Indianapolis Times, Volume 45, Number 271, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 March 1934 — Page 18

PAGE 18

The Indianapolis Times (A BCRirrs-nowAßn newspaper) BOX W. HOWARD President TALCOTT POWELL Editor EARL D. BAKER ........ Business Manager Phone —Riley K3l

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Give Light and the People Will rind Their Otcn Way

. FRIDAY. MARCH 23. IBM FOR U. S.-JAPANESE PEACE. TAPAN may be assured that the American people share to the full the peaceful sentiment expressed by Secretary of State Cordell Hull In his response to the friendly gesture of Foreign Minister Koki Hirota. . There Is no fundamental reason for misunderstanding or conflict between the two nations. On the contrary, there is every reason, both Idealistically and realistically, for close co-operation. Trade relations are important. Two causes of unnecessary friction exist. Both can be and should be removed. For one we are to blame, for the other Japan is responsible. We are to blame for the needless affront to Japan contained in the immigration exclusion policy. Japan does not demand the right to dictate the number of her nationals we shall receive as citizens. But she rightly objects to offensive discrimination. Rarely has a cause of international friction existed which can be removed so easily as this one. If Japan were put on a quota basis along with other nations, the number of Japanese coming into this country would not be appreciably larger; indeed, there is some reason to believe that the number would be smaller under a limited legal quota, with which the Japanese authorities co-operated, than under the present ban and the bootlegging that goes with it. * * * The other cause for friction is Japan’s violation of the Chine.se integrity treaty and the consequent naval race. The Stimson-Roose-velt doctrine of nonrecognition of conquered treaty territory is apparently not understood by the Japanese people. Japanese military propaganda has tried to make it appear that the United States either has imperialistic designs in Asia or desires to interfere in Japanese domestic affairs, or both. Such is not the case. Japanese diplomats here and others familiar with American sentiment know that we have no selfish territorial interests in Asia, that the feeling of the man on the street here toward Asiatic disputes is expressed in two short, sharp words—“ Stay out!” We have no crusader's complex driving us to impose our political policies on the Orient. Nor have we an holier-than-thou attitude toward Japanese imperialism; we have had in the past our own skeletons in the Caribbean closet. We have challenged Japan’s treaty violation with our Stimson-Roosevelt policy because we have no choice. We, and other nations, in 1922, signed treaties with Japan in good faith. The object of those treaties was Pacific peace in the interest of all concerned, including Japan. One threat to peace was China’s weakness and the danger of aggression by any one of the stronger powers causing a war which would drag in all the others. The second threat to peace, which was largely the result of the first, was naval rivalry. Therefore, related treaties were drawn and signed guaranteeing China from aggression and limiting capital ships at a fair ratio. As proof of good faith the United States made grave naval sacrifices. She gave up the right to fortify her own naval bases in the far east, she scrapped vessels which would make her the strongest naval power in the world, and she accepted a five-three ratio with Japan, making her weaker in far eastern waters than Japan—thus eliminating the remotest possibility of United States aggression in the far east. It was a two-fold peace bargain. We have kept the bargain. Japan broke the first part in Manchuria. Now she says she will deiounpe the second part of the bargain and insist on a higher -naval ratio. i ♦ ♦ ♦ Tn short- there is not much left of those related peace treaties for which the United States made such great sacrifices. And yet, we are still bound by them. Obviously this unfairness can not continue. The United States has no desire to dictate Japan’s choice. She can make her own choice. But she can not have her cake and eat it. If she chooses the way of aggression in Asia there is no guarantee of peace in the Pacific, regardless of how good her intentions may be toward the United States; and if there is no guarantee of peace in the Paoific the United States automatically will be forced by events to reconsider its policy regarding naval strength and naval fortifications. WHY THEY LIKE HIM SOME of Roosevelts ultra-zealous editorial friends are overdoing the maUer of making excuses for the President’s premature cancellation of the air mait contracts. He was wrong, they offer, “or rather misinformed by his advisers.” in thinking that the army fliers had the equipment and training necessary for taking over the mail carrying job on short notice. The true leader does not lead for long who casts the blame for his stumbles back upon subordinates of his own choosing. Never yet has Roosevelt done so. He acknowledges mistakes in his policies, does not Resume an attitude of faineance toward the proposition and does go ahead with the next best thing In sight. The unprecedented and great powers given him have not filled his self•stimation with obsession of Hitler infallibility. Blame for any error in the air mail matter rests on Mr. Roosevelt, not on his advisers, and it turns out that Mr. Roosevelt s action in that matter, sound or erroneous, is a godsend to the country, since it makes the tremendous revelation that our army aviation force, ©■eated by millions of dollars wortn of taxpayers’ aweat to carry and deliver bombs in defense of the nation, is unfit as to equipment and training to carry and deliver even .ordinary mail. For this sorry, dangerous condition of our army aviation force not Mr. Roosevelt is to

