Indianapolis Times, Volume 45, Number 293, Indianapolis, Marion County, 18 April 1934 — Page 11

It Seem to Me HMODBMUN 'M'EW YORK. April 13.—Some theories far more strange than any assigned to the brain trust have ?ollowed in the wake of the personal appearance of Dr. William Wirt. The most curious of these may be labeled “the inverse rule of evidence.” The Washington Past has been its chief proponent, but I have seen echoes elsewhere. Stated In its simplest terms this notion runs: Admittedly Dr. Wirt had no evidence whatsoever about any plot. Further, let it be conceded that he was a vague and floundering witness. But the importance of his testimony is heightened by the fact that he had nothing to tell. Dr. William Wirt is an average American. The average American is a sap. A hundred million saps can't be wrong.” Julian Mason, vice-president, the Republican Builders, follows somewhat the same line of reason-

ing when he w'rites: "Dr. Wirt had to violate the confidence of a dinner party in order to make his deposition. And when he had done so he had but presented the talk of satellites of the brain trust instead of principals. Yet the thing that wa.<r fundamental, the country's suspicion, persisted, and the end is not yet.” a a a The Feuer the Higher IN other words, the suggestion is seriously advanced that we are to judge administration policies by the pricking in our thumbs and the twitching of the

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Hevwood Broun

left *ar. We asked to give attention to those who do not like certain key pieces of legislation because of their rating in numerology. It Is well enough to say, ‘Where there is so much smoke there must be some fire.” but if the precedent of the Wirt hearing is to be followed congress will be obliged to chase eacn wisp of dust which drifts across the road. A Washington correspondent whose name, quite fortunately, I can't remember, told me in the senate press gallery; “If Dr. Wirt rates a hearing on what he had to offer, I’m never going to open my yap again. Most of us in this game are not particularly radical, but on dozens of occasions when the senate has done something a little more foolish than usual somebody has piped up. ‘Well, I guess there's no hope in anything but the Communist revolution.’ I hope they never let Wirt sit around and listen to the comments of the working press.” ana A Shade Too Merciful ALMOST as strange as the inverse rule cf evidence is Walter Lippmann's kindly suggestion that William Wirt was merely an old duffer who tried to build up a good atter-dinner yarn out of insufficient material and to his surprise and consternation found himself in front of the kleig lights as the chief Jigure in a congressional investigation. The only trouble with this theory is that it overlooks some of the testimony of Dr. Wirt himself. He did not merely air his views in private conversation but peddled his yarn in one hundred copies of the tale which were sent to newspapers, publicists and members of congress, if that last label can be passed over the protest that it is redundant. The gentleman from Indiana was itching for an investigation. He was by no means the timid, frightened and abashed mouse pictured in some of the stories. Unless Dr. Wirt is ailing, and thus disqualified from facing severity of judgment, he has no claim upon the sympathy of any man. Wantonly and without reason he put a group of unoffending people upon the spot. I have particularly in mind the extremely dirty trick which William Wirt played upon Laurence Todd. Mr. Todd is a somewhat shy and retiring individual, whose views in all probability are radical. He is, nevertheless, extremely popular among the conservative correspondents on the hill. Under no circumstances has Mr. Todd endeavored to seek converts to his way of thinking. He has stuck to his job of reporting. ana Wounding an Innocent Bystander AT the time he and Dr. Wirt caught up with each other this newspaper man was attached to the Federated Press, which is a service supplying Washington news' to labor publications which range from left to right, not forgetting the center. Dr. Wirt leaped at the chance of describing him as “a Soviet agent" because Todd has recently taken a job with Tass, the Russian news agency. In this post there has been. I gather, a very strict understanding that Todd should in no way disseminate, suggest or even listen much to radical propaganda. From all accounts he has lived up to this requirement Dr. Wirt put him in a highly embarrassing position by testifying that it was Todd who identified Roosevelt as "The American Kerensky.” Mr. Todd is certain that he said nothing of the sort. But. in the famous line once set down by Philip Guadella. there are those who think that "any stigma will do to beat a dogma.” We have heard much of the horrors of secret police systems in other lands, but if the Wirt tradition is to be maintained there is no freedom here. One does not like to feel that there are gentlemen in mufti everywhere prepared to set down chance and idle remarks or imagine them if necessary. At the risk of courting another investigation, I am prepared to say that I don't know whether or not President Roosevelt will appear in history as the American Kerensky, but I am ready to go on record as identifying William Wirt as this nation's Little Bo Peep. (Copyright. 1934 bv The Timesl

