Indianapolis Times, Volume 45, Number 277, Indianapolis, Marion County, 30 March 1934 — Page 24

PAGE 24

The Indianapolis Times (A SCRIPPS-lIOWARI* NEWSPAPER) ROT W. HOWARD I'rexident TALCOTT POWELL , Editor EARL D. BAKER Business Manager Phone— Riley 5531

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* #'•'**< <* nw sM D Give Ijiyht and the People Will Find Thrir Own Way

FRIDAY MARCH 30. 1934. ROOSEVELT AND CONGRESS ON two issues vital to the recovery program yesterday congress showed its desire to follow through with the President. This notwithstanding the decisive defeat which congress only the day before had given Mr. Roosevelt on the veterans’ issue—just as former congresses have defeated other Presidents on that issue. This congress, like others, seems to have lost its sense of proportion on matters connected with the veterans. But it also seems to have regained its sense of economic values with that issue out of the way. Yesterdav the senate passed the Bankhead cotton control bill: the house has the leciprocal tariff bill. These constituted important tests of Mr. Roosevelts power in congress and his influence and popularity in the country at large. • . If anything is close to congressmen s hearts it is tariff-making. All represent industrial or farming areas that have been deluded in the past as to the great benefits from tariffs. But yesterday, in a strong vote of confidence, the house conferred upon the President the tremendous power of tariff-making, unhampered either by congress or the tariff commission. They gave him authority to negotiate reciprocal trade agreements with foreign countries and armed him with the bargaining power to reduce or increase existing tariff rates by 50 per cent. No house heretofore ever has conferred this exact power upon a chief executive. It was striking evidence of trust in Mr. Roosevelt, his program tor national recovery, and his intention to protect American farms and industries. The Bankhead bill applies compulsion to the President’s farm program for the first time It arms him and his secretary of agriculture with the right to force recalcitrant cotton growers to curb acreage for the good of the whole cotton south and hence for the good of the whole country. The senate’s favorable action followed passage of the same bill by the house. And while some will protest, it seems certain that the senate will likewise follow the lead of the house in approving the tariff bill. The veterans’ lobby has triumphed once. But. make no mistake, the Roosevelt new deal is still the national program.

OTTO H. KAHN OTTO H. KAHN was an unusual citizen. He was happier as a patron of the arts, which he knew so well, than as a banker. But as a banker he had a depth of economic knowledge and an openness of mind rare in any business. He was one of the few bankers with the r ■ j to declare publicly dur- > i" >. arkot that it could not last. ■ o; nf the parents of the fed- ’ •■f- . u ich saved this country nnanciaiiy during the war. Yet. with all his intelligence and candor, his firm of Kuhn, Loob & Company was caught up with the rest in what are now generally considered to have been questionable practices. And that, perhaps, is the strongest proof that the basic problem of financial reform is not to “drive out the scoundrels,” but to create a system which will encourage rather than discourage the man of high ideals such as Mr. Kahn. When Mr. Kahn appeared before the senate investigating committee last June, unlike some of the others, he did not try to defend the discredited system. “I know a great deal must be changed,” he said. “And I know the time is ripe to have it changed—over-ripe in some ways.” He proposed that the rich pay more taxes. He opposed pool operations. He urged tightening the law to prevent a director from selling his own company short. ♦Finally he favored government supervision of every instrumentality dealing with money, currency or credit. How far Otto Kahn was in advance of his profession may be judged by the present opposition to the administration's Stock Exchange bill. NOT ALWAYS BEST ONE of the troubles with collecting an elaborate set of statistics is that half of the time you can't figure out what they mean after you've got them collected. A list of the sixty-five best sellers in the American book market since 1875 was drawn up recently for the Institute of Arts and Sciences by Edward Weeks. And the longer one scrutinizes this cross-section of the nation's literary tastes the less confident one feels of drawing any deduction from it. The all-time best seller, to begin with, is the Rev. Charles M. Sheldon's “In His Steps,” which has sold 8.000,000 copies. Second, fourth and fifth places are held by Gene Stratton Porter’s books, “Freckles,” “The Girl of the Limberlost” and “The Harvester.” That old reliable. “Ben-Hur,” places third. Mark Twain's “Tom Sawyer” is sixth, closely followed by Harold Bell Wright's “The Winning of Barbara Worth.” And so it goes. That best of all western romances, Owen Wister's “The Virginian.” is well up toward the top; but a book like Mrs. Porter s Laddie” is ahead of it. Mark Twain's “Huckleberry Finn,” which competent critics have called the greatest of American novels, ranks high with a total sale of a million copies; but it is outclassed, among others by • such a book as “Five Little Peppers and How They Grew,” by Margaret Sidney. Nonfietion titles are fairly well represented Edward Bellamy's famous ’'Looking Backward,” for instance, has sold 500,000 copies, and Wells' “Outline of History,” has sold 684,000; but “Pollyanna” has sold a round