blame but our high-up rulers, officials at Washington, who drooled along through the last two decades to .1 state of falneancy as to the country's protection that was a match to Methuselah's in his 969th year. All this is not in excuse or defense of Mr. Roosevelt. * What he does, well or poorly, he makes public. That he does not pose as a god but as a human animal is one reason why the folks take to him. WELCOME HOME TETELL. if it isn’t Spring! Come right in * ’ and take off your coonskin coat and goloshes. Draw up to the fire, Spring, and thaw out. You usually let us know when you are coming up from the south—a message or two to say you were on your way. But this year we’ve not had a word that you were anywhere In the vicinity. Well, you wouldn’t believe what we’ve been through these last two months! We have almost got a taste for blubber and tallow cardies. All we needed was an aurora borealis to complete the illusion. My, but we are glad to see you! The men on the street were selling pussy willows' yesterday, although we dare say they were grown m a hothouse—thej* are even imitating you these days. How about letting that robin out of its cage? Well, perhaps you know best. You’ve had more experience than we have. Here, girl, drink this. We don’t want you to come down with tne flu new that you are here. But we are glad you’re back. ATTENDANCE TAX 'T'HE United States senate finance committee should move with great caution in the matter of abolishment of the attendance tax, although the latter means millions of dollars of helpfulness to the national budget and although we pay that tax when we buy the cute little admission tickets at the show window. Lobbying with that committee to wipe out this tax, comes John M. Kelly, no relation of ’ Big Foot” Kelly, super-press agent, whom old timers will remember. John M. Kelly represents Ringling Brothers-Barnum and Bailey combined circuses and tells the senators that, “if you don’t stop taxing us we’ve got to quit and turn loose our 300 elephants, 2,000 horses, 500 tigers and other animals.” Mr. Kelly’s alternative is full of terror. To be sure, among the millions of idle and depressed, there may be enough folks hungry enough to eat 300 elephants, 2,000 horses and the tidbits among Mr. Kelly’s “other animals,” but, the line surely would be drawn against those 500 tigers, thus most seriously impairing the beneficial effects of turning loose the whole menagerie. Moreover, since infancy the writer has held that about the worst thing that statesmanship at Washington could perpetrate would be to bust up circuses. Singularly enough, in the large lobby that went at the senate committee to beat the admission tax there was no audible representative of the noble art of prize-fighting. Possibly, this because the promoter of prizefights collects the t,ax when he sells the ticket of admission. Hence, there was no need to duplicate Mr. Kelly’s argumert by threat to turn loose, say, 300 prize-fight champions, 2,000 would-be champions, some 500 or more tigerish set-ups - for champions’ mauling and “other animals” of the prize ring.