Your Health BY DR. MORRIS FISHBEIN

'T'HERE used to be a saying that persons who hr.d J- gall bladder infections were most often women who were -fair, fat and forty." That idea arose principally because the diagnosis was seldom made until well along in life. Today we know that gall bladders may become inflamed in fairly young people and that even gallstones may be found in young adults and children. Women have disturbances of the gall bladder more often than men. one of the Seasons being that women in process of childbirth have increased amounts of cholesterol in the blood, and cholesterol forms the basis for gallstones. m a A FEW simple rules for avoiding inflammation of the gall bladder were outlined recently by a famous physicians. Here they are: 1. Avoid typhoid and the enteric group of fevers. 2. Avoid infection in tonsils, teeth, sinuses and respiratory tract. 3. Avoid the incautious use of drugs of the quinoline series. 4. If a woman, avoid having a large family. 5. Eat three meals a day. but avoid getting fat. 6. Don't be a "meal skipper," but don’t be a glutton. 7. Don't be a Jack Spratt and eat no fat or the surgeon will get your gall bladder before you know where you're at. a a a THE first two of these rules are important, because it has long been realized that disease of the gall bladder is associated In many instances with infection elsewhere in the bodv. and particularly with typhoid and paratyphoid fevers. In many instances gallstones have been found to contain typhoid germs. Furthermore, when persons become typhoid carriers the typhoid germs are frequently found to be residing in the gall bladder. It has been rather well established that the gall bladder empties itself when food is taken, and particularly when fats are part of the diet. The be.t fats to eat to promote emptying of the gall bladdei are simple fats like butter, olive oil, cream, bacon and the yolks of soft-boiled eggs. Fried freasv foods are not healthful for this particular purpose. In addition to the usual types of infections and inflammations of the gall bladder, other conditions may involve this organ, including the various types of tumors and infections.

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GERMANY—WAR OR PEACE?

Militaristic Scenes Belie Hitlers Peaceful Utterances

Milton Bronnrr toured the “New Cermny“—eltiei, towns, rill*fci. With the eyes of a veteran correspondent schooled in the European scene, he reveals to yon an accurate, stirring word-picture of the amazing progress of Nazidom. This is the first of three articles. BY MILTON BRONNER NEt Service Staff Writer BERLIN, April 18.—Adolf Hitler. Nazi chancellor of Germany, the most powerful individual in Europe and, by the same token, the most potentially dangerous, is shooting across the sky like a flaming comet, with the German people streaming as a tail behind him. And nobody knows, except himself, whether his goal is to be marked “Peace” or "War." That he has the bulk of his German people in the palm of his hand, there is little question. Foreign business men, stationed in Germany, will tell you all is not what it seems. They warn you that many a private residence and many a business house flaunts the Nazi banner, because the owner of the place thinks it wise and politic to do so. They will tell you that when the Nazis declare a labor holiday and expect the working men to come to a meeting, they duly do so, because to absent themselves W'ould be to be remarked, costing their jobs, if nothing worse befell them. But allowing for all these negative statements, it is still the truth that Hitler commands the allegiance of the bulk of the German people. There are many former foes who have climbed on the band-wagon, because nothing succeeds like success. r IMDO, the Nazis have made a A dead set for the peasant farmers and the working class and have won many real recruits. The farmers like it, because tariff walls have been erected and prices fixed that make things better for them. The working men are being won by such things as the gigantic winter relief fund, w'hich is taking care of the poor unemployed, by the vacation journeys arranged lor thousands of working men and by the campaign of the rulers to smash class w'ar by smashing classes themselves. For fifteen years, smarting under their defeat in the World w T ar, the restrictions imposed upon them by the peace treaties, the "tribute” they had to pay to the allies, the sufferings of the inflation period, bad business and unemployment, the Germans had a decided inferiority complex. Today the Germans, impoverished though many of them are, heavily taxed though they are, feel once more that Germany is a great pow'er, that there is a great future just around the corner. Part of it is the product of the greatest propaganda machine the world has ever known. By the press. by broadcasting, by speeches, by films, by books and theatrical plays the German is worked upon and the German pulse is kept at fever heat.

