Indianapolis Times, Volume 46, Number 49, Indianapolis, Marion County, 7 July 1934 — Page 6

PAGE 6

The Indianapolis Times (A srnirrs-Honaro >espapkrj ROT W. HOWARD Pi>!lont TAI.COTT POWELL Editor EARL D. BAKER Buxinexs Manager Phcae R 1 Ur 5V.1

M-ut>er or Cnltod Ur*-**. S ?u ;* * Hwxrd .N.wpap*T Alli-UH'o, >pimpaprr Knterpri* A*o<'ia> on. Newspaper Information korrlr.- an<l Audi? R iroaii of I'lrrulationa. Own' and ami p>it>li*h< <1 daily lea ■ i • RaMifl hr Tlw In•i .*• . i l • * P M hlriz • Slf-291 W< M Maryland Indiana poll*. Ind. Prka in Marion conaty. 2 r< -ifa a oopv: olowhor<*. * rni-wdo! voted t*y currier. 12 root* a- • - Mail antMKflpti"t ra'' in Indiana. S3 a voar: oufido of Indiana. 6-'. '•ont* a month.

#'•’# 9 *oi* Civ# Light nn'i th% Ptopli UiU /i n't Th*ir Os rr% Ifoy

SATURDAY. JULY *. JS34.

the dockers* strike A BOUT the only social value the sanguinary strike of Pacific coast dockmen seems to have is as a warning. This protracted and violent affair teaches the lesson the Orientals have learned, that humans sometimes will fight even harder to save their faces than to gain an economic advantage. Since May 9. when the dockmen went out in demand for union recognition and better hours and wages, both strikers and employers have bepn playing a face-saving game. Several times during the negotiations the belligerents have been on the point of patching their differences. Pride always has intervened, and with each failure mutual agreement has become more difficult. The shippers have been paying for their pride in millions of dollars in losses. The unionists may pay in loss of their strike. Tire climax to the long-drawn-out quarrel is the very thing that neither side wanted, the intervention of state militiamen to reopen the ports. Now, instead of reasoned negotiation, passion Is loosed along with tear gas and gunfire. The public should have been in the affair as peacemaker, instead of a strike-breaker, armed with policemen's clubs and troopers’ bayonets. The federal government several times has proffered its services in mediation to no avail. But now the public is in the business it should do its policing with a minimum show of force. There is no excuse for orders to shoot with bullets and kill with bayonets. Such orders breed more hate, spread disorder, prolong the warfare, and tend to make of the strikers and their sympathizers radical and embittered enemies of society. Under the President's new labor boards there should be less of this .senseless bloodletting. It will be the government's business to see that strikers do not reach the stage of blind unreason and to provide a forum for orderly adjustment of labor disputes. The government's new mediation machinery is the public's substitute for just such bitter wars as this. CENSORS THROTTLE EUROPE .T> UTHLESS dictatorship, creeping from country to country, has strangled freedom of the press and thought among threefourths of the people of Europe. The condition abroad offers a remarkable contrast to the freedom of thought and conscience and the freedom of the press which the American people have preserved throughout the present world affliction. Three hundred million people in ten countries are victims of iron-hcclcd censorship. Sixty millions in six countries are being dragged under it. Albin E. Johnson, in an article in Editor and Publisher, declares from Genevar •'Less than 26 per cent of Europe's population enjoys anything that remotely resembles personal liberty and freedom of expression and conscience.” In a map accompanying the article, black, indicating absolute censorship, and shading, indicating limited censorship, cover all of Europe except France, the British Isles, Denmark, Norway and Sweden and Czechoslovakia. It is as if a giant pall had been laid thwart a continent. The people are told what it is thought "good for them to know’’ by the likes of Hitler and Goebels. When public support lags the dictators give the people a "shot in the arm” —anger-stirring lies such as were fed the wartime nations. Newspapers have died away’ like flies—soo in a year in Germany. Readers have disappeared, turning to foreign newspapers, which in turn are being barred and even censored. “Anew generation,” says Mr. Johnson, "is growing into youth and manhood beyond the Alps almost entirely ignorant of what is happening politically beyond their frontiers.” And in Germany, "given time, the Nazis will develop their system to a point where when three or four Germans are gathered together all will loudly praise Der Fucrhrer. because none has confidence in the others.” By contrast, in this nation the press, speech, thought remain free. The value in this hereditary richt of the American people is seldom specifically considered by the average person, it is so universally taken for granted. But a poison of censorship which, propagated at home and abroad by dictators, has afflicted 360.000 000. or three-fourths of the people of Europe, completely destroying their freedom of press and other civil liberties, is a threat in times like these to even the freest people on earth. Censorship breeds in economic misery, father of dictatorships. A free press and free speech taken for granted here, need to be watched with the greatest vigilance by the American people in their effort to banish misery by democratic methods. THE BLINDNESS OF WAR IT will be a long time before the last human echoes of the World war finally die out. Every so often we hear one of them—some little, long-forgotten fragment of personal tragedy tossed off by the great catastrophe—and when we do. we begin to understand why the old Romans and Greeks symbolized war as a personality, r. God. Mars or Ares, a clumsy and heavy-footed brute who tramped along heedless of the people he stepped on. A French military court just the other day made final disposal of the cases of five soldiers who were shot in 1915 for mutiny. These soldiers were members of a noted detachment of shock troops—the fifth company of the sucty-third infantry regiment, famous for its fighting qualities. But in the spring of 1915 things had gone badly with

