Indianapolis Times, Volume 46, Number 114, Indianapolis, Marion County, 21 September 1934 — Page 26

PAGE 26

The Indianapolis Times a •enirrs.BOWAftD nirinrii). *OT W. HOWARD Prwid'tit TALCOTT POWELL Editor EARL D. BAKER BaaloMa Manager Fhoaa nr 5531

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PR IDA V. **F7. 21. INI “FAIR AND REASONABLE** THE Winant board report i* an indictment of conditions in the textile industry. More important, it is. in effect, an indictment of NRA. As such it probably will hasten the expected supplanting of NRA by the department of labor, federal trade commission, and special labor boards under the supreme national labor relations board. By recommending such machinery, the Winant board would remove virtually all major functions of NRA in the textile industry. Significant. President Roosevelt praises this as a “wholly fair and reasonable approach.” This report does not grant the strikers’ demands. But it does in most instances support the strikers' charges of deplorable conditions. Its entire purport is a denial of the employers' and NRA's argument that the workers have or can obtain adequate relief or Justice under the NRA company-dominated setup. Here are some of its findings: “Labor conditions in the cotton textile industry for a number of years have been far below those of the average American industry.” "All through this period (the NRA period up to last May) there were developing the seeds which finally grew into the present conflict.” ‘The <NRA) settlement by which the (earlier) strike order was countermanded on June 2 did not. in the opinion of this board, go to the roots of the difficulty.” “Section 7-A . . . gives to employes the right to organise and bargain collectively; it imposes a correlative duty on employers to recognize any individual or organization chosen as the representatives of their employes, and to make every reasonable effort to reach a collective agreement with such representatives.” To assure “harmony of principle in dealing with section 7-A.” this board recommends anew textile labor board subject to review by the national labor relations board—which has recently ruled In favor of exclusive majority representation for collective bargaining in proper industrial units. “With reference to the handing of complaints (under NRA) . . . the principle of investigation by management of complaint* made by workers against management can not be defended from any standpoint consistent with the principles on which the recovery act is founded.” 4 “A reduction in the weekly standard of |r>urs would not, under present conditions, lessen the amount of time worked; for the industry is not now furnishing even thirty hours of work per week.” “Without wishing to question the accuracy cf these (NRA) statistics, the human interests involved are so vital that we believe a more thorough investigation, going to original sources, is called for.” “It is clear to the board both from the complaint* of the workers and from independent investigation by impartial experts, that there ha* in the months following the adoption of the code been a materially increased use of the stretchout system.” On the basis of these findings, the Winant board recommends:

1. For the more adequate protection of labor * rights" creation of an Independent textile labor board subject to review by the liatiorral labor relations board. 2. "In order to obtain necessary data” investigation by the labor department and federal trade commission. 3. "For the purpose of regulating the use of the stretchout system" creation of an authoritative special board under the impartial textile labor board. 4 Classification of occupations by the labor department to enforce provisions preventing employers from reducing skilled workers to lower minimum wage rates: Briefly, the Winant board and the President, by his indorsement, say in efTect that labor has been getting a raw deal, but that labor must wait until new governmental machinery can be set up to gather the data and enforce the law which NR A has failed to do. That is not full Justice to labor, but under the circumstances it probably is the only practicable way out. The inexcusable refusal of the employers to accept government arbitration. and the failure of NRA. have forced the longer method. The strikers should go back to work on the definite assurance of President Roosevelt that he will use the government's full authority to operate the recommended impartial machinery in enforcing the law and repressing labor's Just grievances. THE LINDBERGH CASE ARREST rpHK Lindbergh kidnaping case arrest is big news not only because it may solve the most revolting crime of a decade, but because it shows the growing power of law in the United States. Other arrests probably will follow. * The law no longer is a weakling when it can reach out and get an extortionist suspect two and a half years after the crime. In this, as in other recent arrests, the law bared not only a long arm but also a long memory. The United States is making better use of two weapons in its war on cnme. One is cooperation. the other intelligence. This arrest was due to working partnership between New York City. New Jersey state and federal o{floera. The new federal operators under Director J. Edgar Hoover's bureau of Investigate are pJing up a record for effective interacts cubxs detection teat must give pause to

