Indianapolis Times, Volume 45, Number 168, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 November 1933 — Page 14

PAGE 14

I he Indianapolis Times < A S< Kirrs. HOWARD NEWSPAPER ) ROT W. HOWARD ......... President TAt.COTT POWELL Editor EARL D. BAKER Business Manager Thono—Riley 5551

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r- ■ IS - - . „ Cm • Liyht and rhe P'oplc ,r m Fin l Their Own Way

THURSDAY, NOV. 23 1933

PAY DAY! thp depression in Marion county. Thirtysix thousands dollars wiil go into their empty pockets. This money is not degrading charity. It is an honest payment for honest services rendered to the community. The employment of these men is particularly gratifying to The Times. Ever since the onset of the depression during the Hoover administration this newspaper has been fighting for the principle of wages, not subsidies, for the unemployed. We congratulate the 3.600 on obtaining real jobs at last, but even more deserving of congratulation is the government for making these jobs possible. At last society has iearned that it is far bft'rr to pay men for working than to pay them for idleness. Call the food baskets and rent payments “poor relief' or anything else, but they were actually a dole. There were children in Indianapolis who did not know w-hat it meant to have their fathers working. Born at the beginning of the depression they could not remember any support except charity. The 3.600 formerly unemployed men will. In many instances, receive their first pay enve.ope in many months. It will mean food, shelter, clothing. It will he a primer for local business. But above all it will give the 3.600 a new morale. It will give them renewed confidence in the great principles of American government. GASOLINE PRICE-FIXING r T"'HE theory of price fixing in the oil in--1 dustry is reasonable because it is a natural resource industry. But it was evident that minimum prices recommended to Oil Administrator Ickes by the industry for fixing on Dec. 1 were replete with inequities. There was no provision made In this proposed schedule for protecting consumers by fixing maximum prices. The differentials promised unequal retail prices, unequal crude oil prices in various sections of the country. There are two schools of thought among the opponents of price fixing: The opposition of one is based on the belief that this scheme will only lead to nationalization of the industry; the opposition of the other, as represented by NRA consumers’ advisory board, is based on the schedules proposed. This board has amassed imposing figures to show how the proposed schedule would work against consumers. Heeding this complaint, Administrator Ickes wisely has postponed the effective date of the prices for one month, and at the same time has broadly hinted that price fixing may be abandoned altogether. If it can be abandoned with protection to consumers assured, such action wall be in accord with the NIRA principle. But, if it takes price fixing to protect this natural resource and to protect cocnsumers from gouging, the administrator, after reasonable hearings, properly could invoke his power to decree reasonable prices. GOOD OLD AMERICAN PRACTICE '"p'HE decision of President Roosevelt to recognize the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics will be most pleasing to many stalwart patriots who approve a return to good old American doctrine and practice after the sixteen years of the un-American policy espoused by Wilson, Harding, Coolidge and Hoover. Thomas Jefferson, our first secretary of state, set forth what became the traditional American ideals and practices. He said it should be the American policy “to acknowledge any government to be rightful which is formed by the will of the nation substantially declared." The clearly established fact that the will of the nation was expressed in the new government formed the one important point at issue in undermining recognition. Jefferson had not forgotten that the United States came into being through revolution and that our representative neighbors across the sea had "viewed with alarm" in 1789 the radical political institutions of the new federal republic in the western hemisphere. Therefore. he was fair and consistent enough to ask that we should respect other governments which arose in revolution: “We can not deny to other nations that principle whereon our own government is founded, that every nation has the right to govern itself internally under what forms it pleased and to change these forms at its own will, and externally to transact business with other nations through whatever organ it chooses, whether that be a king, convention, committee, president or whatever it be.” Here we have American principles clearly stated. We were committed to liberty and progress. There was no hint that anew government must satisfy the international bankers. a national party committee, the United States chamber of commerce, or any group of patrioteers. We applied the Jeffersonian policy at once in recognizing Citizen Genet in 1793. He was the representative of the new French revolutionary government. We soon had further opportunity to extend the doctrine in recognizing the new crop of revolutionary governments which sprang up in Latin America as a result of the liberal revolt against reactionary Spanish rule. Henry Clay then admirably expressed our attitude in the following words: "Whatever form of government any society of people adopts, whomever they acknowledge ' as their sovereign, we consider that government or that sovereignty as the one to be acknowledged by us.” The Jeffersonian policy was continual by

