Indianapolis Times, Volume 46, Number 92, Indianapolis, Marion County, 27 August 1934 — Page 8

PAGE 8

The Indianapolis Times (A fRIPr-HO tun SEWRPAPC*) ROT W. HOWARD rr*Mnt TALCOTT POWELL Editor EARL D. BAKER ....... Ruiluhi UiDigtr Pbn RU*y SWI

M**tnber of Pro**. ' rippi - Horird Alliance. N<>wpap*r Ent*rrrlM A*ociatlon. •>wpapr Information Kerrlr# and Audit Bnroau of Cirrulationa. Ownrd and ptibllohod dally <*i'-pt Sunday! by Tho Indlanapnlta Tim** PnhllablnZ <'<->mpany. 214-220 W**t Maryland atr*t. Indlanapolia. Ind Prio* in Marlon mnnty. 2 o*nta a copy; alaoarhoro. 3 <-*>nt—doltrerod hr <rrt*r T 2 oonta a ar*k Mail auhaorlpM**n ra?*n In Indiana. S3 a rar: outbid* of Indiana. 63 oonta a month.

SR MI'PP I <•< Gii'o Light an 4 tht PeopU Kilt Finn Thrfr Own ITa|

MONDAY. AUQ. 27. 1934

NOT MORTAR BUT MEN "PROPOSAL of the state to provide additional facilities at the Indiana state prison and state reformatory in an effort to reduce escapes is a worthy program—as far as it goes. Today The Times publishes a story in which Wayne Coy. who has been in charge of penal affairs for the Governor for many months, says that seventy out of ninety county Jails in Indiana are inadequate. That is a real indictment. Regardless of the building improvements which may be instituted in the state institutions. it is needless to say that prison walls can not hold prisoners when the men in charge of those institutions are not versed in prison administration. The real problem which Indiana faces in its drive to clean up the deplorable condition of the last few months, is removal of penal institution administration from the realm of politics. Indiana must be able, in the first place, to capture criminal suspects. In the second place, Indiana must be able to incarcerate these men, with the public knowing that they will not be able to escape ard threaten public peace. In order to do that the state must adopt the rules and regulations of civil service. The Times is advocating centralization of penal affairs in a state group, all members of which will be selected after civil service examinations and not through the usual channels of politics and friendship. In addition The Times also wants to see the state police force taken out of politics so that the officer who is seeking to capture (or recapture) prisoners is one who is competent and not so involved in straightening out minor political arguments for his friends and party that he doesn't have time to enforce the law. Another point in the program is to place every executive of state penal institutions and county jails under civil service. This would mean that the warden and his aids—the men directly responsible for the operation of the institution—would not be appointed because they voted this or that way or because they have been the * very good friend" of a politician for many years. Bricks, lights and mortar will not solve the state’s problem. Civil service is the answer and the ballot box is the method of public proclamation. THE ROAD HOGS THE purpose of the police department to regulate traffic by painting yellow lane stripes on various thoroughfares seems to have fallen short of its goal. Actually, most of the Indianapolis auto drivers seem to have the idea that the stripes are yardage lines and that a contest is under way. „ Driving north on Meridian street or Capitol avenue during the week-end. any motorist who was under the impression that the center lanes were for passing and faster traffic, found himself stymied. Most of the slow boys, many of whom should be driving in alleys, managed to hog the center lanes. The faster drivers, at the risk of accidents, either were forced to pull into the opposite side of the street or to slither along the curb lines and parked cars to pass the road hogs. Perhaps it will be well if the police department issues a set of rules on how' to operate automobiles on these streets. Apparently many motorists have a lot to learn. ALL EXCEPT ADOLF SINCLAIR LEWIS, her husband, says Dorothv Thompson is quite able to take care of herself. But the expulsion of such a wellknown and able foreign correspondent from Germany raises larger questions. Miss Thompson was in Germany legally and was not charged with any illegal or even partisan activity there Her "crime" was that in former years she had written articles for American readers critical of Hitler. A few days before Miss Thompson was expelled, the London Times issue was confiscated in Berlin. These are merely two of a long line of incidents indicating Nazi efforts to intimidate the foreign press. Whether it is the radical press of Russia or the conservative London Times and Saturday Evening Post. Herr Hitler seems determined to prevent foreign correspondents from reporting the facts about the Nazi regime. The response of the world press to that sort of intimidation is shown by the almost unanimously critical foreign editorials on Nazi excesses, and the solidarity of the foreign press corps of Berlin in escorting Dorothy Thompson to her train of banishment. It is the sovereign right of any government to expel any foreigner it desires, however innocent of wrong-doing that alien may be. So none properly can question the legal position of the Hitlerites in such cases. But one can question, seriously, the intelligence of the Berlin government. However much Hitler would like to make the world press goose step with the terrorized German press, he ought to know that is impossible. And he ought to know that expulsion and intimidation of reputable foreign correspondents inevitably produces the belief among foreign readers that the Nazis have something very terrible to hide. Moreover. Hitler should know that even if he drove all of the foreign press representatives out of Germany, there still would oe factual reports from outside Germany highly displeasing to him. For instance, the same day Hitler made the Thompson expulsion news, the world press was carrying the news that Mussolini had refused to return Hitlers visit and that an international Protestant congress meeting in Denmark condemned Nazi treatment of churches. It seems that all the world is out of step except Adolf.