them, and they were pretty well fed up on the war. The outfit had been in the St. Mihiel sector, and had gone through a long, hard engagement that left It racked almost to exhaustion. It was drawn out, the ranks were refilled with raw recruits—and then, instead of getting a breathing space, in which morale and discipline could be renewed, it was sent right back into action. The reason was simple. The situation at the front was bad; shock troops could not be spared. So the war-weary sixty-third went back into the line, to face a bombardment even worse than the one from which it had just emerged. The veterans lost their energy; the recruits were stunned, almost paralyzed with fear. Orders came for a charge—and the fifth company refused to move. So the military machine moved to punish it for mutiny. The company officers ordered one man chosen by lot from each squad to pay the penalty. Five soldiers were chosen, marched off to a military court—and executed by a firing squad. Nineteen years later widows of two of these men got the reviewed. And the French army command decided that an injustice had been dene. It held that the 1915 court should have been lenient, and that it was unfair to make five men, chosen by lot, suffer for the whole company. So the dead men, at last, have been exonerated. To be exonerated nineteen years after you have been executed must be pretty cold comfort. The whole story is a revealing commentary—not on the blindness of any particular set of officers, but on the ruthless and impersonal way in which any war machine must, occasionally, trample justice and personal rights under foot. THE AMERICAN WAY “T CAN'T see millions of people on direct relief.” said Relief Administrator Harry Hopkins. “I don’t think that is the American way.” But, unfortunately, it has been the American way up until now’. Years ago Bismarck for Germany, Lloyd George for Britain, leaders for other industrial nations abandoned charity doles and set up systems of insurance against industrial injury, sickness, widowhood, old age, unemployment, and other social hazards. It has taken the United States five years of degrading doles, now costing the federal government upward of a billion dollars a year, to learn the costs of industrial unpreparedness. There are thirteen other countries in which unemployment insurance is compulsory, ten in which it is voluntary. Recently Wisconsin put into effect our first state unemployment insurance system. / More than one-third of the world's population now’ are covered by some governmental system for old age protection. People of China, India and the U. S. A. still have none. Os the twenty-eight states that have old age pensions about twenty have adequate systems. Some twenty-five countries, with a total population of more than 500,000.000 people, have compulsory systems of health insurance for all or part of their workers. China, India and the U. S. A. have none. At last, however, w r e are on our way. The President has started a summer of investigations under a cabinet committee headed by Secretary of Labor Perkins. This committee will gather facts, hold hearings and prepare a broad program to be presented to the next congress. This will cover what the President calls “the security of the home, the security of livelihood and the security of social insurance.” We are about to abandon the cruel old ways of chance and neglect, of grudging minimum handouts and poor farms, of fear and despair. AN OLD PROPHECY NOTHING is much more interesting than to look back at the prophecies of the past. One of these, just revealed by publication at Moscow of old documents in the ex-czar's foreign office, is especially interesting to Americans. In 1898, while the Spanish-American war was at its height, the Russian ambassador at Washington wrote a size-up of the situation for his home government. He recognized the fact that anew world power was being born, and he saw also that America was making a complete break with its past, and he said: ‘Not so long ago there occurred a complete revolution in the ideas and political principles of this country. Not satisfied with the past, upon which she has built up her wealth, happiness, and prosperity, she strives to discover a future which in all probability will hold innumerable disappointments and serious trouble for her.” Considering the fact that the World war and its accompanying troubles were among the things that we blundered into thereafter, it looks as if this czarist ambassador was a pretty good prophet. NEW TEST OF POWER ONE of the most important cases that will face the United States supreme court, when it convenes next fall, will be the one dealing with the Iron Mountain Railroad and its thirty-year gold bonds. Some thirty years ago this railroad (now part es the Missouri Pacific) issued bonds which contained a promise to pay in gold coin ' of the present standard of weight and fineness.” When time for payment came along, th?' nation had abandoned its old gold standard and congress took the gold clause out of all public and private bonds. The present lawsuit over these railroad bonds constitutes a test of congress’ power to take such action. The federal court of St. Louis has upheld congress, ruling that these old gold clauses are unenforceable. So now —what will the supreme court do? If it rules the other way, a big monkey wrench will land right in the middle of the New Deal’s chief cogwheels. Director of a closed Cleveland bank couldn't remember any derails about a $3,000 000 loan he made from the bank. It was such a trifle, you know. The active life of an oyster is said to be ten years. How long it lasts after that only the taste of your stew can tell. Dr. Dafoe has stopped giving the Canadian quintuplets their diet of rum, but the father can't get over it yet. Thinking, says a Harvard professor, caused the depression, but it-wasn’t so much what we thought as how.