Indiana Liquor Control : “ IVs Smart to Be Legal ~ r = =

TNDIANA automatically becomes wet Dec. 6. Under the law Governor McNutt, through his excise commissioner, must formulate a sound plan for control of liquor. We believe that the time has come for public discussion of such a plan. In laying down his liquor policy, the Governor should remember that there is no such thing as an administrative Keeley cure. No plan can either cure or entirely prevent drunkenness. The eighteenth amendment was an effort in that direction and it was a miserable faiiur*. No form of control can be a panacea for personal abuse of liquor. That, before prohibition, during prohibition and after prohibition, is a matter which only the individual can control. It is foolish, for instance, to waste time r°gulating whether a person shall sit down or stand up while he drinks. New York has a provision that liquor may be served to no one who is in a vertical position, but if he is sitting he may buy drinks. The object Is sobriety, but we do not believe that sobriety depends upon whether the legs form a right angle to the trunk. Thus any liquor control plan should be directed more at the political and economic aspects than toward the moral direction. It should seek to encourage temperance, not to enforce it. It seems to us that there are three out-

the second great Democrat in American political history, Andrew Jackson. Commenting on the Texas situation, he said in 1836: "The 'uniform policy and practice of the United States is to avoid all interference in disputes which mainly relate to the internal government of other nations and to recognize the prevailing party eventually without reference to our own particular interests and views on the merits of the original controversy.” But this was not, a party doctrine. It was American policy. The most eminent Whig statesman and diplomat of his day, Daniel Webster, thoroughly concurred. He said: "From President Washington's time down to the present day it has been a principle always acknowledged by the United States that every nation possesses a right to govern itself according to its ow T n will, to change institutions at discretion and to transact business through whatever agents it may think proper to employ.” James Buchanan followed consistently in our policy when he set forth our attitude toward the recognition of the second French republic in 1848: "We recognize the right of all nations to create and reform their political institutions according to their own will and pleasure. We do not go behind the existing government to involve ourselves in the question of legitimacy.” A spirited and extreme defense of the traditional American policy was expounded tyy President Franklin Pierce. There was a rapid succession of five revolutionary governments in Mexico. The United States had recognized them all. Pierce justified such procedure in the light of American principles and practice. Here, then, were the foundations and precedents of American recognition policy. It was a forthright approval of de facto governments and of the right of people to rebel and to shape their own political destiny. LIQUOR RESPONSIBILITY READ the arguments now being advanced over liquor control plans In the various states and you speedily discover that the country is almost unanimous in opposition to return of the old-fashioned saloon. Read them a little farther, however, and you also discover that the country seems to be confused considerably about the exact reasons for this opposition. It is sold on the idea that the open saloon was a nuisance and a menace, but it doesn’t seem to know just what made it that way. One group seems to think that the presence of a bar, and the fact that men stood up to get their drinks, constituted the worst feature. So we get a number of state control laws which permit sale of packaged goods in liquor stores and permit sales by the glass in hotel dining rooms and restaurants, but which insist that there shall be no bars and no vertical drinking. Another group figures that drinking anywhere except in the home in an evil, and comes out for sales restricted to unopened packages, with public drinking strictly prohibited. The fact that different states will have different laws is going to be a good thing, in this connection, for it will permit many varieties of liquor control to be tested simultaneously. t Meanwhile, however, this confusion of thought over the way in which liquor should be sold deserves some extended thought. The chief trouble with the old-time saloon wasn't the fact that men stood up to ' drink, or that their drinks were shoved at them across a polished bit of mahogany. It was that the saloon—as an institution—had precious little discretion. It sold, in most cases, to any one who could lay $ coin on the bar—to chronic drunkards, to spendthrifts, to flighty youngsters, to men whose families were in want. There were saloon keepers, of course, who ! had some sense of responsibility in these matters. but they were the exceptions. In the main, the corner saloon was nearly all that the prohibitionists said it was. A liquor control law which permits any kind of public drinking must be framed with that in mind. Details of the sale—whether it be at table or over a bar—are unimportant. It is the spirit in which the traffic as a whole is handled that counts. The traffic was socially irresponsible, la the old days; heaven knows it has been socially irresponsible under prohibition. If a firm understanding of its responsibility can be forced into it now, the question of bar versus table becomes secondary. Probably the sentries of the Cuban army have anew call by this time—’Twelve o'clock and all's Welles!” Now they’re thinking of barring tips in I restaurants. That might prove upsetting. j