DARING HOLDUPS npHAT $427,000 Brooklyn holdup, aside from being one of the most spectacular and lucrative robberies ever committed. Is one of those things that makes a man sit down and wonder nervously Just where we are heading. A bit of violence of this kind is not simply a corner filling station holdup magnified to the nth degree. It is In a class by itself; a brazen defiance by lawless elements who have reason to feei that they can operate with immunity. Things of this kind usually happen in one or two kinds of society; in a wild and lusty irontier community, where everybody is on the make and where the energy and vitality of the mass of people are so great that they bubble over into criminal outbreaks, or in a land where the processes of government are in decay. They are phenomena either of a society that is too full of get-up-and-go to be entirely law-abiding, or of a society that is drifting aimlessly down a long slope to disaster. They don't happen where the social equilibrium is secure. Now it would be easy to assert that this Brooklyn holdup is only the latest of a series of signs indicating that the United States is m the second classification. Our criminal record during the last decade is a ghastly thing. It Includes everything from the Chicago gang murders to the Lindbergh kidnaping. When it is topped by a crime as insolent and astounding as this one in Brooklyn, It Is easy to feel that the nation is simply going to pieces on us. But a conclusion like this implies that there was. previously, an era in which everything was orderly and secure; and from the time the first pioneers crossed the Alleghenies, we have not had such a period in the United States. We always have had a tradition of turbulence and violence. If holdup men are robbing bank trucks today, they were robbing express trains a decade or two ago. Today s Dillingers can be balanced by yesterday's James brothers. We are still, essentially, what we were when the west was open—a youthful, rather rowdy, and intensely dynamic people. If we lack the discipline and order which older lands possess, it is because we are still on the upgrade. The insolent daring of our criminal class is a sign of youth and not of decay. REVIVING INVESTMENTS WHEN private investors offer to lend money cheaper than the 'low rates charged by the federal government, it is a healthy sign. That has just happened in the case of sewage bonds offered on the market by the cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul. PWA had offered to buy the whole $18,048,000 issue at 4 per cent, but private investors bid in almost $2,000,000 worth of bonds at lower rates. The amount of PWA money thus released for allocation to other worthy projects is small, but it is significant. This is not an isolated case. With increasing frequency in recent months, local governments have withdrawn loan applications at PWA as they have found private investors willing to buy their bonds. This seems to indicate that private capital is shedding its timidity, and that, at least insofar as the securities of local governments are concerned, private investors are abandoning their reluctance to take a small return on their money. If this is true, the PWA 4 per cent yardstick is proving a success. One of the purposes of the PWA was to encourage a cheaper money market. This indication of the willingness of private capital to help finance public works so essential to recovery is cheering. THE NEW WHEAT PLAN THE drought upset AAA's best calculations as to the wheat crop, and at the same time removed the price-depressing surplus as the chief wheat problem. Then the world wheat conference collapsed, leaving American wheat farmers in a position where they are forced to depend more upon each other and upon their own government for a solution of their problems. Moving swiftly, the AAA altered its plans, announcing a program of acreage expansion next year. Briefly, the new plan is to produce in next year's crop all the wheat that will be needed for domestic consumption plus a surplus of 125,000,000 bushels for prospective exports. This will leave unchanged the normal car-ry-over of 125,000,000 bushels—large enough under normal conditions to insure against a shortage, but small enough not to depress prices. Should the harvest next year prove more bountiful than the estimate, the excess will be stored and kept off the market by means of government loans to farmers. The AAA is proving it flexibility. DYNAMITE WHATEVER are the facts in the farmerJapanese controversy in the Salt river region of Arizona, it is highly important that the authorities protect the Japanese from threatened violence or other illegal action. Justice would indicate that in any case. But it is doubly dictated in the case of any alien, and even more so in the case of a Japanese. Japanese-American relations are stramed. One reason is that they broke our far eastern treaty. The other is that we insulted them with our immigration exclusion. Most neutrals think Japan was wrong in one case and we were wrong in the other. But whoever is wrong or right in those old disputes. we can not afford to be wrong in failing to give full legal projection to Japanese in this country. This Salt river incident is dynamite. The federal government should not stand on ceremony in co-operating with Arizona to remove this danger. Justice is becoming too deep to fathom. A Jersey City barber who stabbed a crooner was ruled insane, while the crooner escaped with no penalty. All those who worry about the terrible ordeal of Admiral Byrd in his lonely Antarctic hut should remember one thing: He never was bothered by door-to-door salesmen. There seems to be little romance left in the last roundup, now that all the cows are due to wind up as poor relief canned goods.