Liberal Viewpoint —BY DR. HARRY ELMER BARNES

IT may seem a grim irony of history that a group of American historians and publicists should be gathered at Thomas Jefferson's university of Virginia in order solemnly to deliberate at an institute of public affairs about the collapse of democracy and individualistic capitalism. But I am not so sure, after all, that it is so inconsistent and paradoxical. Though Jefferson is one of the great names associated with the democratic tradition in the United States, he never had any faith in that crude egalitarian-nose-counting-democracy which now has run its course in the United States. He believed that government must be in the hands of able experts. In a letter written to John Adams in 1813 he said: “I agree with you that there is a natural artistocracy among men. The grounds of this are virtue and talents . . . The natural aristocracy I consider as the most precious gift of nature, for the instruction, the trusts and the government of society . . . May we not say that that form of government is best which provides most effectively for a pure selection of these natural aristocrats into the offices of government?” A more cogent justification of Mr. Roosevelt’s "brain trust” hardly could have been written. tt a JEFFERSON believed that the common people might be trusted to recognize their intellectual superiors and to place them.in responsible positions of government, but he never believed in the capacity of the rabble to govern directly. In liis Pulitzer prize volume, "The People’s Choice,” Herbert Agar has shown pretty conclusively that the people can not be entrusted safely with even the choice of the higher officers of state, but Agar had a century and a half of experience to ponder over which was denied to Jefferson. Indeed, if Jefferson were being “put on the spot” today with reference to this matter, he probably would have a ready answer. He believed that his conception of aristocratic democracy would work successfully only in a predominantly agricultural society. In a letter to James Madison he said: “I think our governments will remain virtuous for many years; as long as they are chiefly agricultural; and this will be as long as there shall be vacant lands in any part of America. When they get piled up on one another in large cities as in Europe, they will become as corrupt as in Europe.” Jefferson readily could point to the fact that the conditions under which he believed a simple bucolic democracy could operate have long since passed in this country. a tt tt AT any rate, whatever Jefferson might say if he were alive today, it is a fact that the democratic dogma and practices are under-fire even among progressives as they never have been before. The contemporary challenge to democracy is the most important issue in present-day political theory and practice. The war to make the world safe for democracy actually made democracy less safe in the world than at any time since the suppression of the revolutions of 1848. Germany was about the only great state which emerged from the World war with an advanced democracy, but the Allied stupidity quickly destroyed it even there. In political discussions today no topic is so popular as the many-sided attack upon the assumptions which forced the foundations of democratic dogma. an* I RACISM and Communism are the two alternatives which are suggested currently as a substitute for democracy, but we may doubt that either is the final solution of the problem. Democracy, as earlier understood, certainly is doomed but this need give rise to no consternation. James Brice once said that the chief thing which one could say in defense of the old style of democracy was that all other forms of government were worse, but he had reference to earlier types of government. We do not know what the future can produce as a result of a juncture of superior knowledge and experience. Probably the most desirable in immediate reforms are a weighted suffrage, based upon the results of intelligence tests given to the whole population, the requirement of scientific and professional training for all candidates for office, the introduction of a combination of proportional and vocational representation and the question of the civil service system to the legislative and judicial branches of the government. The Roosevelt administration, the brain trust and the New Deal offer the only practical hope of saving a semblance of either democracy or capitalism from the wreckage inherited from the Coolidge-Mellon era.