standing points the Governor should consider in devising a control system: 1. The complete divorcement of politics and whisky. Every one is agreed that this is essential. The unholy alliance between the two was the outstanding cause for the discredited eighteenth amendment. which, ironically enough, became the well spring of the most poisonous political corruption in the history of the United States. 2. Elimination of the saloon. It always has been present. During prohibition it merely moved up one flight, substituted barred for swinging doors and called itself a speakeasy. 3. Banishing the bootlegger. The Governor should be careful not to place such a heavy tax on liquor that bootlegging will be profitable. Public opinion should stop the patronizing of illegal booze peddlers. Outstanding citizens should set an example. It's smart to be legal. The problem is particularly thorny in Indiana. It is obvious that the cities are decidedly wet. At the same time there are many rural communities which are dry. No statewide liquor control plan can be entirely satisfactory to both sides. Perhaps eventually some form of local option will return. Remember that Governor McNutt is tackling one of the knottiest social puzzles in the history of man. He should have time to experiment. The public must help with its advice and all reasonable support.

LABOR BOARD SUCCESS TF industrial peace through mediation had A been suggested a few months ago. business men and labor leaders both would have called it improbable. Today the national labor board is making it a reality. In its brief life 137 labor disputes have come before the board, eighty-five of which involved strikes or lockouts. All but twentytwo of the cases have been settled and these others are in the course of settlement. Only one case involving a strike still is pending. Three hundred thousand workers have gone back to work under labor board rulings. Most encouraging of all is the report of Senator Robert F. Wagner, chairman of the board, that labor voluntarily is bringing its troubles to the board and is asking for creation of more regional boards to handle disputes in the first instance. The traditional labor point of view has been hostile to governmental boards of settlement, but today, even when strikes have been called, workers are agreeing to postpone action when the labor board promises to investigate and mediate a dispute. With such a record, industrial democracy becomes a practical dream for the future instead of a visionary one; a dream which already is taking form in the twenty-eight elections held under labor board auspices for selection of representatives to bargain collectively. The labor board offers workers a great opportunity to advance toward the goals they justly seek. It makes possible real understanding by employers and workers of their respective problems and substitutes sane cooperation for bitter suspicion in dealing with those problems. Labor's confidence in the labor board will continue, of course, only so long as it is justified. It is gratifying that Senator Wagner, whose patience and fairness have contributed so largely to the success of this body, is going to keep on with its work. So long as the board follows its present course labor will be w'ell advised to use its good offices to the utmost. Labor will find it has more friends, more sympathetic understanding, more substantial gains in well-being, and a better case on which to make a stand if it rests its case with the national labor board.

M.E.TracySays:

NO Nobel peace prize will be awarded this year. If that meant what millions of people think it does, we would be in a bad way. Peace is not to be gained, however, by hanging up an award of $40,000. By the same token, it has not been lost because nobody has made stir enough to impress five individuals. I have no quarrel with the Nobel idea of encouraging scientific research, literature or peace by offering handsome rewards. The man who writes a fairly good book, makes a fairly important discovery, or presents a plan which may lessen the possibility of war, is not overpaid if he gets $40,000, but the illusionment that we have bought something of deep significance or lasting value hardly merits the faith which it has created. Nothing less than Gargantuan conceit ever would lead a generation to believe that it had acquired the faculty to pick the best book, tire greatest discovery, or the most helpful contribution to peace within a year. Some of our recent disappointments prove the silliness of such an idea. n a a CHARLES G. DAWES received the peace prize for his widely advertised plan, but where is the plan? Where is the Kellogg pact, which caused the award of another prize? Where are the books and discoveries which have won some thirty prizes? It is all a part of that gadget philosophy by which we hope to save the world by the simple process of an invention, a lucky find or an intriguing thought. We are tired of the w T ear and tear of liberty, of the slow and arduous process of acquiring an education through study, of the sacrifice and disappointments which go with the simple performance of one's duty or steadfast loyalty to one’s code. We want speed, not only in commonplace matters, but in the solution of our most complicated problems, and what is rfy rse, we are plagued by the delusion that we can get it by discovering a genius. The old idea that peace, safety, social justice and other exalted aims rest on the steady development of human character, not in an individual here and there, but in the mass, has lost its attractiveness. u n n AS a great professor once told me when I expressed the thought that our peace movement might mean something in 500 years, "That may be true, but who wants to wait so long?” No one. of course, but history suggests that we probably must. When it comes to the acquirement of wisdom. we have made little improvement on the Greek or Chinese method. What we can do from a mechanical standpoint represents marvelous, if not deceptive, progress. What we ought to do from a moral standpoint is still a perplexing problem which has been clarified by a gradual understanding of the ideas and examples established by wise men throughout the ages.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