the smartest crook at large. In the capture of kidnapers their record is almost perfect. The Lindbergh kidnaping put the United State* into the business of catching interstate criminals. Congress passed the Lindbergh anti-kidnaping law in June, 1932. Since then there have been twenty-nine kidnapings. All of these cases have been solved save three. The abduction of little June Robles in Nogales, probably the work of a maniac, still is a mystery. The Hamm and Bremer cases in St. Paul have resulted in no convictions, but in both cases the department of Justice is watching the suspect*. The twenty-six solved cases resulted In sentences totaling 1,111 years, meted out to seventy-one criminals. Last year the bureau tracked down 1,163 fugitive*, an average of more than three a day. Convictions followed in 95.5 per cent of the cases. Here is a record that leaves no conceivable Justification for such brutal and anarchistic "justice” as a California mob visited upon two kidnaping suspect*. Splendid as is the government’s recent record, there is danger that this very efficiency will invite unreasonable expansion of federal police powers. The last congress properly granted the federal government large powers in crime abatement; the next congress will be asked for more power. It is co-operation between the communities and the government, in applying science to detection, that is succeeding in this country. • LOOPHOLES TNTERNAL Revenue Bureau officials, under the Mellon regime, took for granted the income tax returns prepared by the House of Morgan, “on the assumption,” says the senate banking committee, “that preparation by that film ipso facto established the correctness." Apparently the revenue officials saw nothing strange in the fact that seventeen of the Morgan partners paid no income tax in 1930 and that no Morgan partner paid income taxes in 1931 and 1932. No one has contended successfully that any of the Morgan partners violated the law. But the average citizen can not help but believe that the revenue officials at least should have inspected returns closely, and should thereupon have informed congress of the loopholes in the law through which the tax payments were avoided. In summing up its findings, the senate committee also points out again that other returns, “particularly those of partners of large banking houses, were exempted from adequate scrutiny.” This is somewhat reminiscent of the Harrison bank case. That defunct institution kept its doors open several months after federal banking authorities knew it to be insolvent. And federal law enforcement officers took no action against the banking authorities who failed to perform their sworn duty to close the bank. Like the banking authorities, the revenue officials were paid salaries by the taxpayers to do the very things they failed to do. And, so far as the public knows, their negligence has remained unpunished—an invitation to future laxness. Before the senate committee closes its inquiry, it should scrutinize again the Revenue Bureau's collection methods.

WE SHOULD ALL SHARE A RTHUR E. MORGAN, who is chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority and—in his spare time, so to speak—president of Antioch college, tells his students at the opening of the fall term that America must begin to build character “on the plane of social responsibility.” Now, it is the peculiar privilege of college presidents to mouth charming phrases before a wide-eyed convocation of newly arrived freshmen. But Dr. Morgan’s suggestion hits anew note, and it might be worth a second look. “Each individual,” he says, “must determine to follow for himself the disciplined good life, regardless of the pressure of the mass.” Does this mean a reversion to the loose talk about an “aristocracy of brains” that we heard so much about a few years ago? Not necessarily; for Dr. Morgan goes on to add: “There must grow a willingness to share the common lot and progress only as the common lot can progress. To a large extent, that means a change of personal aims and desires.” And it is precisely in this direction that the present trend in American life must swing if the high hopes of the last eighteen months are not to be dashed. It does no harm to recall that it was some such notion as this which helped, in the early years of the republic, to build that great American dream w hich has always dazzled our eyes just beyond the horizon. Men came to believe, in those fresh new days, that human life could be lived on a basis different from anything previously tried; that the rights of the humblest man could be made as sacred as the rights of the mightiest, and that progress should mean nothing at all unless it means a better life and a truer freedom for the fellow at the bottom of the heap. It was. and is, a noble dream. Like all dreams. It has been stained and frayed in its passage down through the years. But it remains olxr finest heritage; and if the confusion of this era is to mean anything at all, it must mean a revival of that dream and anew effort to attain it. And, as Dr. Morgan suggests, before we can attain it we must find anew mental attitude. We must, somehow, get this “willingness to share the common lot and progress only as the common lot progresses." Only in that way can we make of the New Deal anything more than ''an empty set of slogans. * IN THE FACE OF DEATH of the most delightful human interest stories of the year comes —of all sources —out of the horror of the Morro Castle fire. A passenger on this steamer was a fireman named Kempf. Testifying at the inquiry, Mr. Kempt told how he went overboard to escape the flames, accompanied by two girls. They drifted away from the ship, and one of the girls asked him. "Well, big boy. do you think we'll make it?” And Mr. Kempf added, at the inquiry: “And if that girl is still alive. I hope she will drop me a postcard right away. She was one swell red-head." These is something so refreshingly human about this story—this undaunted wisecrack in the very shadow of death—that one is inclined to agree, offhand, with the fireman in his estimate of the red-head. Let's hope he gets his p stcard—and. for that matter, a nice date for himself.