million, and "The Rosary” better than 900.000. Trying to deduce anything from these figures is difficult. Good books are on the list, in profusion; so are unutterably bad books, and a great many that are neither one nor the other. You could argue that America likes sugary optimism in its books, and support your argument by a citation of titles: but such books as ‘‘All Quiet on the Western Front” and "Main Street” are there on the list to refute you. What does it all mean, then? Nothing much, probably. The American reading public is pretty omnivorous. It devours good books and it devours trash. About all one can safely say, apparently, Is that the best seller lists don’t mean a thing. THUNDER IN THE ORIENT r T~'HERE doesn’t seem to be much doubt in the minds of those who should know that the chief threat of war is in the far east. The crucial center of world affairs has moved to the Pacific for some time to come. The experts are agreed on that. But they are not agreed on much else.^ Just what the roles of Japan, China. Russia, the European powers and the United States may be in the many-sided conflicts of the far east is subject to varying interpretations. And the presses are turning off a goodly number of those interpretations—newspaper articles, magazines and books. Two books have just appeared which are apt to get a wider hearing than most on this this subject, one because of its authoritative nature and the other because it is lurid. The first is ‘ Empire in the East,” edited by Joseph Barnes (Doubleday Doran). The second is ‘‘The Menace of Japan,” by T. O’Conroy (Kinsey), “Empire in the East” is the best single volume which has appeared on the contemporary political and economic problems of the Orient. It is sponsored by the Institute of Pacific Relations. Mr. Barnes as editor has succeeded in getting the full value out of the symposium method by selecting contributors with a reasonable degree of unity of viewpoint and by allowing them freedom to handle the individual subjects on which they are experts. Tyler Dennett, formerly of the state department, writes of The Open Door; Grover Clark, a publicist of long experience in China, treats of Changing Markets, which is supplemented by Frederick V. Field’s chapter on the Battle of the Bankers. Nathaniel Peffer in a brilliant summary on the question “Peace or War?” finds the answer in the nationalism and imperialism of the western powers. He concludes: “We must so reshape our social system that we shall not be compelled to take advantage of the disparity by political aggressions for economic aggrandizement. Thus, and thus alone, can the far east be eliminated as a theater of war. For only thus can the causes of war in the far east be removed.” Professor T. O'Cohroy, late of Keio university, Tokio, should have read something like the calm and objective “Empire in the East” before writing his “Menace of Japan.” As it is, his book does not have the unusual importance credited to it by the enthusiastic George Bernard Shaw. O Conroy went to Japan fifteen years ago with rather naive ideas of paradise, and recently came away heavy with experience and disillusionment. He knows Japan thoroughly. Too thoroughly, perhaps—in the sense that he is too close, that he does not measure her sins alongside the sins of other nations. Granting the truth of the terrible indictment which he brings against the Japanese militarists, it can be matched in kind if not in degree in any other country. His argument is simple: Japan is “working at top speed towards a war”—and ‘‘l call upon the powers to face the situation, to take some means for insuring peace by threatening Japan, and if necessary by exhibiting force.” All of which would be a very fine solution if the powers were not tarred by the same stick as Japan, if the powers had any unity of purpose in the far east, and if a war against militarism ever ended in anything except more militarism.