YOU may have a cup of coffee or, if you wish, a second highball, late at night without fear of having a restless night as a result. But don’t drink too much coffee if you want to sleep, although you can go almost the limit in a cocktail party without worrying about your rest later. This unusual advice is the result of tests made recently among students of the University of Chicago. It is realized, generally, that sleep is controlled by habit in most instances, and that some people can take more alcohol and more caffein than others without feeling any ill effects. As far back as 1883. two European physiologists found that, following long walks and the taking of small doses of alcohol, the soundness of sleep was less than when no exercise or alcoholic drink had been taken. However, they found that sleep was much sounder following large doses of alcohol without the walk. The Chicago investigators studied

'T'O the average girl who is des--1 tined to work for a living the story of Barbara Hutton, heiress to the Woolworth fortune, reads like a romance spun by some medieval minnesinger. Here is a real princess (she was married in June to Prince Alexis Mdivani), who in addition to having youth and beauty, is given, for her very own. nearly $20,000,000. Just like a fairy tale, isn't it? Fortunate lady, we fay. of such a modem American princess, who, traditionally speaking, Is a strange figure in our democratic land. But let s not envy her too much. For the probabilities are that she will not be a great deal more contented than multitudes of other women

■ sSf&i&ssz •- v ’ 77 v-y.w^ - '

: : The Message Center : : I wholly disapprove of what you say and will de fend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire '

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Hake your letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them to 230 words or less.) By James J. Cullinss. I would appreciate space in the message center in answer to Mr. Daniel B. Luten’s statement in The Times Nov. 3. The good people of Indianapolis should not pay much attention to Mr. Luten for Mr. Luten is a member of the Chamber of Comni;rce and a grocery basket business man. I have several letters written to me by Mr. Luten, one stating 10 cents an hour is enough money for labor in an indirect way. In other letter, Mr. Luten states all that can end the depression is to keep on cutting wages. In another letter, Mr. Luten purposely misspelled my name and told me I was crazy and that I would be at the Seven Steeples in a short while for asking Mr. Luten to offe r the Chamber of Commerce the following ordinance. The Chamber of Commerce was then to ask city council to pass same. I said there should be a city ordinance taxing or licensing each and every Indianapolis business man, woman, company, corporation, etc., $55 a year for each and every out of town employe working in an Indianapolis place of business. That means that any person working in Indianapolis should live here. There are thousands of people working in Indianapolis who live outside the city limits who do not spend their money here, pay no taxes here, and in other words, do nothing for Indianapolis but increase unemployment and help the Chamber of Commerce members to pay starvation wages. If an ordinance of this kind were passed, we would increase our population by at least 50,000 people. We would fill up the sixteen or eighteen thousand empty houses, flats and apartments in Indianapolis. Many of the hundreds of empty stores and factory rooms also. We would make Indianapolis a prosperous city instead of a soup center. The thirtyfive or forty thousand Indianapolis unemployed deserve some consideration and an ordinance like the above should be passed. I will leave it to

Late Coffee Causes Sleep Difficulty ■ ■ - BY DR. MORRIS FISHBEIN

: : A Woman’s Viewpoint : : ===== BY. MRS. WALTER FERGUSON =============

The Stranger’s Return

“True Facts ”

By One Who Knows the Answer. J. A. Perkins, your article under this column on Nov. 14, set forth very true facts regarding the injustice to war veterans, but was your article complete In one Issue? I don’t think so. "Most veterans believe they are given preference to federal employment.” Will facts substantiate this belief? Facts lead me to believe that being a war veteran is a detriment to an equal privilege to federal employment. “This is worth consideration.” your readers whether my suggested ordinance makes me crazy, as the grocery basket engineer of world fame suggestions. I, too, however, am opposed to the NRA in Indianapolis for the reason the government asks the Chamber of Commerce to enforce law in Indianapolis. Certain memberships of the chamber always have been opposed to bettering the conditions of the common class. The NRA has not helped any one in this city I know of. Those who were making a living have had their wages cut. Those who have received jobs have nothing to crow over. Whenever Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. McNutt and the big shots live on $14.50 a week and the Chamber of Commerce is not responsible for the NRA in Indianapolis, then I will be for it. Mr. Luten and many of the membership of the Chamber of Commerce are opposed to this law, so why let them kid the public? If Mr. Hoover had had the backing of this present congress, he could not accomplish anything unless there was a severe penalty for the chiselers and the un-American speeches and speechmakers like Mr. Luten. I also am opposed to this housing law. We do not need as many as one house built in Indianapolis now, with sixteen or eighteen thousand empty ones. What we need is to increase the pay rolls to living quantities so the citizens who are living in the shacks now can afford