Liberal Viewpoint BY DR. HARRY ELMER BARNES

WITH the exception of Its failure to keep Its promise to drive the money changers out of the temple—its failure even to give them a sharp slap on the wrists—the most telling criticism which can be made against the New Deal is the adoption of the promise of a scarcity, economy. This has been a flat repudiation of President Roosevelt’s early proclamation of devotion to an age of consumers’ capitalism which means, if it means anything, the enthusiastic adoption of the principle surplus or abundance and a determination to exploit this situation to the advantage of the population. A reader of the New Y'orfc World-Telegram sees the point clearly enough when he writes: “Perhaps your economic writer could explain the consistency of a policy that supports the turning under of crops, the destruction of live stock, etc., while millions go hungry, or are receiving relief orders on stores. “What I am getting at is this: If the government bought these surplus foodstuffs and turned them over to the poor and hungry people, it would cost our relief organizations less to feed them, and would at the same time absorb the surplus. 000 "T FAVOR the idea of helping the farmers to 1 get more for their crops, and thus become self-supporting, but at the same time I see no reason why perfectly good food should be destroyed to accomplish that idea. "Why could not the money paid the farmers for plowing under their crops be given to the relief administration so that it could buy those surpluses, and thus feed the poor without hurting the farmer in any way?” Here is a lot of horse-sense which Messrs. Wallace and Hopkins well might ponder. But we could go a step further and demand an economy in which employers would be compelled to pay sufficiently high wages to enable the masses to buy their own food products without a government subsidy. If there were a decent distribution of the social income there would be few' agricultural surpluses and no reason for the government to buy the food which the people could then buy for themselves. The most cogent rebuke to the scarcity economy concept I have read recently is contained in a provocative article by Robert R. Doane in the New Outlook. While, by reversing the usual connection of terms, it gives the reader the initial impression of being a rebuke to the idea of an economy of abundance, and fails properly to assess the blame for the conditions it uncovers, it is a crushing indictment of the whole economic philosophy of the New Deal, w’hich assumes that we should limit production on the basis of past production figures. It is such a rebuke even though w'e admit a few possible statistical mistakes pointed out by critics. 000 npAKE the food situation mentioned by the X correspondent quoted above. Mr. Doane indicates that even on the basis of 1929 production peaks there was a marked deficiency in the production of eight out of twelve major items in our diet. We had to import in 1929 some 22,000,000,000 pounds of food to make up even part of the shortage. Taking the government reports as a basis he presents the following table: STANDARD DIET (Figures in thousands of pounds) 1929 Deficiency Surplus Flour and cereals ' 16,022,612 Milk 26,976,000 Potatoes 1,030,670 Beans, peas, nuts 1,396,240 Tomatoes, citrous fruits, fruits 1,382,926 Leafy and green vegetables 7,300,936 Other vegetables and fruits 12,326,000 Butter 2,234,688 Fats, bacon and lard 2,833,000 Sugar and molasses.. 2,461,000 Meats, including fish 1,986,265 Eggs (number) 13,723,370 Moreover, when in 1929 we produced less than half as many undergarments and men’s and boys’ suits as we could have used reasonably, we had to import more than half a billion pounds of w'ool and cotton. And our railroads and other transportation facilities which now are passing into bankruptcy through lack of traffic, w'ould be “taxed to the utmost” to carry even half what the American people could use if they had the money to buy it. The answ'er to the whole cock-eyed situation is the past hogging of the social income by the few who can’t spend their income. Mr. Roosevelt has not even shadow-boxed with this problem.

