Indianapolis Times, Volume 45, Number 259, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 March 1934 — Page 22

PAGE 22

The Indianapolis Times (A !*C RITPS-HOWARD XEWSP.irF.R) rot W. HOWARD President TALCOTT POWELL Editor EARL D. BAKER B lslr.ess Manager Phone —Riley SCSI

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**'** • *u* Oive Light and th Peopli Will Find Tiieir Own Way

FRIDAY. MARCH 9. 1934. KEEP OUT OF CUBA are preparing for another revolution. And, true to the stupidity of reactionary governments down through history, the Havana regime is trying to put out the fire with gasoline. If there were no threat Os revolt the latest decrees of President Mendieta. would create it. Indeed, Mendieta is on the way to making himself as hated by the Cuban people as the tyrant Machado. The revolution against Machado was long delayed because of his unholy alliance with Wall street and Washington. With the change of administration in Washington, the new American envoy, Mr. Welles, became friendly with the group which replaced Machado with the more respectable Conservative De Cespedes—in fact Cubans Charged that Mr. Welles picked him. But in the face of popular hostility Des Cespedes Quickly got out and was followed by the more liberal President Grau. Washington helped to drive out Grau simply by withholding American recognition—without which no Cuban government can survive, apparently. Washington's excuse for withholding recognition of Grau was that it could not be sure he could preserve stable government—though he had done well under obstacles for four months. In contrast, Washington took only four days to recognize the conservative old line politician Mendieta after the liberal Grau had been unseated. This reminder of recent Cuban history is necessary to understand why the Cuban people and foreign governments are inclined to look upon Mendieta as Washington’s man. Whether this is the whole truth or not, we have no way of knowing. But on the open record there is enough truth in it to put the Washington government in a very’ uncomfortable spot today. * For If tne United States is underwriting Mendieta it is underwriting dictatorship and the destruction of CUban civil liberties in violation of our treaty. Under the new Mendieta decrees the rights of free speech, press, and free assemblage are suspended; censorship is established; citizens may be arrested and held without charges, or deported, or imprisoned by special courts for alleged violation of arbitrary decrees against “promoting successive and progressive strikes,” or “spreading political, social, racial or proletarian propaganda in schools or colleges” or “belonging to associations” breaking these decrees. Obviously it is easy to destroy all labor unions and to punish all political opposition to the dictatorship by these Hitlerian edicts. Such tyranny doubtless will provoke revolution in the end, even though it may not come as soon as expected by Mend'eta, who now is hurriedly arming his palace with machine guns against the people. It is important that the United States not be drawn deeper into the internal affairs of Cuba in any event, and certainly not in behalf of dictatorship. Before the Roosevelt administration gets itself more involved with Mendieta—as the Hoover administration got tied to Machado to its later sorrow—the Washington government publicly should disavow any meddling or intervention in Cuba’s domestic affairs, and revise ihe Platt amendment to conform.

DEMOCRACY TRIUMPHS IT is an instructive coincidence that Franklin Roosevelt and Adolf Hitler completed their first year in office almost on the same day. America has had a year of the new deal; Germany has had a year of Nazi control. It is worth while to contrast the state of things in the two countries, as a means of comparing two utterly different ways of meeting national emergency. In making such comparison there is no need to contrast the personalities of the American President and the German chancellor. What is important is the striking way in which two diametrically opposite theories of government have been out to work in time of crisis. In each nation there was widespread confusion, discouragement, and want a year ago. Many men were out of work, finance and industry were nearly at a standstill, the mass of mankind was ready to embrace almost any kind of program that promised action. What have we today? In Germany there is an era of suppression. A large section of the populace suffers from a ■pitiless persecution. Thousands upon thousands of men are m jail—some because of their race, some because of their beliefs. Freedom of the press and of speech is no more. No one dares criticise anything the government may do. An iron discipline has descended on the entire nation. And over here? Nobody is in jail, nobody suffers persecution, nobody is under boycott. A newspaper editor can say anything nis heart moves him to say; a politician can denounce the administration in the most violent terms his vocabulary will permit. In the fall we are to have a national election in which the voters, if they choose, can repudiate their national administration completely. To put it more simpiy, the Germans have sacrificed the last vestiges of their individual liberty to meet a great crisis. We have met our crisis with our *ibertis unimpaired. How this is not to say that we are wiser or better folk than the Germans. We are Used to democracy. We had had a century and a half of experience in governing ourselves. The Germans were not used to deI . ' m3