TODAY and TOMORROW aaa aaa By Walter Lippmann

OBSERVERS differ as to just how strong is the sentiment in congress for another and stronger dose of inflation. But all are agreed that congress would pass a silver bill with great enthusiasm if the President merely would indicate that he did not seriously object. This is highly significant. It can not be explained by insinuating that congress is in the grip of silver speculators or of silver producers. The potential majority for sil-

ver is mucn too large to be ascrigbed as the influence of the special silver Interests as such. It must be explained, it seems to me, by recognizing that congress is interested in silver, not because it is silver, but because it might be used to raise prices and to promote recovery. There would be no such sentiment for silver today if, in the opinion of the members of congress who face re-election in the autumn, recovery was adequate and assured. Congress is a most faithful reflector of active public opinion, and the present strength of the silver bloc may be taken as a sure sign that there is dissatisfaction back home over the pace of recovery. a a a THIS dissatisfaction is. I believe. rapidly crystallizing into two main convictions. The first is that the restrictive measures under agricultural adjustment administration and NRA have not worked effectively. The agricultural adjustment administration. when it was pumping out money to farmers, helped them, of course; but the agricultural adjustment administration as a measure to reduce crops and raise prices has thus far been a virtual failure. The NRA. by raising costs and therefore prices ahead of new production, produced a temporary flurry among the few workers who received higher wages and some speculative buying of merchandise in anticipation of higher prices, but once the flurry is over the net result has been to make it harder to sell goods and, therefore, harder to re-employ labor. Thus these measures of economic restriction and regimentation are rapidly losing public support. The second conviction now forming in the public mind is that the reform measures, the securities act, certain portions of the banking bill and the original Stock Exchange bill, were far too rigid and far too drastic, that in attempting to prohibit manifest and admitted evils they seriously threaten to prohibit enterprise and new investment. Since it is through the banks, the issuing erf new securities and the stock market that idle money and new money must find its way into business, laws which terrorize the financial community are obviously a serious handicap to recovery. As the measures are Witten, and perhaps even morn as they are interpreted by anii to

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T)UT even allowing for propaganda, Hitler has a vast number of people who are fanatically idolatrous of him. It has to be seen to be believed. His drive down Unter den Linden in Berlin—the former Red Citj ? —is a Roman triumph. These people would die for him. That being the case, does Hitler mean peace or war? On the peace side: He has made five or six statesmanlike speeches in which he has proclaimed the deep desire of Germany to work out its salvation in peace and calm; as an old soldier he has deprecated the idea of another war; has stated that when the Saar is given back to Germany, there will be no great outstanding dispute with France and has signed a non aggression pact with Poland. But without espionage of any kind, here is what an ordinary visitor to Germany sees and hears:

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the financial community, they are not unlke laws to prevent railroad accidents by stopping the trains, a a a 'T'HE common character of all this legislation from agricultural adjustment administration to the stock market bill—is that it constricts enterprise. Some of it is designed to meet economic difficulties as in the case of unsalable surpluses. Some of it is designed to cure moral evils, as in the securities act. But the net effect of it all is to discourage enterprise at a time when the relief of unemployment

SIDE GLANCES

, nc. “Don’t rush them. He will leave a tip if he sells that policy.”