Capital Capers BY GEORGE ABELL

PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT now knows all about oil. Guests at a luncheon were Sir Henri Deterding, general manager of the Royal Dutch Shell Oil Company, and Housing Commissioner James A. Moffett, former Standard Oil vice-president. Issuing after his meal, Sir Henri waxed enthusiastic. “President Roosevelt is a great man ... a great man!” he repeated. Sir Henri looked neat and twinkling. His shoes were brightly shined. His eyeglass glittered as it swung from the string around his neck. His gray suit of Lancashire make, his placid gray tie, his gray striped shirt were a symphony of quiet harmony. “The President was most kind, most charming,” he informed questioners. "We discussed every situation. The New Deal? Well, I don’t feel that I know enough about it to talk.” Somehow, the subject of letter writing was brought up. Sir Henri wagged his head apprehensively. “Letter writing is a risky business. Personally, I don’t write many letters. After you’ve written a letter you suddenly find the whole situation has changed. You pick up the letter and you think: ‘What the devil is all this nonsense about, anyway?’ ” Among the subjects which interest Sir Henri are the hot oil situation in Texas, the international conference to stabilize oil and the economics of the new political outlook in America. a a a THE Siamese twins, as they are sometimes called in diplomatic circles, are very much on the job these days. One twin is Minister Alfaro of Ecuador, who is just back from a cruise to Panama, and the other is Minister Alfaro of Panama, who yesterday went to the state department to discuss treaties. Neither Alfaro is any relation to the other. Minister Alfaro of Panama, tall, dark-haired, spectacled, addicted to diamond scarf pins, the cult of rock crystal and gold-headed walking sticks, sits up late these nights worrying about rental of the Panama Canal Zone. During the daytime, he spends his free moments engrossed in contemplation of a cabinet containing precious specimens of rock crystal in his legation. That, too, is causing him a little worry. Recently people have been bothering him with questions about rock crystal. "What sort of rock crystal shou and be used for a julep glass?” was one query. A woman out west sent a picture of some rock crystal, asking Minister Alfaro to identify it and give her his opinion. Alfaro wrote back that he knew nothing about it. "If I answered her question.” he pointed out. "I would have to spend all my time answering more questions of the same kind. I just don't have the time.” Minister Alfara of Ecuador is just back at his apartment in the Mayflower, after a trip to Panama. Quick-witted, dynamic, a graduate of West Point, an ardent admirer of the United States..this Alfaro has brought back a friend— Colonel Carlos Floris Guerra—and is showing him the sights of Washington.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

LI’L ARTHUR’S PAL, HUEY, CLEANS UP

f-ipvi Ta jr , l wholly disapprove of what you say and will 1 lie Message V>en ter defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire. J