NO ESCAPE FROM RETRIBUTION OAMUEL INSULL seems to have taken on most of the aspects of a will-o’-the-wisp. On this side of the Atlantic, black headlines tell the latest news of his wanderings; on the other side he flits about the borders homeless and restless, a fugitive harried by some compulsion whose roots go deeply into subsoil of the land that he has disowned. Os all the strange figures of these tempestuous years, this self-exiled utilities juggler surely is one of the strangest. He climbed high and he fell a long way; and although retribution seems quite unable to overtake him. no one need imagine that his tortuous flight is enabling him to escape anything. Consider what he had a few years ago. He was rich beyond dreams and powerful beyond any man’s need. He was an industrialist. a financier, a patron of the arts. If an ambitious broker’s clerk had dreamed a widely extravagant dream of worldly greatness, it would not have come up to the reality which was Samuel Insull’s. Everything that cleverness and acquisitiveness and ruthless energy could get for a man, in a land where those qualities were allowed to function unchecked, he had won. All this he had, and all of It has dissolved like the mists of yesterday morning. His principality has shrunk to a rusty Greek freight steamer; his dominion extends to her bridge, but no farther. The ship wallows across the eastern seas bound for Abyssinia, or for Persia, or perhaps for Somaliland—it does not matter, for Insull really is hunting a port not to be found on any chart, a place of refuge that this life with its imperfections, never will open to him again. It makes, indeed, very little difference whether the man ever actually is collared and brought back to America. He carries his own punishment with him; an unquiet shade that must stand eternally at his elbow and remind him of the kingdom that he lost, the reputation that he destroyed. How can a man run away from a thing like that? insull can not; no man can. He ran dodge from one out-of-the-way seaport to another to the end of time, it does not matter. Retribution caught up with him a long time ago. JAPAN’S AIR LOSSES TANARUS“ 'United States has been pretty badly disturbed by casualties in its army air force of late. It might be worth noticing that Japan's air force, which has not had to carry any mail bags, has been having an even more difficult time. During the past seventeen months Japanese army and navy fliers have been killed in airplane crashes. The tragedies are the result of vigorous training maneuvers which have been carried out this winter. Japan is bending every effort to get ready for trouble. Evidently she has been putting her airmen through a course of sprouts a little bit too stiff. Whatever the air mail venture may have shown about defects in American army

planes or personnel, it is apparent that Japan's flying corps is in even worse shape. The American air force at least is able to carry on its regular war-training maneuvers -without wholesale tragedies. COTTON CONTROL r T"'HE cotton control bill, which has just passed the house, is the latest forward step toward that planned agriculture upon which recovery must rest. Its principle eventually may be applied to other farm crops. If voluntary co-operative plans for their production are endangered by chiselers. It does not, in our opinion, mean regimentation of agriculture and industry, as some of its opponents argued in the house debate. It does mean, however, that a sense of social responsibility will be demanded of cotton growers. In this connection, the south itself asked for the measure. Administered intelligently, it is flexible enough to permit the further application of the recovery plan to cotton, and at the same time prmit us to retain ovjr great foreign market for cotton, without which the south would be ruined. The proposal has been made for the addition of a course in our public schools in which the children will be taught how to vote. So that they then can teach their parents, perhaps. Representative George H. Tinkham of Massachusetts, says the Japanese are just as civilized as we are. The Japanese must resent that. They say they’re more civilized. A Parisian artist says French money is more artistic than American. This country always did go in more for money than for art. Women, says a Broadway night club owner, applaud the nude dancers, more than men. The men dare not applaud! A Salvation Army official credits Mae West for the rise in employment. Well, yes, if you’ve noticed the pronounced curve in business.