moeracy; when trouble came it waa only natural for them to turn to a dictator for relief. And it is precisely that which Is the point of the comparison. Because we have been able to make our democracy work, we are a happier people than the Germans, who have not been able to make theirs work. If we wish to preserve our happiness, we must preserve our democracy. AMERICA’S ADVANTAGES TI7HATEVER the calendar may say, or ’ ’ whatever the weather man may have to add, spring is here. An unfailing harbinger tells us so; the big league baseball clubs have started their spring training seasons. Now we are beginning to get the annual crop of “dope stories,” telling how this rookie is sure to be a sensation, how that veteran has taken anew lease on life, how So-and-So still Is holding out for more money, how such-and-such a star is knocking the ball over the fences of the southland with renewed zest. None of it means very much, probably—but it stirs the citizens’ pulses, just the same. It means that winter is over, and that a long stretch of nice weather is just ahead. Baseball remains the national game, in that, in all Its aspects, It is characteristic of America and of no other land. How, one wonders, do the benighted folk of England, or France, or Russia, know when spring has arrived, without the big leaguers to tell them? Do they have to depend on calendars? DICKENS AND MATTHEW JN reading the rewritten New Testament, from the master pen of Charles Dickens, we are impressed by the widely varying styles of Dickens and Matthew. We see Dickens, the literary man, compared with Matthew who had a flare for genealogy. And having such a flare, Matthew must write: “Abraham begat Isaac; and Isaac begat Jacob; and Jacob begat Judas and his brethren. “And Judas begat Phares and Zara of Thamar; and Phares begat Esrom! and Esrom begat Aram.” And so on through fourteen generations until Mary was reached. Genealogy was important to Matthew. But to Dickens, the trained writer, the important fact was: “Jesus was born.” In this simplified New Testament, you will find the new deal which Mr. Roosevelt talks about—preached on the shores of the Jordan 1,900 years ago. A PROBLEM IN CRIME EVIDENTLY it is not enough, in this country, to catch an outlaw. After you have caught him you have got to find some way of making him stay caught. John Dillinger was known as one of the most desperate men in America. He had escaped from confinement before: it was known that he would stop at nothing to escape again. One would have thought that the officials charged with his safekeeping would have made doubly sure that this time his penchant for breaking jail would not have a chance to be exercised. The circumstances of his escape—his use of a dummy revolver whittled out of a piece of wood and covered with shoe-blacking—-would be laughable if the whole situation were not so serious. Clearly, the first job before the authorities today is the job of laying hands on him and bringing him back—and, when that is done, of seeing to it that he doesn’t get away again.

EACH FOR GOOD OF ALL AFTER its 5-to-4 decision in the New York milk case the United States supreme court might well put the new deal eagle on its front door. For it is of the spirit of NR A and in it is inspiration for our somewhat shattered democracy. Listen and understand, saith that court: “If the law-making body within its sphere of government concludes that the conditions or practices in an industry make unrestricted competition an inadequate safeguard of the consumers’ interests, produce W’aste harmful to the public, threaten ultimately to cut off the supply of a commodity needed by the public, or portend the destruction of the industry itself, appropriate statutes passed in an honest effort to correct the threatened consequences may not be set aside by the courts.” For the good of all rather than for the property rights of individuals or elements —it is anew deal, by our highest judiciary in behalf of just, humane and democratic government. It puts the hand of the clock at high noon of government of, by and for the people, and not for the classes. From its inception the Rooseveltian new deal has depended, absolutely, upon sacrifice of so-called rights, advantages and profits on the part of every individual or incorporated concern for the public good. Without such sacrifice there could not, and can not be, the breaking up of the maldistribution of wealth, a complanation of the means of happiness and maintenance of a high standard of living for the American people. The public good shall come first, says the United States supreme court. The courts that have been worshiping sacred property rights and been servilely loyal to individual interests should take notice. Go ahead, Mr. Roosevelt—the law of the land is with you in your courageous labor for the good of all. An Australian radio amateur reports he just picked up a message from an Ohio station that had shut down a year ago. Must have come to him by slow wave, rather than short wave. Amarillo celebrated a day for mothers-in-law. but in other cities the mothers-in-law have their days all year round. If Greece keeps on worrying Insull about leaving, some day he's going to surprise that country and quit. Then what? Denver (Colo.) county prisoners have petitioned for knives and wood blocks to emulate the great Dillinger and carve their future out of Jail. Senate investigation reveals J. P. Morgan unloaded his airplane stock two weeks before the air mail contracts were canceled. And they say that only woman is ruled by instinct.