Capital Capers BY GEORGE ABELL

THE Fourth of July found New Dealers and Old Dealers, diplomats and government officials, residential society and service officers scattered far and wide. The state department was deserted. Secretary of State Hull, wearing white linen trousers and a blue coat, was on a motor tour through Virginia. Elegant Undersecretary of State Phillips was in Beverly, Mass., a trifle bored with the heat wave. Assistant Secretary of State Sumner Welles, who has been mopping his lofty brow with morogrammed handkerchiefs, relaxed in his swimming pool at his country estate at Oxon Hill. Md. Peppy little Ambassador Augusto Rosso of Italy sailed for Rome to rest—and see Mussolini. The Swedish minister, cherubic Mr. Bostrom, suffering from the heat very visibly, found that Swedish massages and cold tubs couldn't help him. He's off for Sweden. a a a SOME people think Ambassador Patek of Poland doesn't know summer is here. He wore hts fur overcoat until May. Recently he was in Atlantic City—but now he's back, bravely enduring the heat, no one knows why. His post long has been known as one of the diplomatic sinecures. Ambassador Saito of Japan is en route to Tokio. The British ambassador, Sir Ronald Lindsay, is in England and Lady Lindsay is in Seal Harbor, Me. The Lindsays never spend the summer together. Harry Hopkins. FERA administrator, hopped off for Europe, after a quick press conference in which he spoke of studying housing problems abroad and seemed in a great hurry’. He barely caught his train. . , Navy Secretary Swanson, his long mustachios trailing in a delicious breeze, sailed lown the Potomac on board the Sequoia. Miss Swanson and a party of friends accompanied him. The minister of Persia and his wife, the exotic Siva Djalal, went to Long Island to visit Colonel Robert Guggenheim at his Babylon estate. a• a attorney-general and Mrs. Homer S. Cummings followed the lead of Swanson and cruised down the Potomac on ,a friend's boat. One diplomat who was working was Minister Enrique Fmot of Bolivia. He is handling the Bolivian negotiations for war material contracts. The Bolivians claim they placed large orders here before President Roosevelt declared an arms embargo—and the U. S. is expected to allow’ certain shipments to go through. French Ambassador Andre de Laboulaye is in France —and reports are that he won't be back. Secretary of War George Dern has sailed for Panama with Mis. Dern and daughter, Betsy. They'll be away a month. Jbnkheer van Haersman de With, the new’ Dutch envoy, sent back word from Newport that he's remaining there another week. He loves the place. Jovial Michael Mac White. minister of the Irish Free State, is on a motor trip through the Catskills. "I want to visit Lake Mahotac,” he said with a twinkling smile before leaving. "It sounds like the name of an Irish whisky,”