WOMEN CAN SUCCEED 'pHE extensive field to which women can devote their efforts as wage earners is evidenced in the reissue of “Careers for Women" (Houghton Mifflin Company), completely rewritten and greatly enlarged over the first edition of 1920. This comprehensive symposium, edited by Catherine Filene (Mrs. Jouett Shouse), does not review the work of women to commend their progress, but rather serves as a guide to young women on how to equip themselves for a particular job. That each of the 150 specific occupations covered is one in which women can be successful is attested by the author of that particular section of the book, who in each case has reached the top rung of her field. This is an entirely practical book—compact, definite, detailed. The authors draw not from theory but from their own experience in their jobs: they cover the training necessary, how to get first experience, advantages and disadvantages of the job. supply and demand, financial return, personal qualifications most suitable for the work, opportunity, for advancement. age span, suggested reading, and other pertinent factors involved. It should be an indispensable volume for women's vocational bureaus, and w’ould clarify for the undecided girl which job she should Piepare herself for in this specialized society. Among the contributors are Frances Perkins, secretary of labor, writing on “The Factory Inspector"; Ruth Finney, of Scripps-Howard Newspaper Alliance, on “The Reporter”; Alice Foote MacDougall on "The Tea Room Manager , Margaret Fishback on copyrighting; Margaret Bourke White on industrial photography, and many other nationally known professional women. Scientists announce anew chemical formula to recover gold from the sea. The gold has been salted away long enough. Chicago teachers still waiting for their pay, have received another cut. That leaves them owing the city. Fifteen thousand, out of more than ten million, voted against Mussolini's candidates in his recent plebiscite. They immediately went into hiding.

ENCOURAGING PRECEDENT 'pHE settlement of the threatened auto strike is one cf the most encouraging things that has happened in the industrial sector for a long time. Here was a case in which the clash of the contending factions seemed to parallel that storied collision of the irresistible force with the immovable object. Each side was absolutely determined not to yield. Bitterness and rancor were in the air. The stage was set for a disastrous industrial struggle. That it was possible, In such a case, for both sides to find a common meeting ground augurs well for the future of industrial'relations. Industrial warfare, according to this demonstration, is not necessary; even the bitterest disagreements can be straightened out if the parties involved are willing to make the effort. May the case set a precedent for the future! PAY UP, FIRST! TT is hard to see how any one can quarrel with the new administration policy by vhich American loans will not be advanced to foreign debtor nations which are wholly or partially in default on previous loans. A law embodying this policy is in process of being passed by congress: without waiting for its passage. Treasury Secretary Morgenthau has made it effective in advance by proclamation. It may be that all the arguments of the war debt cancellationists are sound. Perhaps our insistence that the debts be paid is delaying world recovery; perhaps we have no moral right to ask that they be repaid. Maybe so. But at least the country is quite within its rights in insisting that no good money is going to go after the bad. We loaned money and we didn’t get it back; we can hardly be blamed for concluding that the defaulting borrowers are bad risks. A New York woman has shaved her head and will wear colored wigs to match her gowns. Now other women won't get much satisfaction out of saying her hair is false.