Editor Journal of the American Medical Association and of Hygeia. the Health Magazine.

the effects of alcohol and coffee on eight young men, using an apparatus for registering their movements while asleep, and kept a record of the number of times each wakened during the night. They found that large doses of caffein taken before going to sleep greatly increased the number of movements during the first half of the night, obviously because the person who had taken the caffein was unable to fall asleep. They report that the frequency with which one wakes up during the night after taking these drugs is modified by the amount; alcohol decreases the number of times one awakens and four or six-grain doses of caffein increases activity of the sleeper. The investigators also measured the effects of the drugs on the temperature of each sleeper. They found that alcohol always resulted in a normal temperature during the

who have to earn, not only their money, but their happiness. The good things of life are not so tangible as we often believe. When one has butlers and footmen and chauffeurs and eats off gold plate, when one can buy innumerable Paris gowns, and can be recognized by all the pompous head-waiters from New York to the Riviera, existence can still be flat and stale at times. nan INDEED, there is something pathetic about very rich women because one knows they always must be haunted by the thought that they are sought after for their money. And we still live so close to the dark ages that a woman who has

to pay rent for the better houses. This is another piece of mis-legisla-tion passed by the misadministration and turned over to the Meridian street misfits to operate. Joe Rand Beckett, a member of the Chamber of Commerce, is also the big shot in this housing law. Mr. Editor. I am sorry to ask for so much space, but I will appreciate publishing same. Keep up your good work. By Patience. I wonder if George Stephens, a a contributor to the Message Center Nov. 15, knows either what is decent in politics, or what is going on in Indiana. If he knows about either, he will find relief, I would think, in comparing happenings during Governor McNutt’s administration with any others back to Governor Ralston. Governor McNutt is our new type of executive, applying business methods to public affairs, just as you and I have bellowed our head off for, for many years. He does not, and should not chirp out from his press conferences or a banquet hall platform to defend and explain every appointment which he makes. Like President Roosevelt, he acts to accomplish the things he promised the people in his campaign, and lets the squawkers wear themselves down about it. Probably but few know, and certainly not I, how many within his own party Governor McNutt has to override by his own power or become an ally in their own political maneuvers. Certainly, I do know something about one such highly esteemed gentleman who is building up one of the most impregnable political machines known to this state both through personal financial gains, and debauchery of our educational system. Governor McNutt is combining his knowledge of law, his experiences with organization and discipline gained in the United States army, and as a principal instructor in one of our leading universities, to bring the common horde of would-be politicians into line. Governor McNutt will clean house, Mr. Stephens, and I'm with him, and not you.

first half of the night and an increase in temperature during the second half. Large doses of caffein give a higher temperature than normal during the night’s sleep, whereas two grains of caffetin. the amount in a large cup of coffee, produce only a slight variation. These studies show, also, that lying still for a considerable length of time leads to an unpleasant feeling. which is relieved by moving about. One young man, who insisted he could sleep without stirring by fiixing his rnind on that idea before going to sleep, slept with relatively little movement. But he gave up the experiment, because he was too tired and groggy after his night's sleep. The conclusion from these investigations is that alcohol produces lessened movements and makes a person feel that he has slept better. that large doses of caffein produce disturbed sleep, and small doses do not seem to affect the sleep of normal persons.

unlimited sums of money is an awesome being to American men. Moreover we are entering into a new world, in which it is going to be almost as unfortunate to possess too much money, as it is to have none at all. Large fortunes no longer shed an aura of glory about the heads of their possessors. Although one can admire the ability of those men who planned and built the Woolworth fortune, one can’t ever forget either the sight of the pale faces of the rows of fragile girls who stood for so many, many years behind the 10cent counters. The half-starved look in their eyes will always be the one unforgettable memory, when one thinks about the princess of the Woolworth fairy tale.

