes Lee R. Highlen, director of the Indiana Farm Bureau livestock marketing department, on the subject of retail prices of pork as related to hog prices. The last paragraph was of especial interest to me. It read: "During the last few years the retail prices of pork have been practically as high as when hogs were $lO a hundredweight, yet the farmers received prices that gradually were bankrupting them. The present economic distress will not be removed until farmers receive a profit above the cost of production, and the present prices of hogs do not return that much.” The department of agriculture, however, has issued figures which show that the spread between hog prices and pork prices show relatively little change from year to year. Unfortunately the figures I have are only for the higher priced cuts of pork, but they show the price trend rather clearly. I have chosen Sept. 1, 1930, because it was one of the last days that hogs sold at $lO a hundredweight. Percent 1930 1934 Lower Ho?s. per cwt $10.03 $7.81 22 Pork chops, per lb. .50 .35 30 Ham. per lb 26 .23 9 Picnics, per lb 21 *l7 19 It is easily seen from the foregoing figures that the consumer is not paying as much for pork now as he did when hogs were selling for $lO. Much has been said lately about the increase in the price of pork,

mind?” Mrs. Eddy says—“ Mind is God.” Again, on Page 465 of this textbook, in answer to the question, "What is God?” she says: "God is incorporeal, divine, supreme, infinite mind, spirit, soul, principle, life, truth, love,” using the proper noun in each instance. It is not in accord with the teachings of Christian Science to use, in the deifle sense, any of these seven synonyms for God as a common noun or in the plural number. Nowhere does Mrs. Eddy define “mind” as “spirit, soul, principle, life, truth, love,” using these words as common nouns. a an PROPOSES PAGE ONE FOR MESSAGE CENTER By H. I. Osjood. The writer wishes to offer a suggestion on the makeup of The Times that will be appreciated by a majority of its readers. It is that you devote the two left hand columns of the front page to The Message Center. The spirit of that old Roman wisecrack. "Vox populi, vox Deis," was not idle truism but reflects in all time the stem sentiment that popular opinion is the most powerful force in any civilized community, hence is deserving of prominence in any metropolitan newspaper. Too much importance is given to the commission of crime, the sayings and doings of politicians, the state’s worst enemies,* sports and general gossip. The valuable and really ( important letters, for want of time are overlooked and the moral force of the

\1 wholly disapprove of what you say and will L defend to the death your right to say it. — Voltaire.

but figures of the bureau of labor statistics for Aug. 15, 1934, a high point in the recent increase in pork and hog prices, show that prices at that time were 31 per cent lower than prices on Aug. 15, 1929, and 3 per cent under the 1930 to 1933 period, the four years of depression. It is true that the prices which the farmer has been receiving are low, but so have been the prices which the consumer has been paying. Os interest also is Mr. Highlen’s statement "that the city housewife should not be paying more for pork chops than she did in the period from 1909 to 1914.” This shows clearly the representatives of livestock groups, unless they have had broad experience in problems of the meat industry, which includes all divisions, livestock, packer processing problems and retail meat dealer problems, fail to take into consideration that the standard of living is much higher and that the packer and retailer paid far more to their employes the last five years than they did in 1909 to 1914. For instance, the persons who cut those pork chops in the retail meat shop in 1909 to 1914 received a wage of sl2 to sls a week. The retailer’s rent was $25 to S4O a month. The employe, with his sl2 to sls a week, could rent a flat for sl2 to sl4 a month. He could purchase a pair of shoes from the finest leather for $2.50; a tailormade suit of the finest material from $lB to $25, and so on. Today the retailer pays a wage instead of sl2 to sls a w’eek, $35 to S4O a week, and all other expenses are from 200 to 300 per cent higher.

best contributors to The Times is lost and your paper loses its power to that degree as a criterion of current events. An example worthy of mention is the contribution by Wilson White on improving the old age pension law. and is worthy of prominence and position in your columns. The voters of Indiana have a right to be heard on questions of such grave importance and their opinions are far more valuable than a large percentage of the claptrap of sensationalism that passes as news, much of which is forgotten as soon as read. The writer requests your sincere consideration of this featuring of the daily correspondence where it has an equal chance of publicity with other first page stuff, ■with the assurance that this invitation will draw new readers. a a a PLEADS FOR TRUTH ABOUT ECONOMICS Br Hiram Lacker. Last Sunday I visited an adult Sunday school class in a wealthy Indianapolis church. I feel that it is my duty to know the thoughts of all classes. The teacher discussed President Rposevelt’s mechanical methods of solving the greed problem in the class struggle. In his seemingly fair discussion of the selfishness of the employes and employers, it was easy to see where the teacher’s sympathy lies. In that sympathy he can find the chief obstruction to the restoration of economic justice. It is true that the greed of employes will be our future problem, because slavery makes tyrants. And

.OCT. 6, 1931

deceivers may well fear the horrors of the wrath to come when the patience of the people finally is exhausted. The teacher inferred that we are at sea. The problem of the employers is not one of knowing what to do; it is the problem of their permitting their spiritual nature to triumph over their “dog with the bone instinct.” All of the force of public opinion should be drafted to fight in this noble struggle against animalism. When we read editorials written by political editors, we are not surprised at finding as vile deceptions as can be devised by the lather of lies. But in the house of God we have a right to expect that brand of truth which Jesus taught and which incurred the wraTh of the powers that were in His day. May all of the evils of our low standards of life, such as the sighs of childless women who feel an intelligent responsibility for their future offspring, the wails of aged parents whose children choose the stigma of crime in preference to the slavery of poverty, and the cries of undernourished children penetrate the iron-encased prejudice and selfishness of arch deceivers and haunt their dreams until they are glad to proclaim the truth. ana AUTHORSHIP OF LETTER DENIED Editor’s Note—Margaretta Geraghty, 709 East St. Clair street, states she was not the author of the letter which appeared in tha Message Center Wednesday with the name of Margarete Garrity. a a a QUESTIONS MINTON’S SINCERITY ON BONUS By an Ex-Gob. Indianapolis papers carried an account of an address made by Elmer W. Sherwood, Republican nominee for clerk of the supreme and appellate courts, at Indianapolis. I think Mr. Sherwood is absolutely right in his interpretation of Mr. Minton’s stand on the bonus. If Paul McNutt's puppet., Sherman Minton, means what he says, namely, that he is in favor of paying the bonus when warranted by national financial conditions, of course he means to repudiate payment even when due in 1945, because the way the administration is throwing away money, financial conditions will be worse and worse. We knew the administration was opposed to the war defenders of the nation, but this statement, of Mr. Minton is the crowning insult.

Grey Visitor

BY HARRIETT SCOTT OLINICK Death came walking in my garden; Found my wealth of flowers there. Gleaming gold of black-eyed susans? Asters with their purple stare. Death came walking in my garden; Walked and killed without a sound. Now the rich blood of my zennias Lies in splotches on the ground. Blue bells of my slender larkspur Will not ring again for me. Sharp winds howl and tear to ribbons All the leaves upon my tree. Death came walking in my garden; Came as still as a grey mouse. I stand and view the desolation. Will he come into my house?