Liberal Viewpoint BY DR. HARRY ELMER BARNES THE development of the parole system was one of the major phases of progress in penology during the la*t century. A recognition of this fact does not imply any belief that our parole procedure has attained perfection. Like most other manifestations of present-day civilization it has been subject to notable abuses. Many critics have been unable to differentiate between the virtues of the parole system as a penological principle and its incidental defects, the latter due more to inadequate funds for parole administration than to incompetence on the part of the parole administrators. Os late, the parole system has been bitterly attacked. In the last issue of the Saturday Evening Post, for example, there was a cartoon by Herbert Johnson, depicting the chairman of a prison parole board kissing a cynical thug good-by with the injunction, “Now be a real good boy.” Behind them stands a car filled with heavily armed grinning gunmen, the car door open to receive the paroled criminal. a m a THE real essence of the situation *of the paroled man today, even one who wishes to go straight, is much more accurately described in the following news note in last Sunday's New York Times; “The problem of what to do with a man who asked to be sent to Sing Sing so that he might 'go straight’ confronts Bridgeport police. “Penniless, exhausted and unable to find work. 50-year-old Herbert Corwin walked into police headquarters and asked to be sent back to the prison from which he was paroled a month ago. “ 'l'd rather serve the rest of my time back in Sing Sing than resort to stealing,’ Mr. Corwin told Sergeant William Foster. ‘I want you to turn me back for violation of parole.’ “Sergeant Foster was reluctant to accede to the request. “ ‘I hate to book you, Corwin,’ he said, ‘because you've got what a lot of other former criminals lack. I admire any ex-convict who tries to go straight. Yftu're a victim of circumstances, but the breaks will eventually be yours.’ “Sergeant Foster said he would notify the New York state parole board of the situation. “Mr. Corwin said he served more than six years of a ten-year sentence for third degree burglary in Riverhead, N. Y.” THE pathetic figure portrayed in the above citation differs from the average paroled person only in his rather sensible determination to return to prison with no more against his record than existed at the time of parole. The best cure for flip criticism of the parole system is for the critic, if he has a modicum of honesty and candor, to try to put himself in the place of the man who just has been released from a penal institution on parole. It is hard enough for an ordinary man without a prison record to be out of a job. It is desperately difficult for him to get any work, even though he may have the best of credentials. If we slap on top of this the almost insuperable handicap imposed by a prison record, or the evasiveness necessary to conceal one, the chances of getting an honest job are practically nil. The alternative we impose on the great majority of paroled prisoners is to return to crime or starve. It was not so long ago that the president of one of our greatest railroad systems publicly stated that if he were faced with the alternative of starving or stealing he would steal without hesitation. We hardly can expect a paroled prisoner to reveal higher ethical standards. There will be no safe or sane administration of the parole system until we make an employment agency a compulsory department in every up-to-date prison. To parole a man without assurance of a job or some form of reliable support is nothing short of inviting him to come back within prison walls with another string of crimes added to his already unfortunate record.