INDIANAPOLIS, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 18, 1934

It is 8 o'clock of a cloudy Sunday morning. One is awakened by the insistent tread of marching feet. A dash to the window—soo Brown Shirts are on their way to the country for a practice hike. Some of them are fat, paunchy, middle-aged men. One is lame, gallantly keeping step. But the most of them are vigorous young men, all capable of bearing arms. But they are unarmed. Later that day more processions of storm troopers also bound somewhere. What is thus to be seen in Stuttgart is to be seen almost anywhere in Germany. ana MEN, who work hard all week, go on these marches on Sundays or at nights, singing as they go. There are well over 2,000,000 men enrolled in the Nazi troops. Most of them are of military age and they are being whipped into w'ell-drilled companies. All unarmed—as yet. In the compulsory and volunteer labor camps there are more

and of insolvency depends primarily upon the revival of enterprise. The conviction that recovery is being held back is the basis of the outcry against the brain trust, and the reason why, in spite of the collapse of Dr. Wirt’s charges, the brain trust is increasingly unpopular. It is also the cause of the inflationist sentiment in congress. That sentiment expresses the view that the depression is due primarily to a derangement of money, which has destroyed ' prices and profits and not, as agricultural adjustment administration and NRA imply, to a lack of “planning” and control in the economic structure. The administration has been acting on both theories. It has a monetary policy which tends to raise general prices, to restore profits, and to stimulate enterprise. It has a policy of regimentation, which raises prices here and there, but in no intelligent relation to other prices, which obstructs profits and discourages enterprise. The two policies are now' grinding one against the other. Copyright, 1934

By George Clark

tens of thousands. Nazis tell you it w-as high time. Under the republic there were too many men loafing on the streets, learning criminal ways. Now they are being taught the two things young Germans used to be taught in the old imperial Germany when everybody was conscripted for the army—gehorsamkeit und disciplin (obedience and discipline). But in the labor camps they do more than labor. They also do setting-up exercises and drill. Hereafter all university students will have to do four months compulsory service in a labor camp and six weeks in a Nazi storm troop camp. The Nazis say they want to teach these young men they are no better than anybody else. But the fact remains that, hereafter, the young German will, from the age of 10. be continually under Nazi control. At 10 he will be enrolled in the Nazi Jungfolk. At 14 he passes into the Hitler Jugend, where he will remain until he is 18, after

The

DAILY WASHINGTON MERRY-GO-ROUND

By Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen

WASHINGTON. April 18.—The Prodigal Son—for at least one important battle—has come back to the fold. Aroused by Wall Street mutilations of the stock market bill, Professor Raymond Moley, head of the original brain trust, has assumed the role of crusader against the lavishly financed opposition which big money has launched against the new deal. His anti-Wall Street strategy was hatched recently at a secret conference with Ferdinand Pecora, senate banking committee prosecutor, and Max Lowenthal, an author of the bill. Asa result Moley has urged Roosevelt to go on the air in one of his famous talks to the people. The President is expected to follow his advice. Moley’s argument is that the stock market bill symbolizes all that Roosevelt has stood for. If we are to go back to an era of Coolidge bull markets and Hoover depressions, in which the stock market made millions of dollars and unmade millions of people, then the new deal might as well quit. Moley also argues that if Roosevelt takes it on the chin in this fight, congress—already on the loose—will go w-ild, and he’ll be taking it on the chin from now on. tt tt tt tt tt tt TN this, Moley is about right The stock market bill is going to A present one of the greatest floor fights, one of the mast spectacular senate debates in recent congressional history.

Already mutilated in committee by Republican Tories and Wall Street members of Roosevelt’s own party, the real fight will be made on the floor. There a coalition of Democrats and Republican Progressives will be out to restore the original plan of drastic market regulatiton. Allied with these Progressives are two men whose backgrounds are as alien as their political creeds. Sam Rayburn, chairman of the interstate commerce committee, is a small town Texas lawyer, who for twenty years in the house of representatives belonged to the little Garner clique of fast-working, hard-drinking poker players. Never was he known to show a streak of radicalism. Now, with an iron hand he has fought for the bill which, according to Wall Street, will doom the country to Bolshevism. a a a ACROSS the capitol Duncan U. Fletcher has fought the same battle. During his twentysix years in the senate, Fletcher was an industrious, plodding gentleman who never hit the front pages, never distinguished himself for anything brilliant. But with the reorganization of the senate last year, Fletcher had the right to be chairman of the senate banking and currency committee. Carter Glass wanted the job, felt he was entitled to it, raised his voice in hurt protest. But Fletcher had served longer, stuck by his guns, kept the job. Some people expected the bank investigation—already started under Hoover—to flop after Fletcher took the helm. He was supposed to be too conservative. But the opposite w T as the case. Through exposes of J. P. Morgan, Kuhn, Loeb, Dillon, Read, and Chase National Bank, he pushed relentlessly forward. Nothing could stop him.