HUMAN CONSERVATION TtyTUCH has been written of the forest-sav-in? work of the civilian, conservation corps. In five prize-winning essays in a contest conducted by the American Forestry Association. one gets an idea of what the CCC means to the 500,000 young men, many recruited from highways, breadlines, soup kitchens and “jungles.” Typical of these testimonials is the story told by James Kidwell of Texas. Four years of depression had turned him from a normal youth into “a homeless bum,” hunted and hungry. A friend in an Illinois flophouse persuaded him to join the CCC. He wTites: “An eminent psychologist has stated that the three things necessary to happiness are a task, a plan and freedom. In the CCC I have found all three. My troubles are drowned by hard work. In forestry I have, for the first time, found a profession that appeals to me. So far as freedom is concerned, in what place could I hope to find more isolation from the cares that imprison civilization than in the endless solitudes of the forest?” A motorist in Massachusetts kissed his wife while going 80 miles an hour, and was arrested. Caught between two fires —if he escapes conviction for one crime, he’ll be tried for the other. i . I Liberal Viewpoint i==By DR. HARRY ELMER BARNES 1 This is the first of two articles by Harry Elmer Barnes, Ph. D., on the social reform activities or Charles Dickens, noted English author. Interest in Dickens is being revived because of the fact tnat Dickens’ “Life of Our Lord” is being published in The Times. tt tt tt CHARLES DICKENS was a colorful and absorbing writer of fiction. Consequently, in dut interest in his remarkable capacity for portraying the humor and the pathos in personal :onditions and human relationships, we frequently overlook the underlying social message :n his many and diversified writings. It has been long recognized by socially minded students of Dickens’ novels and of conditions in England from 1830 to 1860 that Dickens was the most important force in English literature in calling attention to the sad lot of the forgotten man and. in demanding a “new deal” for English society. While Charles Kingsley wrote more obviously m behalf of social reform, he had no such popular following as Dickens and exerted no such .nfluence upon England. In Hugh Martin’s book on “Christian Social Reformers of the Nineteenth Century” the distinguished English historian A. J. Carlyle pays a tribute to Dickens as a social reformer, and Mr. W. W. Crotch has given us a whole volume on “Charles Dickens: Social Reformer.” To students of the social history of England in the nineteenth century it is clear that England. as we are today, w r as facing anew era in civilization. The old agricultural system was breaking up, and in its place the industrial revolution was bringing into being an urban industrial culture which challenged the imagination and social conscience of the writers of that day. Today we find the old individualistic capitalism, which was coming into existence in Dickens’ time, inadequate to meet the needs of our times. The novelists and statesmen of 1934 are arguing for the necessity of anew deal to produce a better future for American society in the same way that Dickens boldly and vigorously championed a reform program in his time. tt a LET us look into the social background of Dickens’ generation. The period from 1760 to 1840 was one characterized by the rise of the great landlords and large estates, the ousting of the small farmers and the building up of the undemocratic system of English landholding. The evicted peasants were reduced to the grossest poverty and were only too glad to seek refuge as servile farm laborers or as eager applicants for employment in the new factories which were springing up. English farming was going through as great a crisis as American agriculture today. But much more important was the coming of the industrial revolution which threw out of work hundreds of thousands of handicraft workmen and brought into existence the new empire of machines. Mechanical spinning, and weaving machinery, the steam engine and new methods of making iron and steel completely transformed industrial England. Factory workers labored from fourteen to eighteen hours a day. Huge rows of badly constructed tenements came into being, utterly devoid of even the most elementary comforts and sanitation. They have been likened by English historians to “rabbit warrens.” The factories employed not only men but also women and children in large numbers. Pauper children were let out to factory owners and lived under conditions worse chan those of well-kept swine. The “poor law” administration was inhuman in its operation. Debtors were still imprisoned. Prisons were poorly constructed, reeking with vermin and their administration savage and brutal. Usurers oppressed the poor and evicted them ruthlessly from their miserable habitations. Educational facilities for the poor children were few and crude, and pupils were treated with the most unbelievable brutality. tt tt SUCH were the conditions which existed in England in the young manhood of Charles Dickens. His novels were all, in one way or another, eloquent protests against this inhumanity of man to man. Dickens’ youth was designed ideally to hear in upon his consciousness the hard lot of the forgotten men of England in the first half of the nineteenth century. His father, while honest, had fallen upon unhappy times and w r as thrown into a debtors’ prison. Here Dickens visited him, and was impressed by the miseries and sufferings of English prison life which were imposed upon ever poor but honest victims. On account of the intense poverty of his family, Dickens was put to work as a youth pasting labels in a warehouse where he received only 6s a week. As Dickens himself once said, “I know that I have lounged about the street insufficiently and unsatisfactorily fed. I know that but for the mercy of God I might easily have been, for any care that was taken of me. a little robber or a little vagabond.” tt tt tt IF Dickens’ youthful experience was calculated ideally to produce a social reformer certain of his early professional experiences prepared him admirably to set down the miseries of his time in accurate and vivid fashion. He studied shorthand and became one of the best English newspaper reporters of his age. He possessed something of Sinclair Lewis’ uncanny capacity to observe and note down significant experiences and situations which came within his view. Added to these favorable conditions for the production of a social novelist was Dickens’ remarkable stylistic power, which enabled him to put before his reading audience in never-to-be-forgotten language the f&cts which he had assembled. One of the main sources of Dickens’ power as a social novelist lay in the fact that he did not allow his indignation to drive him into bitterness of tone and thus discourage or alienate bis readers. Like Mr. Roosevelt today, he approached social problems with a ’“oving and tender sympathy and immense compassion and pity,” which enabled him to carry his readers along with him and to develop similar attitudes on their part. In another way Dickens foreshadowed the qualities of our new deal. He did not write as the spokesman of any particular class. He desired a social system which would represent a real co-partnership of the whole nation, in which everybody would have a square deal as well as a square meal.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