Capital Capers BY GEORGE ABELL

HIS Excellency, Osvaldo Aranha, “strong man” of Brazilian politics and newly appointed ambassador of Brazil to the United States, is delighted with his new post. He arrived during a downpour of rain, swathed in a Brazilian raincoat lined with rabbit fur and wearing high, tan shoes with buttons. But his enthusiasm remains undampened. Sitting in the yellow satin Louis XVI reception room of his old chancery (the entire embassy moves to Massachusetts avenue in a month), Envoy Osvaldo talked informally about his mission here. Mostly he spoke Portuguese—translated by his linguistic Counselor Freitas-Valle—but once he branched off into English. “Washington,” he breathed, making ecstatic gestures with his hands. “Vunderful! Simply vunderful!” He declined to make any official statement until after he has seen President Roosevelt and presented his credentials. “In fifteen days, the ambassador says,” translated the faithful Mr. Valle, “he will speak good English.” Few people realize that it is due to Ambassador' Aranha that former Brazilian Ambassador de Lima e Silva is envoy in Brussels today, instead of being out of a job. The President of Brazil wanted to oust de Lima e Silva, but Aranha insisted he be given another post. (And this wasn’t learned from him. He is too modest to admit it.) Note—Following Ambassador Aranha from the station in a heavy rain. Counselor Valle’s car was crashed into by another machine. “It's my fault,” exclaimed the guilty driver. “Nobody's fault in a rain like this,” said Valle, and he declined to accept any money for the damages. St St ft THE most disappointed embassy in Washington and the most pleased is that of the Spanish republic. This paradox is explained by the fact that all the staff are too busy to attend the America’s cup races at Newport, and the announcement by the state department that negotiations for a trade treaty betwr on Spain and the United States are to begin shortly. Lean, serious Ambassador Luis Calderon is an excellent yachtsman. He has often seen King George's yacht race at Cowes and has taken part in the Spanish racing at San Sebastian. This summer he visited some of the American yachts lying off Narragansett, Southampton and Newport. But business made him hasten back to Washington. Then, there's the Count-Duke de Olivares, yachtsman and sportsman of the Spanish Embassy, whose Newport sojourn was the delight of several dowagers. “I tried to stay for the race,” shrugged Olivares, “but I was forced to give up the idea.” Counselor Yrujo seemed unconcerned. He has just returned from Mexico. “A bullfight,” he hazarded, “Ls worth two yacht races.” Young Ramon Padilla, secretary of the embassy, is an expert sailor. “I went to Nonquit,” he sighed, “but work called me back.” “Anyhow,” remarked philosophic Ambassador Calderon, “we are very happy to learn that trade negotiations are to be discussed shortly between Spain and the United States.” “And were giving a sherry party for the Mexican polo team,” added Ramon. Sir Basil Zaharoff, Garoo. and the famous Egyptian Sphinx ought to get together for a friendly chat. But probftbly the Sphinx would talk too much. The man with real vision is not predicting revolution; he is investigating his neighbor's needs before ordering the winter coal supply. Osage Indians to the eighth descendant are entitled to $16,000 each because of oil discovered on their territory. Why shouldn’t the Indians get the best of everything? Don’t they have reservations?

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

The Message Center

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make yciir letters short, so all can have a chance. TAmit them to 150 words or less.) ttao COFFINISM COMPARED TO M’NUTT MACHINE By Arnold Campbell. The Times’ editorial entitled, “Stamp Out Cofflnism,” does your newspaper very little credit. It is a camouflage to distract the electorate of this county from the real issues in the coming campaign. Your complaint about a political machine ls more than amusing. It is pathetically so. What political machine ever known in Indiana was tighter and more in control of jobs and everything that goes with corruption than the one headed by McNutt, Greenlee et al. and its tributaries in the various counties in the state? What was more vicious than the postponement of municipal elections for a year in order that Democrats might hold office a year longer than the terms for which the people elected them and for no reason, other than it looked like a bad year for the Democratic party? How about the open charges that the Governor and a coterie of his friends control a brewery or two in this state and that local officials and the state excise officials compel tavern keepers to use .their products?' The Times itself has decried the system of importers which imposes an unwarranted hardship and tax upon the people of the state. The editor has not lived in this state very long and he can not, of course, know of events a few years back. But the public will remember that when a vacancy existed in the municipal court when Ed Jackson was Governor, John Kern, now the Democratic nominee for mayor, would have received the appointment if at that time he could have qualified. The law provides that the municipal court judges have five years actual law practice to be eligible and that was what kept Mr. Kern from receiving the appointment. Now, if George Coffin controlled the Jackson administration, as The Times charges in the editorial, Mr. Kern must have been a Coffin Democrat to have bean acceptable to Mr. Coffin and Mr. Jackson. No, Mr. Editor, the editorial was one of the several dying gasps which we will hear from your paper and the Democratic party before the party expires in November. TARRING FAVORITISM NEAR TAVERN CHARGED Bt Times Reader. I wonder why the taxicabs can park in front of the Dinty Moore beer tavern so pedestrians have to get in the middle of Ft. Wayne avenue to cross. There also is a “no parking” sign on the north side of St. Joe street. But the patrons of the tavern can park their fine cars along there and never be bothered. I wonder if a poor man could do the same? Is it because the chief of police has a finger in the pie? a a a CHALLENGES G. O. P. TO IMPROVE NEW DEAL By C. F. Ward. I nctice the Republican office seekers have a great deal to say about the New Deal, and I wonder why they did not make a protest against such outrageous mistakes the President was about to plunge the country into. If they were wise enough to see what the results would be. why didn't they protest? They suggest that a good way would be for the Republicans to come back to the Job of office holding through the back door of the American Liberty League. I want to tell those fellows that we are not coming back as long as they put up the same representatives and sen-