IT . ij Liberal Viewpoint 1 By DR. HARRY ELMER BARNES ==

WE have just witnessed an unedifying if, unfortunately, only too characteristic a spectacle in Washington. Progressive senators have urged American employers to take a broad social point of view with respect to labor, wages, prices, hours of work and the like. They have exhorted these industrialists to consider the national interest rather than their own immediate selfish advantages. Other senators have led the battle to repress crime and racketeering. At the same time, most ironically, some of these self-same 'senators yielded to the most obvious dictates of selfishness and local interest in leading the fight against the Great-Lakes St. Lawrence waterway. Moreover, senators interested in suppressing conventional racketeers have headed up in Washington the anti-ratification racket organized by narrow-minded local interests in Atlantic and gulf cities that imagine they will be adversely affected by the deep-sea waterway to the Great Lakes. The railroads added their influence to the opposition of the treaty which would permit construction to begin. Speculative bankers and private utility interests opposed the waterway project because of its power implications. A little American history will reveal the impropriety of this opposition to the Great Lakes waterway project. New York City owned its commercial supremacy in considerable degree to the same artificial special privilege which certain interests in New York today charge against the Great Lakes project. It was the Erie canal-which enabled New York City to become the great export harbor for the products of the mid-west. What if the other jealous states had been able to block the Erie canal project after 1820? a a o THE railroads likewise, as Professor Haney and others have shown, were originally put on their feet through lavish governmental favoritism in the form of hundreds of millions of dollars worth of land and other valuable considerations. If the railroads are today hard up and unable to compete with water transportation, it is also evident that they are on the brink of government ownership. Thereafter they can be utilized for the kinds of services which they are economically best prepared to render. It is not sound economics to bolster up any kind of special privilege which can not pay its own way. What are the really apparent advantages of the Great Lakes Waterway project? In the first place, it would permit the shipment of grain and other heavy products directly from the west to Montreal and Europe, thus avoiding the numerous loadings and reloadings which take place today when such products are transferred from large lake boats to small river boats and then back again to ocean-going steamers. In the second place, it would give an allwater route from the west to Europe, thus avoiding the excessive freight rates charged by the railroads. In the third place, it would eliminate the paralyzing congestion which now exists during the height of the shipping season at terminals, shipping centers and reloading points. In the fourth place, it would make possible the development of one of the largest public electric power plants in the whole world. u o o TOM IRELAND, author of one of the best books on the enterprise, estimates that the annual savings on the grain crop alone would total no less than $240,000,000. In addition, there would be comparable savings in the shipment of automobiles, packed meat and the like, to say nothing of the enormous reduction in the electric light bills of the east. The total cost of the deep seaway and the proposed power plant to the United States would be $272,500,000. If Mr. Ireland’s figures are correct, the savings in shipping costs for one year would pay for the building of the canal and power plant. Even if his figures are grossly exaggerated, certainly the savings in two years would build the power plant, locks and canals, and open up the Great Lakes to ocean-going vessels. The total cost would not be half what has already been shoveled into the CWA with no physical results of a discernible character. The senatorial vote on the canal was a test of the vision and integrity of the opposing senators. It revealed how little the opponents of the waterway bill are fitted to remove the beam of self-interest from the eyes of the American industrialists. When the St. Lawrence treaty was defeated in the senate, the latter, for the time being, abrogated its moral leadership in American reform. It will present a sorry picture hereafter when upbraiding our financial and industrial overlords. It is to be hoped that this illconsidered step will be retraced before the present session of congress ends. A tramp steamer was just the thing for Samuel Insull. Hasn’t this country made a tramp out of him? Just because the countries are spending lots of money on munitions doesn’t mean they believe in war. Remember, the best seller in the world is the Bible.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make your letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them to SSO words or less.) o o o DEPLORES ACTIVITIES OF BELL TELEPHONE CO. By Jimmy Cafouros. That the telephone company—the Indiana Bell Telephone Company—is progressive is a fact. It is absolutely undubitable. That the telephone company is not operating at a loss is apparent. During the most trying years of the past depression—or is it passing depression—they built a beautiful and practical building. Besides that they moved another—an inordinately tolerable feat. If the telephone company is progressive and if it is not operating at a loss- then the most natural inference to be drawn is that the telephone company welcomes criticism that is constructive whether it be censure or of the nosegay variety; and that since it is not operating at a loss then it is making headway. And to make headway in these times is like zooming into the firmament when prosperity waxes. Why has the telephone company abruptly donned the role of a Shylock seeking his pound of flesh? If Mrs. Smith, the widow who has had a 'phone for twelve years and paid for it in that time, or John, the cobbler who has had a phone this last quarter century, and paid for it—mind, paid for it—if either Mrs. Smith or John, the cobbler, is slightly in arrears of last month’s payment, a high, piping, wheezy and brisk feminine bit of glucose with an admixture of lime and cement sharply admonishes the aforesaid Mrs. Smith or John the cobbler and threatens to shut off the telephone. May I now put in a word. It is a damned shame that there is only one telephone company. If there were two, competition would bring them back to earth. Since w r e can not have two, let us be happy and content with our lot, deplorable though it is. and eventually the worm will turn. LAUDS PUBLICATION OF WORTHWHILE SERIES By Hiram Lackey. A certain city boy went to the country to find work. An old farmer gave him a job. sent him to the barn and told him to feed everything. When the boy returned to the house, the farmer asked the boy if he had fed the ducks. The boy answered as cheerfully as would a grasshopper in Canady. “What did you feed them?” quizzed the old gentleman. “I fed them your finest millet seed and timothy hay,” replied the boy with satisfaction. “Why, son,” replied the old gentleman mildly, “that seed millet is too expensive to waste on ducks. Did the ducks eat what you fed them?” “No,” replied the city boy with an indifferent shrug, “they just talked about it.” Since the appearance of the "Life of Our Lord,” there has been much favorable comment about the wholesome influence The Times is exerting on our community. It is refreshing to see Christians feel this challenge of The Times to its readers and to see them rally to the .support of its standard of truth and righteousness. Many appreciate the fact that The Times has found something of more news value than such frivolous discussions as the direction in which Dillinger whittles. Enough has been said about the unworthy printed page. Isn't it now time for us to do something for a newspaper which has printed “The Life of Our Lord,” thus placing the value of human personality above the price of those things which cheapen and. smirch the lives of