Liberal Viewpoint = T By DR. HARRY ELMER BARNES =

Editor's Note—This is the first of two articles by Harry Elmer Barnes, Ph. D., on the need for com-mon-sense and realism in facing the crisis in the recovery efforts. tt tt tt THESE certainly are tough days for those persons who look for the improvement of American conditions based upon sound and rational judgment. No large group in American society today seems capable of getting a clear vision on our current problems and actually coming to grips with reality. Our conservatives in the field of finance and industry are running true to the good old Bourbon formula of “learning nothing and forgetting nothing.” They were chastened reasonably and were docile and co-operative a year ago. Now, foolishly imagining that they are getting well again, they are proving “a devil of a lot of monks.” The amazing and staggering exposure of the doings of our present generation of “robber barons” apparently have not brought to their breasts any sense of wrongdoing, and admission of penitence, or any willingness to co-operate with reasonable reform measures. Otto Kahn alone gave evidence befoi'e the Pecora committee of feeling that the old system of organized financial theft and lottery ought to be abandoned. Clarence Dillon brazenly informed the committee that he would repeat his operations if given the chance. Mr. Whitney of the Stock Exchange bitterly denounces even very restrained and inadequate efforts to eliminate overt gambling from the operations of the stock market. Our industrialists are resuming their old policies of fighting organized labor, which constitutes the only real promise today of insuring decent wages for the workers of America. An industrialist who can see past his nose ought to recognize that it is of no avail to manufacture goods if they can not be sold. tt n tt BUT the rank and file of American industrialists seem bound and determined to prevent the assurance of sufficient purchasing powder. They prefer to follow policies which mean the inevitable folding up of capitalism rather than forego excessive profits and gorged incomes. The handful of them lik§ James D. Mooney, who have seen a little light, are voices crying in the wilderness of stupidity and avarice. The liberals, into whose hands our destiny has been deliberated for the time being are wabbly and indecisive. They apparently are unwilling to go far enough in reform measures to save capitalism and equally unwilling to accept anything else. They have left speculative finance in the saddle and have given primary attention to production rather than to consumption, in spite of all the engaging talk to the effect that this must be an age of cpnsumers’ capitalism. They are thus repeating the outstanding mistake which dominated our economy from Harding to Hoover. Other liberals, discouraged over the prospects of the new deal, have surrendered fatalistically to the assumption that Fascism is inevitable. Hence, instead of attempting to make the new deal a spring board from which to advance to something more adequate, they condemn it in advance and await the black shirts. tt tt a ' | ’’HE farmers continue their characteristic incapacity to work together. If one group of them endeavors to improve its condition by a milk strike, there are plenty of others who help the deputy sheriffs and state troopers to break up the strike and make the country safe for 2-cent milk at the barn. Union labor hamstrings its efforts by remaining loyal to the vested interests of long since outworn labor policies and methods of organization. The stronger and better intrenched unions have no hesitation in attempting to crush other workers’ organizations which do not agree in toto with their philosophy and practice. The present attack upon the International Union of the United Brewery Workers of America by the American Federation of Labor is a good case in point. Our American radicals give no greater evidence of logic or intelligent self-interest. They ridicule reform, and the greater the prospect of its success the greater their mockery. They insist upon parroting the stale phrases of Karl Marx instead of studying present conditions 1 and adapting their thought thereunto. They especially delight in cutting the throats of other* Marxians who differ in their interpretation of the words of the prophet. A good case in point was the action of the Communists in breaking up the Socialist and labor meeting at Madison Square Garden some weeks back. None of the throat-cutting which went on between Daniel Drew, Jay Gould and Commodore Vanderbilt a half century ago was any more preposterous. Among the Communists themselves there are four or five cliques, each all too ready to read the others out of the picture. At a time when the country as a whole does not have even a rash, to say nothing of a revolutionrv spirit, they are concentrating upon plans for violence and revolution, instead of making an earnest effort to prepare themselves for the responsibility of governing a great country and a complicated economy when the collapse of capitalism shall, come.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

i ' —-

The Message Center

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make your letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them to 250 words or less.) tt tt tt HAT CLEANING PRICE WAR AND ITS RESULT Bv Jimmy Cafouros. • There is one industry in Indianapolis in which there is a great deal of backbiting, window-breaking and in which all the known forms of competition run amuck. It is a good industry as far as can be seen, and apparently it is a lucrative and attractive way to earn a living, for there are so many people and all their relatives in it. That is the hat-cleaning profession. In that profession the first dog bites the second dog and the second dog bites the third dog and then they all bite each other. There were those —and some still survive—who charged 65 cents to clean a hat. Then there are others who cater to the 50-cent mark. Some charge as little as 25 cents. One will readily see that there is a loose goose some place. Let us observe and we can discern facts about the matter. People primarily are interested in getting the most for the least. If Abraham Gabrilowicz cleans a hat for 25 cents and cleans it as well as Gust Papadopoulos, who charges 65 cents, the consuming public will trade with Abraham to a man. Abraham will do a most thriving business, cleaning all the hats in the surrounding counties, while Gust will hitch up his belt and feel glum. The various shops will charge varying prices until a thousand devils loosed from hell could hardly raise more hell. Would-be organizers have had themselves dubbed “president” of this association or “secretary” of that and officially announce an urgent meeting of all the shops which is attended by less than onethird. Prices are set, good-will is expressed, intentions are stated, and in two days, with hammer and tongs, with biceps and forceps, the battle royal is carried on. The public should recognize one fact. Those who charge 25 cents to block a hat can’t afford to pay the hired help a decent wage. They are the fellows Mr Roosevelt is trying to erase. Those that charge a decent price for a hat-blocking, usually pay decent wages. tt tt a SHE SEEKS TO JOIN CWA EDUCATION CLASSES By Miss B. L. Hall. In the Message Center the other day, I noticed where someone had written in commending the CWA adult educational classes. I did not know about such classes before and if one may still enroll I'd like to if 25 isn't too old. Will you please tell me where I may go to enroll, and when? Thank you. Information on this subject can be obtained bv calling Lincoln 2431. tt tt tt HE CAN SPELL DILLINGER* BUT NOT ROOSEVELT’ By K. Conditions are pretty bad when a supposedly intelligent people make a national hero of a criminal. It seems as though this depression and the bringing to light the actions of some crooked bankers, politicians, etc., have mentally unbalanced the whole country. The printing of such things as this Dillinger mess should be suppressed. With millions of young men out of work and the newspapers continually printing such