THE ‘MAINE’ SPRING

Wasteful Competition Deplored

By Mil* Consumer. The federal trade commission’s investigation of milk production and distribution will give us some information which most of us already know. The milk business is not different from most other businesses. The competitive system of industry encourages so much duplication of effort, which is not conducive to savings, but a distinct loss to our standard of living. When seven milk wagons pass one door, we know that somewhere out of the pockets of the patrons payment for this monstrous waste of labor and profits for equipment must come. But why pick out the milk business? There’s the bread wagons parade; vegetable trucks, filling stations, chain stores and most every line of business and profession beating the bushes for the consumer dollar. The selling franchise is a coveted prize; salesmen are recognized as gentlemen. The

ators who sinned in the last three Republican administrations with the great engineer at the wheel, to find ourselves in the wind-up in the worst financial condition this country ever knew; that was enough to convince us that we had not been sending the right kind of material to Washington and we can not see that we had made a mistake by telling them at the polls two years ago that their service no longer was desired. Persons living in glass houses should not throw stones. Come out with a remedy for this financial predicament we are in, and we might consider a return engagement; otherwise we are going to stay where we moved two years ago, for I think that the Democrats will find the way by the help of those RepuDiicans who laid prejudice aside and are working for the best interests of the country. ana BELIEVES VOTERS WISE TO G. O. P. WILES Bf P. C. B. .’he great magician act is on. But fV ie voter is learning to watch both hands of the Republican party, and while he sees the Constitution waved aloft in the right hand, he does not lose sight of the left hand which is trying to steal his shirt. He has seen enough of that “hand is quicker than the eye” business in the past, and will not be fooled so easily in the future. When the magician talks the loudest and waves one hand the wildest, he is trying to distract attention from what he is doing with the other. ana GETTING SET RIGHT WITH MR. WRIGHT By Frank J. Wriirht. I purchase The Times each day, largely for the editorial page—editorials which always are good; cartoons which really are great—l refer to those of Mr. Berg. The articles of Barnes and “Capital Capers" by Abel are high in informative nature. By no means w’ould I ignore The Message Center where the crosscurrent of thought may be found. However, I become enraged (mildly —but aplenty at that) when I find letters written by “A Reader," “A Citizen,” or perhaps bearing Just initials of the writer. I discount what the writer says about 69 cent because of their timidity or fear to sign their real names in full. If I were editing that column, I would refuse any letter for publication which did not carry, for publication, the name of the writer. You can imagine how I felt when I read my own letter “Mind In Rew Medicine" £kypt 15, with

[I wholly disapprove of what you say and will\ defend to the death your right t say it. — Voltaire. J

real producer is a notch lower in the social scale. We pat ourselves on the back, that our far-famed bureaucrat, Uncle Sam, does not send seven mail carriers down every street, or that we are not trampled by police and firemen. Competition has some virtues, but they must be paid for. In this case of milk, the price is paid by children in deprivation of the very thing of which there is an abundance. If the farmers will bring their milk to the farm bureau for distribution through district substations, where consumers may come and get it, the farmers would get a decent price; there would be no oversupply, and the consumer could get twice the amount jof milk for his money, omy, more goods for less money, We need more real producers, less tollgate keepers in our econand a little regimentation in place of this waste of competition.