- ' ■■ . - ' ' l ( usT£’ o, Wk] 4 ooT \ / too T ,e ■ l gne./ / '“V ' * 1 . t

The Message Center

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make yonr letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them to 250 words or less.) tt an AL FEENEY’S NEW BADGE COMES IN FOR SATIRE B 1 Kleopatrio __ “Deer Mistur Edit ur—Ain’t Mr. A1 G. Feeney, famous RepublicanDemocrat job jhunter, jist had a perty, shiney, new badge pinned on him fer makin’ Indiana safe fer bandits? “Er is it a fact that this war, jist a boost fer Mr. McNutt (pretty-boy Paul) and his administration for the campaign this year? “I sent this here letter to the editur of the ‘Star,’ but knowing their famous policy of straddling, and also their more famous practice of getting on the bandwagon, know that they won’t print it. “Why can’t we have a nice, perty pickshure of Mr. Feeney, and below it a pickshure of the medal, and below that a list of the bandits he’s made Indiana safe fer? “Er ain’t it a fact that Mr. Feeney tried to get a job with both Democrats and Republicans the last campaign. Yew might ask him—have Dan Kidney try it; he’s a brave man, and a darned good reporter. I might even add that he’s a gentleman. And I ain’t been subsidized, eather.” tt tt e DOCTORS ATTACRLD FOR COST OF SERVICES By C. C. S., Lafayette I—a great admirer and supporter of the square-shooting of The Indianapolis Times —want my say in your Message Center. Your successful subscription drive in Lafayette should show our local paper what the people want and what they are going to get, regardless of unfair and cowardly political propaganda. My subject is “Why the Doctor and Prescription Racket?’’ In these days of little work—little moneyhigh taxes—rising prices and lots of sickness, why are the doctors allowed to conspire to hold up their outrageous charges for such services as they render. Their song and dance as an excuse is that they spent years and money getting their education and the cost of their equipment, which in most cases consists mainly of manufacturers’ free samples. I—like thousands in my position (out of work)—spent as many years, and as much money learning my profession as mechanical draughtsman as most doctors do. My outfit of working instruments cost me far more than the outfit of the average doctor, and I am glad to be working on the CWA for 50 cents an hour. I called a doctor for my sick baby. He charged me $6 for two visits totaling thirty-five minutes, j Three prescriptions cost me $1.85, j and I know enough about medicine to know that the ingredients did not amount to 20 cents. Is it going to be necessary for the people to form a boycott against these human leeches who profiteer on the misery and sufferings of poorly paid unfortunates? tt a a TEACHERS LAUD SERVICE OF GEORGE S. WILSON By Your Teachers "Dear Mr. Wilson—Desiring to express our since appreciation and, gratitude for your wise and efficient advice and help at all times during the time of* our association in this great work to which we are all very devoted, we take this opportunity to thank you for your many courtesies and kindnesses. “You have spent your best life in this work. We know that you have been devoted to your task. We appreciate the fact that you have at all tunes Skied to be fair to