The Message Center

KEEP THAT NOSE OUT!

Robinson Is Safe Again

By H. G. N. Well, I see that you still have the chip on your shoulder; and, as I am an ex-soldier, I am man enough to knock it off. Our little Arthur no doubt pays as much attention to you as a little cur in the streets of Washington. Well, we can say this—that through his efforts something has been done for the soldier who really suffered from want. It may be true that he voted for a raise of 15 per cent in salary as a senator, but he also voted for the bonus as he always has done. Mr. Van Nuys always has voted against us, but, though well I know the bill will be vetoed by Mr. Roosevelt, and we all know that with so many “donkeys” in the senate, it never would pass, so I will make one grand stand play and help the soldier. Mr. Van Nuys never has done one thing in the senate since he was sent there. It looks as if he is afraid to do anything. Well, he doesn’t need to worry.* His term is for six years, but, I will bet he never goes back after that.

men? Surely its present circulation should be maintained if not increased. This, on our part, will not entail any real sacrifice other than the giving up of the dross for the finer things of life. It is largely a question of using good judgment. We should be prepared to' appreciate the views of scholarly men who praise the excellence and honesty of the editorials in The Times. Let every church member who is tempted to be inactive in promoting the Christian spirit, face his arch e n e m y—Communism. Remember the words of our own world citizen of Indianapolis: “If Christiandom does not make itself more Christian than Communism, Christianity will perish from the earth.” The mirror now is raised before those of us who condemn the sordid printed page. Can we, unhestitant, look into the eyes of our own image with truth and sincerity? o a a ANSWER GIVEN TO CONSERVATION CRITICISM Bv Charles E. Wyman. Gentlemen—l enclose marked clipping which shows that people who have charge of conservation hardly ever think further than to pass the job by and get complimented by people who make less use of their minds than the ones who plant without a though of the profits to be gained by proper planting. I suggest that when planting for shade they plant nut bearing and wild fruit bearing trees for the natural feed of our song birds and the pleasure of future generations as they would gather nuts. \ There are m iny varieties of the finest of flowering trees that could be planted for the same expense necessary to plant only for shade. He -who plants a tree plants a shade for generations. Why not give more than when we have the opporunity? Editor’s Note—ln 1933, the department of conservation began the planting of food-bearing trees and shrubs and there is a nursery at Brown county that was begun late last spring. During the last winter, authorities were searched and food-tree and food-shrub lists arranged, and a nursey now is being opened at the JasperPulaski game preserve near M<*> daryville, to rais-3 trees and shrubs that will feed our wild birds and animals.

I wholly disapprove of what you say and will _ defend to the death your right to say it — Voltaire.

You talk about Robinson being selfish. Mr. McNutt refused to lower his own salary and so did Judge Baker. I expect McNutt’s 2 or 4 per cent club also will clean up about $50,000 by 1936, and then he will try to be President. Well, we will wait. No, Mr. Editor, you have no right trying to correct someone else. If you will clean up your own house first, then you might be able to clean up the senate. Wc all know your policy, and I prefer little Arthur, because he has at least done something since he has been there. Your knocks are only a boost, and do not think your paper has power enough to fool us into forsaking our comrade this fall. You may be an exsoldier, too, but I think you are just one Democrat who votes for his party. Well, this fall, we will see just how many Republicans you fool in Indianapolis and Indiana. Well, I will be seeing you again some time. Bea sport, print this.