only my initials and one of these wrong. I wish all would sign their names; it would give more weight to what is said. Naturally, I w'asi peeved when my name w r as not printed in full. ana BELITTLES ATTACK ON G. O. P. ORGANIZATION By Arthur G. Gresham. John W. Kern, Democratic candidate for mayor, bemoans the fact that the Republican party of Marion county has an organization. Mr. Kern makes a very pathetic figure of himself when he attempts to warn the citizens of Indianapolis against machine politics. Here we have a candidate carrying the banner of the McNutt political machine posing as a crusader for good city government. ( A vote for Mr. 'Kern is a vote for McNutt and a state NRA. Why, I would like to ask Mr. Kern, has not the Marion county Democratic organization followed the procedure of all other campaigns and organized a Democratic' ex-service men's organization? The simple reason is the Democratic party penalized the disabled veterans and placed them in the bread lines. Mr. Kern criticises the Marion county Republicans because George V. Coffin is a member of that organization. I venture to assert that Mr. Coffin has served the state and nation not only as a soldier but as a good citizen just about as faithfully as Mr. Kern. * a tr STATUS OF NEGRO AND POLITICS By Ernest E. Lasbalin. The political status of the Negro is and has always been a mooted question between the Republican and Democratic parties. While the Negro with Democratic tendencies is striving to present to the public a Democratic defense for his plight as a citizen someone is always taking up his cause and trying to persuade him to believing that the Republican party is and has always been his friend and advocate. At election periods he is told that Abraham Lincoln was his godfather and emancipator, his political God, Daily Thought If the Lord delight in us, then He will bring us into this land, and give it to us; a land which flow’eth with milk and money.—Numbers, 14:8. NO free man will ask as favor what he can not claim as reward.—Terrence.

.SEPT, 21,1934

and anything he does that will not harmonize with the Republican ideals that Lincoln advocated w 7 ould be to his political detriment. Alas! Poor Lincoln! I wonder if he recognize present day Republicanism? The Republican party toward election time always has made it its business to remind the Negro that all the wu-ongs and abuses inflicted on the Negro have been done by southern Democrats; but strange as it may seem, each and every one of those wrongs were perpetrated during Republican administrations, when a Republican congress and a Republican President could have defended the cause of the Negro, but nothing w r as done even as a political gesture. I am not trying to defend politics in the south, but those of us who have lived in Indiana for any length of time surely can appreciate the difference in political recognition given the Negro by the Democratic party in contradistinction to Republican protestations of friendship based entirely on the ground of a Lihcolnian proprietary indenture, political or othemise. % a a a LIBERTY DEFINED IN REPLY TO REED By a Roosevelt Supporter. Ex-Senator Reed’s speech before the legion gave me the impression that he w r ants the Constitution as a license to make the United States a game preserve for special privilege hunters to bag their prey, rather than have it be a chart for the orderly conduct of men in all their relations to their fellows. Liberty is not license to do as one pleases. Liberty is the exercise of restraint on all that is injurious to the social welfare. It is upon this premise that all law is presumed to rest. Only law-abiding citizens enjoy real liberty. We never have had individual liberty to do as we please since we agreed to accept collective liberty under the Constitution as our primary law of conduct.

Sc They Say

I am going to learn to be goodnatured.—Upton Sinclair. The denial of property rights always has been the prelude to a denial of human rights.—Jouett Shouse, president of American Liberty League. I won’t talk.—Baby Leßoy. For the next 1,000 years there will be no revolutions in Germany.— Adolf Hitler. The true hope of progress lies In the spiritual imponderables.—Herbert Hoover. After I talked with Roosevelt I found that not so many of my Ideas were new as I had thought.—Upton Sinclair. As an organization, we are neither for nor against President Roosevelt. —American Liberty League. Zaharoff contributed to the world nothing but the technique of massed murder.—Senator Homer T. Bone of Washington. Bittersweet BY RUTH PERKINS My lips crave more than tit illation. Fleeting flattery, admiration, I want my lips aloof and prim, Not easy marks for every whim, Cloistered, honored, deemed as such. Yet tantalizing though untouched. And yet If what I crave were true I’d never inown the love of you. A