which he will pass into the storm troops. In the schools, the children are being taught that pacifism is a poison. They are taught the glories of German heroes on the battlefields and the duty to die for their country. aaa ALL of which leads up and hitches up with these tw’o significant facts: The Four Power pact between Germany, France, Italy and Great Britain, seeming to safeguard European peace, has a running time of ten years. The nonaggression pact with Poland is for a ten-year period. In ten years’ time, then, the boys, who are now eight, nine and ten years old, will all be of a military age. all filled w'ith the doctrine and the religion of the Nazi faith, all convinced they can whip their weight, in wild-cats or Frenchmen. Tomorrow'—New Germany Prepares.

And the other day, faced with secret committee rebellion by his own party, he pleaded: “Gentlemen, we have spent months and $200,000 of the people's money to demonstrate the need of drastic legislation. Millions of men and women have been impoverished that a few ruthless and rapacious speculators might grow wealthy. You can not destroy this bill. The President wants it, the country demands it.” a a a THE Soviet embassy was a little nervous before it pulled the reception which had all Washington angling for invitations. Friends at the Turkish embassy, one of the first countries to recognize the Soviet government, were called upon for advice. Mrs. Jack Tate, able secretary of the Turkish ambassador, was asked: “If w'e invite 1,000 people, how many do you think will come?” “Eleven hundred,” she replied. Note: At the embassy door, however, stood a checker with a list of all invited guests. The eleven hundred did not come. No one not on the list was admitted. a a a 'T'HE senate is speculating as A to what senator wrote the article in The Nudist Magazine. It was signed “J. G. F, A United States Senator,” and was entitled Legal Nudism in Maryland.” . . . The magazine was banned from New York newstands. also is hard to find in Washington ... At the conclusion of the big Soviet reception, it was noticeable that the Russians did not sing “The Internationale” .. . American guests led by Heywood Broun's basso, sang it just before they left at 4 a. m. . (Copyright, t 34, br United Featurea Syndicate, Inc.j

Second Section

Entered Second Clue* Matter at PnetoPfre. indianapoli*

Fair Enough ■lnn YORK. April 18.—The common man has been buttered heavily with sympathy and flattery this last year or so but. just to keep the record straight, some of him are a pretty ornery lot. Some of the common men are not more honest than the fat bankers depicted in the cartoons and have failed in life not for any lack of the larcenous instinct, but merely because they hadn't the vision or the technique to steal money on a grand scale. This group also includes a mass of incompetents

and shiftess characters, 'souses, loafers, bass haters and four flushers, and it is too bad that it is impossible to grade people according to their ability to make good and withhold sympathy and assistance from those who would be flops under the best conditions. As matters stand, unfortunately, the good workman who is willing and able to deliver a dollar's worth of work for a dollar. but can t get a job because there aren't enough jobs, is lumped together with all the rest of the unemployed. He is thus compelled to share the benefits of a program of help and solicitude with a lot of no-