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

__ — ;-rr -v>:* tvr?>

r A IVTpiCCCI | , £*'nf'P k Y* i JL lie

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make your letters short, so all can have a chance. Timit them to 250 words or less.) n a tt REFERS NEW DEALERS TO CONSTITUTION By E. B. Payne. In your editorial of July 3 on Mr. Fletcher’s appeal to the public to reread the declaration, you very properly quoted the heart of the document and commented very pertinently thereon. May I suggest that while we are rereading the declaration, w’e brush up a little on the Constitution and find out what the second section of Article 3, particularly the second paragraph and more particularly the last twelve words of this paragraph means, if anything. To me it seems that in the face of the threat of powerful opponents of the New r Deal to have the whole program declared unconstitutional, this innocent appearing paragraph is the complete answer to the prayers of the New Dealers, if they only have the intelligence and courage to use the teeth this paragraph carries. I am not quoting the paragraph I refer to because I believe the point will sink deeper if curiosity incites the reader to do a little “digging” for himself in order to find out what it is all about. at a REPLIES TO CRITIC OF STREET RAILWAY By Pete. I read in this column a letter by “Daily Reader*’ addressed to “Dear Big Shots,” and in it he said: “The Indianapolis Street Railway blows about how it is improving our big city. But how? By cutting men off and using one-man cars and that is progress—putting people out of work.’’ I think that man should get out j of Indianapolis and visit other j cities—large cities—such as Chicago j and New York. That might open his eyes to our progress. Chicago has street cars, such as we discarded, and taxicabs I would be afraid to ride in. I think “Daily Reader” should keep awake when writing. About unemployment—did we growl when trains took the places of wagons and when cotton gins came into existence? Yet each has put men out of work. Let “Daily Reader” and all his class think before they condemn. a a a SEES WIDESPREAD TRAFFIC VIOLATION Bv An Ex-Claim Adjuster. I think it is about time for some i one to call a halt to traffic law violations in this city. I live in an apartment overlooking the intersection of Massachusetts avenue and Noble street, directly opposite the traffic light at the southwest entrance to the intersection. In all my experience, I never have seen such disregard, such wholesale violations of the traffic laws as practiced in this city. Last Saturday night between 5 and 6 I sat in my window and recorded thirty-four violations at this point. Here are some of them: Forming double line of traffic in safety zone approaching intersection, passing other cars on the right, two cars abreast going through intersection, running red light, running amber light and cutting through safety zone and passing traffic light on the left. Only cars or trucks belonging to the fire department, police cars or ambulances are permitted to pass traffic light to the left. But when the chief of police of a

HEIL HITLER!

The Case Against Rugged Individualism

By G. J. B. , , „ An interview -with Alfred P. Sloan Jr., president of General Motors, “Where Do We Go From Here,” published in the June 16 number of Today, is well worth reading because therein is set forth by one of the ablest of the exponents and practitioners of “rugged individualism” the arguments for that philosophy. He states: “We are living in a not-yet-finished world. The progress of the next two million years is as inevitable as that of the last two million years,” and “I can not help but feel that in a very short time we are going to break loose another great piece of basic information which will keep us industrially busy for a great many years to come.” This leads one to these conclusions : That our ten million unemployed have only the hope for some “great piece of basic information to be broken loose,” creating a situation such as that created between 1914 and 1919 by the World war and between 1920 and 1929 by the motor car industry, to keep them from starving. That there is nc disposition on the part of “rugged individualism” to accept the idea that while brains and the development of science have wholly revolutionized business and industry, that our governmental and social institutions are as archaic as the method of transportation in 1788 would be today. That there Is something unique and sacred about our Constitution. That were it possible to" apply our best brains, the scientific method, and the accumulated experience of 150 years of our history, it would be almost treason to suggest that it would be possible to write anew instrument better fitted to our own times. I would like to believe with Mr. Sloan that this “great piece of basic information” would solve the unemployment problem for the next ten years and then something eLse would be discovered to solve it for the next ten years so on ad infinitum. If I believed that this were possible, and I have the greatest faith in the possibilities of the almost infinite development of science, I would not so begrudge to the billionaire his billions, nor find any fault with the profit method of distribution. But the discoveries in science which led to our almost unparalleled progress in industry have not solved the unemployment problem and I do not believe they ever will. Why all of this objection to the use of our best brains, and to the use cf the scientific method in revolutionizing our archaic social and governmental institutions when this method proved so successful in business and industry? Our unemployment problems have not been regarded in the past as problems of business and industry’, nor have they been recity of this size does not even know the traffic laws, tnen it is hard to expect the public to observe them. To prove my statement, I refer to a statement by Chief Morrissey published in a local paper the day before the Speedway race in which he stated that pedestrians had the right of way at intersections. I would like to inform the chief that pedestrians do not have the right of way at intersections. The traffic light is meant for them just the same as for motorists, t If a pedestrian should be walking