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make your letters short, so a'l can have a chance. lAmit them to 250 words or less.) a a a DEMOCRAT ERRS ABOUT ECONOMY ACT STAND By a Dissatisfied Democrat. Your articles relative to the personality and character of Arthur Robinson are amusing, inasmuch as they seem to be the sentiments of one wholly lacking himself in the virtues we generally attribute to our national statesmen. Since w hen was the editor of The Times appointed as a brain truster and designated to select a candidate for the people and through the columns of the paper influence the cause of that particular candidate? Your influence over the voters a short time ago can not be denied. However, fortunately, it was for only a brief period of time. Your policy of giving light and the people finding their way has resulted in educating the citizens of the state as to the true definition of a boss Democrat and the particular duties relegated to him. While you are so insistent that Senator Robinson explain his previous associations with Stephenson and the Ku-Klux Klan, kindly explain the following: Before passage of the economy act The Times advocated fair and just treatment for battle-scarred veterans. Explain why The Times remained silent after the so-called economy act so ruthlessly denied the veterans their just demands. Now here is knowledge of which I think will interest you greatly. It is an evident fact that the majority of citizens would much prefer the kind of government advocated by Robinson in preference to the form advocated by a newspaper which would condone the practice of going back to the heathen age for a method of ambushing a criminal as in the Dillinger case and shooting him down like a dog, denying the right of a fair and impartial trial. Editor’s Note—Dissatisfied Democrat is no Times reader if he failed to see three editorials printed following the adoption of the economy act, condemning this piece of legislation as “going entirely too far.” We are interested that the writer of the above is a Dillinger defender, but can not agree with him. nan DECLARES PRICE SET BY COAL CODE TOO HIGH By H. W. Speyer. A few days ago we delivered on my truck an eight-ton load of Brazil coal directly from the mines near Brazil to an old man in West Indianapolis. Selling coal in truck load lots only, I had sold him this coal for $4.80 a ton or $36 for the load. While we were unloading, an agent of the NRA coal code authority appeared and after asking my drivers all the details as to wages, working hours, prices, etc., he ordered me to appear before the coal code authority. There he explained that I should have charged the man $6.03 a t0n—548.24 in all—or $12.24 more than I actually had charged. I asked him, why I should do so, and he told me that this was the code as set up on the recommendation of the local retail coal dealers, and that no price reduction was permissible until the buyer purchased at least twenty-four tons. He admitted that the wages I paid were considerably higher than the code required and that the working conditions were in keeping with the NRA. He furthermore established that the truck was in proper and safe condition and covered with a $50,000 public liability policy. In spite of the fact that I proved

Condemns Traffic Court Broadcast

By a Radio Listener. I listened recently to the broadcast of the proceedings of the municipal traffic court. It is difficult to understand why any radio station w'ould broadcast such a program, and at the conclusion, say that it is hoped the audience enjoyed the broadcast. The purpose of the broadcast, according to the announcer, is to develop respect for the law. Rather than that, it has a tendency to lessen the public’s respect for justice. Since the purpose is to cause respect for the law through example, it is impossible for the defendant to have a fair trial. Because of the rapidity with which cases are handled, the defendant has no chance to defend himself. He is not given the opportunity to speak for himself, other to him that we made a fair, reasonable, and to me satisfactory profit on the transaction, he announced: “You are a chiseler —you do not charge enough; you must charge like a regular coal dealer; in fact, you must join the code or we will run you out of business with a federal injunction.” It was all very puzzling to me. I had always thought that you should handle everyday public necessities like :oal at a fair, but reasonable profit -or you might be called a profiteer. And here I was sitting, and what claimed to be an NRA coal code authority agent, was telling me that if I did not charge at least a 100 per cent piofit over and above my actual cost of operation, I am a chiseler and should be run out of business. Oh, was my face red? Particularly when I *ound out later on, that this man was also a secretary of the Indiana Retail Coal Merchants Association. By C. A. Howe. Executive Secretary, Divisional Code Authority. The complaint of H. W. Speyer is that the cost of handling Indiana coal is determined by the divisional code authority of the retail fuel industry is too high. The cost of $2.15 a ton was arrived at in the manner provided for by law’, after a public hearing which lasted two days. This hearing was legally advertised and was given wide publicity. All dealers, truckers and the public had been invited to attend. The transcript of the evidence in the Indianapolis hearing covers almost 400 long typewritten pages, and contains a great deal of testimony concerning the coal dealers cost of doing business as well as the cost of rail and truck transportation. A committee composed of representatives of the Truck Mine Association and truckers called at the office of the code authority on Monday and expressed the desire and intention of asking the code authority to reopen the Indianapolis hearing and allow them to present further evidence to support their contention that in view of the truckers’ operation a lower cost of handling Indiana truck mine coal should be estabhshed. When such hearing is had Mr. Speyer and all others will have an adequate opportunity to present, in the regular manner, any evidence they may desire to present. 000 SPEEDOMETERS AND TRAFFIC CHARGES By a Motorist. While in court listening to some cases of traffic violations, one interested me very much. A motorist had been brought in for speeding. The motorist said his speed was forty-three miles an hour. The arresting officer said it was flfty-two. Now, here is something the average motorist doesn’t know, and. that