goods, who either wouldn't or couldn't carry their weight if they had the chance and were born to stand along the road thumbing rides from better men. n n a A Bunch of Loafers r I "'HE comentional figure of the laboring man in A the square cap with his sleeves rolled up on brawny arms and a tuft of manly turf showing through the front of his shirt is a misleading generality. It endows with a beautiful nobility a lot of miserable whiners and maligners, thousands of ga'bby, but utterly futile, white collar tvpes calling themselves salesmen or agents or brokers, and a class of stallers who knock off work for thirty minutes to get a drink of water and delight to waste or spoil raw materal in the shops because that hurts the boss. The man who hires labor has problems as difficult as those of the people he hires and he could a tale unfold if he were given a chance, of malicious cussedness in the employe class, which would equal a l the horror stories that have been told about employers. In any stock-taking of the virtues and faults of the common man it soon would be discovered that a large proportion of him seize every opportunity which presents itself to chisel money out of the United States treasury and the state and local governments, and that the motives of this class are no cleaner than those of big business in the same field of larceny. A town loafer with an advanced case of malignant fatigue will lobby for a pension as poisonously as an industry will lobby for a tariff or a subsidv when any honest physician, with nothing to fear from an organized local boycott, would prescribe nothing but a swift, kick in the pants to rouse him out of his lethargy. a a a Small Business Man Similar 'T'HE common man in a small way of business presents similar problems. Being an individual and, as often as not. incompetent to carry on a business successfully, he is unable tc deliver satislaction to his customers in competition with chain stole systems and big department stores. If his merchandise turns out to be no good that is the customer s hard luck and he just gets sore and sympathizes with himself when he goes broke, reviling ig business for its damnable policy of selling goods cheaper and delivering satisfaction. But not General Hugh Johnson nor any one else can compel customers to shun the big store and patronize the inefficient type of common man because the common man, himself, wants to get the biggest dollar's worth that he can for his dollar and will prefer the merchant who stands back of his goods. Mr. Roosevelt's administration has taken over the whole body of the people whose financial status is below that of country gentleman and will vote them in a block at the next presidential election. That is grand politics but it elevates to the rank and benefits of competent, conscientious and therefore deserving unemployed a great horde of citizens who were born to bungle, yawn, whine, guzzle and mooch. (Copyright, 1934. by United Features Syndicate, Inc.i

Today's Science BY DAVID DIETZ

THE existence of triple weight hydrogen as well as light weight helium has now' been confirmed by experimenters in Lord Rutherford's laboratory, the famous Cavendish laboratory of the University of Cambridge. At first, this will seem to the general reader as one more complication to the world of modern physics. But for the physicist, these discoveries constitute a simplification of previous problems and the answer to questions which were puzzling and bothersome. Let us review the situation briefly and see why this is so. The lightest known atom is that of hydrogen. Originally only one atom of hydrogen w'as known, the simplest w'hich can exist. It had a pucleus composed of one positive particle, a proton. Around this nucleus revolved one negative particle, an electron. The next element in the atomic scale is helium. But its atom showed a surprising complexity in comparison with the hydrogen atom. Its nucleus consisted of ~ix particles, four protons and tw r o electrons. whili two electrons revolved around this nucleus. Since practically all the w-eight of an atom is in the protons, it will be seen that hydrogen had an atomic weight of one while helium had an atomic weight of four. a a a THIS, however, was the puzzling and bothersome question. Why should atomic weights jump from one to four? Why weren't there atoms with atomic weight of two and three? This question was partially solved in 1931 by Professor Harold C. Urey of Columbia university who discovered heavy hydrogen, or as w'e shall now have to call it, double-weight hydrogen. This hydrogen atom has an atomic weight of two. Its nucleus, which has been named the deuton, consists of two protons and one electron. This gives the nucleus a positive charge of one, since the protons are positive and the electron negative. This is necessary since the nucleus of the hydrogen atom must have a positive charge of one to hold on to the one electron which revolves around it. The place of an atom in the atomic table, or in other words, the kind of an atom which it is, is determined by the charge exhibited by the nucleus. The hydrogen nucleus always exhibits a positive charge of one. The triple-weight hydrogen atom, recently discovered in Rutherford's laboratory, has an atomic weight of three. Its nucleus consists of three protons and two electrons. The three protons give it an atomic weight of three. The nucleus has the necessary positive charge of one since three minus two leaves one. a a a THE light weight helium atom has a nucleus which also contains three protons. But whereas triple-weight hydrogen has two electrons in the nucleus, it has only one. This is the important difference. The three protons give it an atomic weight of three. But three minus one leaves two, and therefore. the nucleus has a positive charge of two. As a consequence it is a helium nucle us.

Westbrook Pegler