F 1 whoU V disapprove of what you say and will 1 defend to the death your right to say it. — Voltaire. \

garded as problems of government prior to the present administration. Business and industry during the first years of the depression showed no signs of being willing or able to cope with the situation. Thus the Roosevelt administration was faced with three possibilities: To take a firm stand against any sign of revolution and let the unemployed starve. To do nothing either to feed the hungry or to put down revolution and thereby to encourage revolution, or to use unprecedented sums for relief. The last possibility was chosen. But the relief measures were recognized as only temporary. If the “great piece of basic information” is not broken loose regularly, or if Europe or Asia do not go to war, so we can benefit by the misfortunes of others, something permanent must be done, and this may mean unemployment • pensions, old-age pensions and doles. I believe that American manhood and womanhood would sooner work for a living than to depend upon doles. The government should guarantee a job to every one who can work and who is willing to work. This may mean taking over by the government certain basic industries in order not only to provide jobs but to make profits to pay for work that did not yield an immediate profit, such as road building, and soil and forest conservation and restoration. Even before the supreme court has a chance to hand down a decision, except on a few of the minor issues of the New Deal, the rugged individualists are shedding crocodile tears over the Constitution. They would have us believe that the sun of patriotism rose and will set in their order. They are also worried about our rapidly increasing national debt. But why the difference between the attitude toward debts incurred during the war and during the depression? The first caused untold suffering; the latter great relief. The rugged individualist is opposed to any expenditure of money without profit going to someone of his kind. Millions were made by the war profiteers; very little is being made by any “rugged individualist” during the depression. Rugged individualism is facing a crisis in its existence. No longer will its practitioners be permitted to take almost the entire profit from production, leaving the worker much less than his fair share in times of prosperity and nothing in times of depression. No longer will they be allowed to strip the forests, fields and mines, assuring for coming generations a heritage of famine. And I hope that the electorate no longer will be fooled by the twaddle about the sanctity o's any set of laws or any type of government which assures one class of its citizens wealth unbounded and another class the extremities of poverty. south, for instance, on Meridian street and crossed an intersection against the red light and should be injured by a car going east or west, he would have no cause for legal action against the driver of the car. I formerly lived in a city in an adjoining state and I will say that we would not have thirty-four violations in a whole week. That is, at one particular intersection. We wonder at the Increase in traffic deaths. I wonder there are not more.

.JULY 7, 1934

CONDEMNS COURSE OF LIQUOR BUSINESS By W. H. R. When the millionaire brewers and distillers were clamoring for votes to repeal the eighteenth amendment, it was loudly proclaimed that there never would be a return to the old time saloon. They succeeded in fooling a majority of the voters and got the amendment off the books. We have not had a return of the saloon. Now we have restaurants and taverns and beer parlors. It was considered a disgrace for a woman to enter a saloon, but these joints have been clothed with respectability, and young boys and girls not only enter them, but forget to come out until they have to be carried out. A few nights ago two men and two women came out of one of the most respectable of these places at 2:30 a. m. All were staggering, but one, the youngest girl, who did not look to be more than 17. She was too drunk to stand and one of the men lifted her into a taxi and got in beside her. Fortunately, the taxi driver was sober, or there might have been more to the story. These joints, open all night, are worse by far than the saloon ever was and unless there is a lot of regulating done very quickly prohibition will be back into the Constitution to stay. Have we become so depraved that we must debauch all our sons and daughters to raise revenue? Must our government tolerate, for the sake of revenue, a business whose prosperity depends on the demoralization of its customers, and whose best customer is the community's worst citizen? The traffic is being run on a plan that surely will bring its destruction on its own head, for surely the majority of our citizens will not want it to go on as it is now operated. a a a SPEAKS OF DILLINGER AND NEW POLICE By A Radfr. We see John Dillinger is accused of robbing another bank. I wholly agree with his father, he is not to blame for what Johnnie has done. The rotten deal he got for the first trouble he ever was in is the cause of his being where and what he is today. At that, I don't think he is gui’ty of one-third that he is blamed for. If he is, it’s high time the state was getting some new police officers.

A WISH

BY VIRGINIA A beacon Light in storm-toss'd sea Os Doubt; of God, sometimes, when He Has failed to answer heav’nward prayer And I am doubtful He is there, He shines me on to firmer shore, And I believe in God once more. Hc’j like a Hand that points the way To Better Living, but should I stray from straighter Path to rocks below, Lie bruised and saddened, this I know: He'd take me up and mend my wings, And soothe away the Hurt of Things. He’s sacrificed, he's pray’d, he's tried To give me Joys that Life denied Him in his youth, and ere he's gone, Let me repay him what he's done In no small way; let me prove I'm glad For God's great gift to me, my Dad.