PROSPERITY RESTS WITH HIGHER WAGE SCALES By the Vagabond Philosopher. Here are reasons wye the NRA and CWA will fail to bring prosperity: 1. When the NRA set the wages of the textile industry at sl2 in the south and sl3 in the north it made a great mistake, as other industries set that figure at sl4. 2. How can a man and family live on sl3 or sl4 a week, pay rent and meet coal, gas and electric bills, and have clothes and eat? It can’t be done. Now what is the man goig to do who makes rugs, furniture, radios, pianos, autos and the thousands of other things that help to make an American home when the people, are not able to buy them? We can’t let the people that make them starve. 3. Now it makes no difference to the manufacturer whether he pays $2 a day or $5 a day in wages, he puts it on the cost of production as long as his competitor has to pay the same wages. I would suggest pay of 60 cents ; an hour for common labor, 75 cents | an hour for skilled labor and no ! ess than $1 an hour for mechanics ; and a thirty-hour week for all in- | dustries. Let them put on two or ! three shifts if they can not fill the ! demand of their products. For stores this could be modified to forty hours a week. Now,, instead of helping the big fellow so much help the buying power of the masses and nothing but good wages will do that. PREDICTS WORKING HOURS AS CAMPAIGN ISSUE By F. E. M. Westbrook Pegler. speaking of a bill approved by the house labor committee, March 3, which would reduce the legal working hours to thirty a week, says: “it seems unlikly that they will ever be able to enforce such a law.” Os course, it isn’t right to expect the working man to bear everything. Argument is not necessary to show who should bear the brunt of the depression. Working men are the most law-abiding people. The best thing that could would be the passage of some such law. ruready agitation is arising that when industry' revives there will not be men enough. When the newspaper printers reduced their week a year aeo. *<- five days, they didn’t consult the proprietors and the condemned them. There were twice as many printers as could get work. In 1825 agitation was begun for

3IARCH 23, 1934

the ten-hour day. It still was in operation the time of the Civil war. In 1837 President Van Buren ordered ten hours for government work. The navy yards had an eighthour day in 1867, as well as other government employes. Congress in 1872 passed a resolution ordering back pay from Jan. 25, 1868, to May 19, 1869. Laborers :n this city at that time feared that their hours would be reduced and the pay with them. In the 70s the Indiana legislature passed an eighthour law. Naturally, it referred only to state employes, but it disturbed a good many working men If the empl6yer has to double or triple his force, it will be better for the workingman. Unless working men ca n be convinced that shorter hours will be to their advantage, the question will loom large in the next campaign. n n tt SHERIFF HOLLEY URGED TO RETURN TO FARM By Gus. Mrs. Holley is a wonderful scout, She goes to sleep and Dillinger walks out, And Dillinger had plenty- of fun, He did it with his wooden gun. Dillinger goes over.and gets a car, Over in Chicago he travels far, Mrs. Holley is sorry he got away She can’t understand the whole affray. She had better go to the farm Where she will be free from harm. Where she can make the loop to loop, And see if she can keep her chickens in the coop. a u REWARD WOULD BRING DILLINGER’S CAPTURE By Elmer Stoddard. Five thousand dollars dead or alive. That will get him. With my twenty-nine years with the police department I know that we may make mistakes. 1 believe our Go; ernor should offer a reward for the information leading to the arrest of Dillinger. Let’s tell others that we will do our part to place him behind the bars.

Triviality

BY ARCHER SHIRLEY You say ’tis. but a trifle! Ah yes, but worlds Are changed by little things. The clear, sharp flash From pistol’s mouth, the fall of one small man Has tossed, ’ere now, great nations into war, Till rivers ran with blood, red as the rays Os burning suns thrown on some western hill. The words of one just man, spoken in love. Have made a lost world glad; have brought to hearts Who knew no joy or peace, eternal rest. A verse from out a poet's mind; a rush Os babbhng song; the ringing of a bell. Have made souls leap, have drawn a new spring For weary travelers along life’s road. And yet you say the deed is small, not meant To pain or cause another grief; your acts Are snr.-’e moves, you do them without though.— Still they are living, w things, they . bring to these 1 You love great happ&iess or pain. • and change A life, a world from eff its chosen course To some new path. ’Kunk well on little things! 1