COME OUT FROM UNDER

On Feb. 9, 1934, The Times printed the following foot-note in its Message Center: “Editor’s Note—This is the end of the Maddox Socialism Controversy.” Mr. Maddox asks that the editor be fair-minded and print his further letters in the Message Center. Mr. Maddox feels that he has been offended by the action of The Times and has not been treated fairly. If that be so, we are sorry. The Times did not wish to be

teacher and pupil alike. You have asked only -for efficiency from us. We are proud to have been associated with you in this great work. We hope that your future will be full of happiness and be crowned with full reward for your splendid service.” tt tt tt HE HAS OWN VIEW ON HITLER’S REIGN By a Good Christian. I have been surprised and disappointed at your continued outspoken approval of Hitler and his Godless policies. The use he has made of his power never has been countenanced by the Father whose word you have been teaching these many years. If you believe that the economic and social reconstruction of a country should be attempted by the degradation and extermination of thousands of innocent men, women and children, then you and I speak a different language. If it were your children who were humiliated and scorned, if it were your wife who was insulted and shunned, if it were you who were denied the privilege of earning money to feed and clothe your loved ones, then I have no doubt but that you would look with less favor on the ruthless atrocities of Adolph Hitler. Coming from a minister of the gospel, such ideas as yours are indeed strange.

(Editor’s Note: We have personally talked with Dr. Wicks about Hitler and can assure “Good Christian” he has been misinformed concerning Dr. Wicks’ views.) a a a WATERWAYS, NOT MOTORS, NEED OF NATION By T. M. Squawky. I was talking to Josiah Loots the other day and he said there is lots of difference in administrations. It used to be if a man had a $5 gold piece in his pocket he was a good citizen, and if he had a pint of whisky in his pocket he was a criminal, and now if a man has a $5 gold piece in his pocket he is a criminal, and if he has a pint of whisky in his pocket he is a good citizen. All we’re planning to plant down here is a big crop of suckers; and, ! if they grow good, they will be worth a million dollars. If the government has plenty of money to buy motor cars for the army, they should use the money on public works to aid the jobless. Making the motor cars would employ some, but the money could be used to employ more men in other ways. Josiah Loots told *ne the actual cost of making a car would be about SIOO, part of that would go for labor. The selling price is from S4OO to S6OO. Most of the motor car money would not go for labor to relieve the starving millions of laborers. If Marmon-Herrington would like the contract at cost, plus 10 per cent, provided it was fully the equal of other cars, very’ good and well, but just what do we plan to do with a motorized army? The army might as well be straightening the rivers of the United States as smoking their pipes and wearing the seft of their

1 wholly disapprove of what you say and will _ defend to the death your right to say it — Voltaire. 4 1

A Statement

arbitrary in this, but felt that no public good was to be gained by its continuation. The editor wishes to state that The Times will print anything of general public interest in these columns, but can not continue to print letters on a question which has run its course in public interest. The Times feels that such a policy is necessary if its Message Center is to be of any value as a public forum. THE EDITOR.