TRAVEL NECESSITIES

States Rights Fading?

By a Native Hoosier. Westbrook Pegler was close to the mark when he suggested a sanity test for our public officers and representatives. The truth of the matter is that much of the work done by legislators is through leadership and persuasion and not by deliberation and thorough study of the proposed law. To prove that statement. I wish to call attention to the fact that the following dangerous proposition has been indorsed by several state legislatures: ”... The operation of state laws shall be suspended to the extent necessary to give effect to legislation enacted by the congress. I claim that this amounts to complete abrogation of states’ rights. To give a clearer conception of the full import of this bill which the legsilators of this state will

stuff—what will be the’outcome? Not only the newspapers, but moving picture producers want to cash in on the name of “Dillinger.” It is a blow to the mentality of the American people. In recent issues of the Indiana papers I couldn’t help but notice the amount of space commanded by Dillinger in comparison to that of President Roosevelt (even as I write I have to look up the name of Mr. Roosevelt to see how to spell it, but not so with Dillinger). I can’t help but wonder, would it be better to get a gun or try and find a job. I’ve been out of work a long time. tt tt u POSTAL EMPLOYES SUFFER WHEN PRESIDENT SPEAKS By a Forgotten Man. The following is a paragraph taken from an editorial appearing in the Kansas City Star recently; “No substitute mail carrier, is guaranteed $6 a week, no substitute is guaranteed anything, if he does not work, he does not eat. That is why the substitute mail carrier who may be delivering your mail looks undernourished. He looks much worried, too, for his rent is long overdue’, and his uniform may be shabby, indeed, rather unbecoming for a government employe to be seen in. but he can't help it, he has no guarantee.” The subcarrier is required to pay his bond, bqy his uniform and cap. He even has to pay for his cap number and must report every morning at 6:15. The next time your mail man is off, ask the substitute in his place “how much did you make last month?” Some of these subs drew less than S2O in February. Why does the government expect everybody else to pay sls a week and yet allow such deplorable conditions as these to exist among their own employes? Why is it that every time President Roosevelt makes a speech urging employers to raise wages that postal employes get another cut? Instead of the blue eagle flying at the postoffice, I would suggest they fly the buzzard, so he won't have far to go when we drop off. P. S.—Just this week President Roosevelt asked for shorter hours and higher wages and gave postal employes another cut. tt a tt HE’S WAITING FOR OLD AGE PENSION Bv a Tiroes Reader. What is the matter with that oldage pension payment which I thought was to be Jan. 1? Here it is Feb. 18, and not one word from the county commissioners as to the

I wholly disapprove of what you say and will defend to the death your right to say it — Voltaire.

be called upon to consider, I will rearrange the wording of the law so as to present it in the light of its true interpretation: “The congress shall have the power to ...” (suspend the operation of state laws) to the extent necessary to give effect to legislation enacted by the congress.” This law would give congress the power to suspend the operation of state laws whenever it desires to pass any law to which the state objects as an intrusion on state rights. It will pay the people of this state to investigate this proposed law and let their representatives know how they feel about its adoption. If somebody can prove that this is not a complete abrogation of states’ rights. I would be glad to see you do it in the Message Center of The Times.