7NOV. 23, 1933

It Seems to Me -BY HEYWOOD BROl'N' ;

NEW YORK, Nov 23.—Walter Lippmann seems to be vexed because Franklin D. Roosevelt was not created in his image, Mr. Lippman writes: "In appealing to the spirit of 1776, in proclaiming the right and the need to experiment, the President as bound to recognize that- the very essence of the experimenting spirit is the constant re-examination of promise and of methods." And later in the same article he adds. “Only when the statesman really desires to know every objection to his plan, and to modify ffis plan when the objection is convincing, can he be said to be honestly experimental." I feel that Mr. Lippman Is in error. The rules which he lays; down ought to apply to philosophers to microbe hunters and column conductors. But when a man is half way across the Niagara whirlpool he generally will do better to keep on going rather than to tread water and consider the problem of whether or not It was a mistake to have jumped in in the first place. Sooner or later a leader ought to make up his mind and choose the line on which he purposes to it out, even if it takes all summer. earn H (itching lAppmann T HAVE watched the mind ol A Walter Lippmann ever since the year 1906. when we and numerous others were admitted to the freshman class of Harvard college. Mr. Lippmann came in the front door, while I aliped through a window. all garlanded with a condition m Greek and another in elementary French. Naturally, I regarded Mr Lippmann with no little awe. And that admiration still persists Watching Walter is a little like bring a spectator at a high goal polo match. I have seen ponies which could turn on a dime and be off in the opposite direction. Mr. Lippmann is even more amazing. Catch him at the height of his logical frigidity and he seems to be threatening both goals at the same time. If I may mix the metaphor a little, he is the sort of advocate who is quite apt to score a field goal for Harvard and a touchdown for Yale in one and the same play. But. of course he specializes in safeties. been watching the mind of Walter Lippmann for more than a quarter of a century, and my evelids are a little weary. a i nu 7 ake ] our Choice IV'° T for a moment do I question t 7 hl , s sincerity and his devotion to truth and the public weal, but he a sucker for his own shell game. He has spent a quarter of a centiirv J? lcking "P halved hickories and finding nothing underneath. And ne will go on until the end. I imagine, setting up straw gods and burning them with matches. "There was room," he pointed out 'in Washington's cabinet for Hamilton and for Jefferson.” He forgets to add that the arrangement created quite a mess. President Roosevelt is warned quite civilly that there are too many folk of his own kidney gathered about him It does not seem to me that the observation coincides with the facts. At the moment it seems to me that the cabinet and the entire official family in Washington is much too roomy. I can not for the life of me understand what Miss Perkins and Mr. Roper can have in common nor can I conceive any economic platform bioad enough to have a chair for both a Tugwell and a Douglas. Instead of having a wider diversity of viewpoints represented it will be the part of wisdom if President Roosevelt eventually narrows his advisers down to a crowd which is all pulling in the same direction. Washington had both Hamilton and Jefferson in his cabinet, but when he was crossing the Delaware I hear tell that there was but one steersman. nun At the North Church 1 WONDER what would have happened if Paul Revere had been the great - great - grandfather of Walter Lippmann. That would have been a ride. Up the crest of the hill and down to the foot again. At the door of every Middlesex village and farm there would have been no shout of. “The regulars are coming!" On the contrary, the heady horseman would have paused to re-examine the premises and the methods. Maybe it would be better if the British did come and maybe it wouldn't. “Whoa, Betsy! Perhaps we'd better turn around.” Or more tragic still, suppose Walter Lippmann had been Eliza! He would never have been able to make up his mind on which cake of ice he cared to trust himself. The bloodhounds would have snatched him sure. In fact I think they have. (Copvrlftht. 1933, bv The Times*

Life

BY ESTEL D. FREEMAN There are many things in life for me The beauty of a willow tree; The western sky as the sun goes down ** An old arc lamp in a quaint old town. The fragrant fields of the new mown hay The gilted shaft of a star’s bright ray; A bird on its nest in the early daw-n The cleanness of nature when the rain is gone. An open fire in the hearth at night A picture that long has been hidden from sight; > The blue clouds racing through summer skies The tender love in my mother's eyes. . . .

Daily Thought

Do ye not know that they which minister about holy things live of the things of the temple, and they which wait at the altar are partakers with the altar?—l Corinthians, 9:13. IDO not envy a clergyman s life as an easy life, nor do I envy the clergyman who makes it an easy life.—Samuel Johnson.