trousers thin. Spades can be used, too. Dredges are not necessary. If a woman can straighten a creek with a round pointed shovel, men can do the same thing with a spade, if they know how. Engineering! Bah! Sense. Water runs down hill. There is water power that could be developed with the motor car money, besides the St. Lawrence waterways. a a CRITICISES PAY, HOURS AT UNIVERSITY HOSPITALS By a Subscriber The Times has my heartiest congratulation for the change in the working conditions of certain stenographers in the state house. I was wondering whether similar investigations could be made on the working hours of the maids in the University hospitals. My neighbor works there at least sixty hours a week and does not even draw NRA wages. EDUCATION °IS OF WORLD PROBLEMS By Herman Lackey. Dr. Samuel J. Holmes of the University of California deserves praise for his zeal in reminding us that intelligent people must have more children in order to maintain world mentality. His wisdom patriotism, and love for enlightenment help to prepare us to plan and carry out effective measures for racial improve- ! ment. I would like to see the details of his program in every newspaper. ' Although heredity is an essential factor, he has not laid enough stress on the fact that, the chief difference between the so-called desirable and undesirable people is often not so much i nthe quality of their brains as it is in the way that they use them. To improve the brains of the world by eugenics would require many years But by the light of great truths you can change the thinking of people over night. This shows the tre- j mendous pov„r which a true education gives to a man. If we will but open our minds and hearts, and if necessary our pock- | et books, the world will educate us. j We need not worry about that. In order to gain and use this power , for the greatest good in the cause ! of racial improvement, we must do our best to understand such allied subjects as the burning questions of birth control, eugenics, economics, and religion. Then, if we have learned to understand the mind and heart of man, we can wield a power that is measureless. a a a OBJECTS TO TAX BURDEN ON LITTLE FELLOW By J. Brook. Just a few words in defense of the overburdened taxpayer and to really ! set the people straight on this vet- \ erans’ argument, and also explain ! the right to J. A. Perkins, who, in his article to The Times plainly I states that he has not considered the truth. He states that money paid to the veterans comes from income tax and not from the taxpayers. What a narrow minded view. What difference does it make where the money comes from? A certain per cent.of

.MARCH 9, 1931

fall tax goes to the government and if the undeserving veterans were cut off this amount of money would stay in the treasury and eventually would benefit the little taxpayer because the income tax money could be used for things that the little man has been paying for. The big mistake was in not cutting more from the pension list and keeping them off, a lot of them that were cut off bounced back on like rubber balls. The government either should present a gold-plated key to the treasury to the veterans or make laws so strict that the unworthy can not draw pensions, dissolve veterans organizations and keep politics out of it. tt tt tt BOOZE DELIVERIES AT STATEIIOUSE, CHARGED. By An Administration Friend. Here’s some dope: Your slogan. “It's smart to be legal,” surely doesn’t mean a thing at the statehouse. Recently, I saw a bootlegger making his deliveries, through the corridors, and smelled this booze on some of the employes' breaths, and, surely, some of these employes were just a bit noisy. Don’t you think here is something you should look into? There is enough mud being thrown at the present administration without “the hands it is feeding” doing any more to it. Print this, if you want, but do a bit cf investigating, anyway. There surely is something “rotten in Denmark.” For lots of reasons, I am unable to sign this. P. S. —Perhaps the state police could give a little thought to this? Perhaps. YOUTH, 18, SEEKS * WORK AND RIGHT By William Corwin Taylor. Please publish this letter for me in the Message Center. I hope and pray for some results from my plea. I am a young man 18. I am five feet four inches tall, weighing 105. I was graduated from grade school ' and have completed one year at ‘ Technical high school, lacking money to finish. Our home was broken up last summer and I have two brothers. I am staying with a widow nurse who nursed my mother in 1923. I am confidential with my troubles to her. I would like to have a job to earn money to help her so my mother and I can get somewhere by doing right. I haven’t any bad habits. I do not smoke or drink . and am honest in all my dealings. • If there is any one who feels interested please get in touch with the editor of this paper. May Grid bless the one who will answer this.

Forever

BY VIRGINIA KIDWELL There is no end to this—it goes forever, We are today what we will always be, Hope is a cruel despair, a powerful lever To force emotions that are ruling me. But I remain inert, though more from pondering Upon inscrutable Fate that rules supreme Than from suspicion or from doubt; I'm wondering If after all. your love is not some dream. . / If so then let me just keep on believing That some day soon forever I will be All yours with no more hurting or deceiving— me dream on *til Tima awakens me.