payment. It is not much, but the old saying is. half a loaf is better than none at all. Let me know through columns of your paper when these aged people can expect pay on it. The law became effective Jan. 1. Payment is expected in May. tt tt tt OBJECTS TO CONTRIBUTIONS TO TABERNACLE OPERATOR By T. S. Martin. I have enjoyed reading your paper for seventeen years. It is the best and fairest paper in Indiana. I like to join your letter writers, answering a letter I read from Mr. Wilson about people buying a tabernacle for a man who mortgaged it; then, after spending the money, came back and now is taking in $30,000 to $40,000 a year, building fine homes and living in splendor. I agree with Mr. Wilson and I can not understand why people in their right minds will donate money. If we have money to give, there are hundreds of children who need clothes and food. I'll bet that the people who donate can't afford to go shopping and get two pianos at a “bargain” sale for $l,lOO. We listen to what is supposed to be a “family prayer period,” but it is more of an auction sale, for every few minutes we hear how many doors and seats there are. It doesn't matter to God if you have a $45,000 organ or how many pianos. Instead. “I was hungry and you gave me meat.” Does having a $45,000 organ feed anybody? Perhaps people will wonder just in what way they help the Lord by donating to a rich man. “Oh, no, there is nothing cheap about this place,” was the remark we heard this morning. a u n AND NOW M’NCTT IS CALLED A ‘SWORD RATTLER’ By B. J. Randall. And so, Governor McNutt <according to your news item; “flayed the pacifists’ at the Washington day dinner. And it is not the first time, if I remember rightly. Is it possible that the Governor has not read the chief's pronouncement at the Wilson day dinner, to -the effect that since “governments for centuries have made war,” from now on “war by governments shall be changed to peace b/the people?” We the common people have been educated since the last war. The radio, movies, books, the press, notably the Scripps-Howard papers. Pastors and laymen alike have preached the gospel of peace. It won’t be so easy the next time to make the boys tingle at the strain of martial music or to believe the

.MARCH 30, 1934

awful lies and propaganda of ,the munition makers. Why, thousands of college boys have signified their willingness to go to prison, rather than war. And if the younger ones want to go, because of their ignorance, some of their elders are sure to tell them of the rats and lice and killing and the poison gas. Besides, they know, we have for recourse (in case of a difference of opinion between nations) the world court and the League of Nations if we will but use them. Then, Mr, Governor, slowly we are but surely being Christianized. Some of us dare in an age like this to believe that we are “our brothers’ keepers,” and that if we “take the sword,” we surely wlli perish by it. We plead for disarmament. Armaments in the past have failed to insure peace. We believe, with things as they are over the world, that civilization itself is in the balance. We wish we had a pacifist for a Governor, instead of a sword rattler. Perhaps he has not taken time to think deeply on the fact that while the common people fight wars (generals die in bed) that they also make and unmake governments. The powers that be can “pipe to us, but we will not dance.” tt a a POLITICS BLAMED FOR DOWNFALL OF DILLINGER By Indignant. Are the United States and the principles for which the American flag stands to sink to the debased conditions of countries of eight centuries ago? That the people should allow such a farce as the trial at Lima, 0., to proceed passes the bounds of the credible in the country that always has upheld the highest ideals of fair play. The people of the United States, the real citizens, the patriots of our country, the people who call th?mselves Americans, should bow their heads in shame if they do not demand anew trial for the men who were condemned before they entered the courtroom. I am a mother and once was proud to call myself an American, but if this trial result is allowed to stand I no longer shall claim that to be an American is something to be proud of, but something to hide as a skeleton in the family ci-set. I can not be too high in my praise of Governor Paul V. McNutt, who, although he is a Democrat and I am a Republican, has shown some of the quality of a civilized human being in the stand that he has taken in the Dillinger affair. If every one else took the attitude that McNutt took, Dillinger might have been better. Society made him what he is and the Republicans largely composed that society. ‘ Amscray ’ BY FRANCESCA I’ll always adore you—l'm funny that way— But I know what a big sap I am To still mess around you, after you say, “Darling, oh. why don’t you scram?” DAILY THOUGHTS Ye shall have one manner of law, as well for the stranger, as for one ot your own country: for I am the Lord your God.—Leviticus, 24 22. THERE is but one law for all; namely, that law which governs all law—the law of our creator, the law of humanity, equity; the law of nature and of nations. —Burke.