than a few words, which are interrupted usually by a reprimand, and the imposition of a fine. In every case, the word of the arresting officer is accepted without any consideration of that of the defendant. Petty and minor infractions of the traffic ryles usually draw just as severe penalties as the more serious offenses. In the majority of cases, the offense does not warrant the subjection of the defendant to such unfair and embarrassing publicity. If the radio station can not find better local talent for its programs than the broadcasting of the traffic court, it had better call on the national hook-up. The program is not entertaining except to the morbid, and is lessening the public’s respect for the police department, its traffic rules—and justice. is that the speedometer on a motorcycle is a clocking one, while the one in a car shows speed as long as a steady pace is kept. A pet trick of the speed cop is to keep out of sight and let a motorist get a lead on him, and then open up his cycle, overtake him and arrest him. It seems to me that unless the officers change their method of handling traffic violators, there will be a lot of new faces on the force. The members of the police force as a whole are very rude to the public. When they have a chance to show how hard they can be, they back down, especially when they tangle with the gangster. 000 TIMES EDITORIAL SETTLES BET By C. P. A. I want to thank you for an editorial in The Times of Aug. 20 under the heading of “The Real Issue.” I had a bet with Joe E. Ryden, Medaryville, Ind., a Stetson hat by the way, that The Indianapolis Times would be the first to inject the Ku Klux Klan into the fall campaign, and I just now received the check to buy the hat. Keep it up, as we want to elect Robinson, and we appreciate your help. Editor’s Note—Glad you won the hat, no matter what the size. 000 FOUR CASTES CREATED BY ECONOMIC SYSTEM By A. B. Z. Mahatma Gandhi has attempted to break down the caste system of India. Four castes of society dominate the life of India, the lowest caste being the one to which Gandhi has given much of his effort. The caste of untouchables is denied the privileges of other castes. Democracies like our own, of course, presume that all men are equal and entitled to equal rights. Constitutional guarantees of liberty, however, are of little effect, when the means by which life becomes either rich or poor are denied to the majority. Liberty to live on a bare subsistence level may be hailed as a great privilege, but it does not inspire the victim to support the fake freedom. American castes are just as real as Indian castes. There are four of them: The great financial and industrial

Daily Thought

So then every one of us shall give acount of himself to God.—Romans 14:12. HEAVEN is above all yet; there sits a judge, That no king can corrupt. —Shakespeare.

.AUG. 27,1935

barons with their satellites of lesser degree. Political satraps reaching from the upper strata to the lowest, serving the barons of the first caste. Farmers, small business and professional men, floating between the barons and political satrap. Servant class, on salary or wage, largely living on a meager level of existence, although in the majority as to numbers. The high caste controls the other three through the royal prerogative of finance. It creates the medium by which all classes must exchange their product or services for others, and makes the pattern for their lives. Privileges of democracy rest upon the special privileges of the financial ruling caste. Gandhi may have to stage a fast for the untouchables of America’s fourth caste of underprivileged millions. a a a CONDEMNS PURGING BY YELLOW GUARD By a Sidrliner. The Yellow Guard is to open a campaign in September on the west coast, to equal the Dollfuss and Hitler atrocities, in purging the country of its labor leaders who will be designated as Reds. Reds may be all shades of the color, including parlor pinks, editors, columnists, political candidates of the minor parties, brain trusters, book writers, New’ Dealers, or any one opposing the gang that smashed our banking system, created our bread lines, and wrecked the functioning of our production and distribution. The "powers that be” control our standard of living. Next will coma control over our thinking and speaking. The constitutional guarantees are to go into the discard. Perhaps the inquisition will become a boomerang, if the Constitution becomes a scrap of paper. The Red menace is neither an importation or exportable. Conditions create revolt to injustice. To attempt suppression of the voices crying in the wilderness against a fraudulent patriotism only means disaster, certainly not a cure of the evils. The Yellow Guard, striking both down into labor and up into brain trusters, needs a rear guard with yellow banners.

So They Say

Conduct your business successfully or we'll be calling each other “comrades” within a year or two.—Albert W. Finlay, vice-president of the Typothetae of America. Seventy per cent of America would vote to keep Roosevelt in office for life, if they could do so without wrecking the Constitution.—Gilbert Seldes, author. Like most human institutions, universities are the manifestations of a robust faith.—Presidnet James Bryant Conant of Harvard.

YOUR MASK

BY KATHRYN MASON Why hide your feelings behind that mask. White with fear and silent misery; What makes you think that tears are last To relieve a mental agony? Why think that you can bury Your emotions so deep to lie, Unexpressed and uncarried And expect that they will die? WTiv think that it is better Such emotions, they should die? No, my dear, it is never For all strong men must cry.