Indianapolis Times, Volume 45, Number 155, Indianapolis, Marion County, 8 November 1933 — Page 12

PAGE 12

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WEDNESDAY. NOV. 8. 1933

ANOTHER LIQUOR EXPERIMENT JUST a year after President Roosevelt’s election, the eighteenth amendment falls, rejected by the American people. On Dec. 5. actual repeal will go into effect. The dizzy tempo in which the states have acted shows that we are in an age of sudden change. The unity of their chorus shows the depth of resentment against laws that violate the popular will. Contrary to warnings of the die-hard drys the country will not be plunged into sudden chaos and debauchery on Dec. 5. Os the nineteen wet states, ten have passed control laws and the other nine are calling special sessions to do so. The next year or two will be a time of experiment in liquor control by the states. Out of this laboratory may come laws fitted to each region’s habits and ideals. Already a national attitude seems to be forming. It is one of moderation. There is growing agreement that the laws should distinguish between beer and wine, on the one hand, and hard liquor, on the other. A minimum of regulation of the former and a maximum regulation of the latter, it is felt, will promote temperance. Wets and drys also are coming to agree that legal liquor can not be made to balance all the budgets, and that attempts to over-tax it would invite smuggling and bootlegging. The tryout period just ahead will test the ability of the states effectively to regulate the commercial liquor interests. If the states fail in this the people, in self-protection, probably will demand elimination of the private profit motive through public monopoly of the liquor traffic. FARLEY VS. THE NEW DEAL npiIERE are plenty of people in the United States who never heard of Mayor-Elect La Guardia of New York City, and more who see no reason why non-New Yorkers should be particularly interested in an election in the metropolis. But what happened in New York City yesterday is of national importance. It means more than the defeat of a corrupt and inefficient Tammany, and the prospect of cleaner government in that great city. It means that Chairman Farley of the Democratic national committee has been defeated in his stupidly dangerous effort to advance Democratic partisan interests by knifing the new deal. Last year Mr. Roosevelt, the presidential candidate of a minority party, was overwhelmingly elected by non-Democratic votes chiefly independent and progressive. His campaign plea was above party and he was elected on that basis. Last spring he asked and received from congress the widest powers ever accorded a peace-time President, on the theory that he was above party in the national emergency. In the appointment of his cabinet and other aids, and in his policies, the President has not acted as a Democratic partisan. He has been true to the mandate which gave him power. His political friends have been the friends of the new deal, his political enemies the enemies of the new deal —regardless of party. That is the political strength of the administration. and the President knows it. But Mr. Farley does not know it. At least he thinks it is better to build a Democratic machine which he personally can control. When a nonpartisan fusion party in New York chose an original new dealer. ex-Con-gressman La Guardia, to run against Tammany, Mr. Farley thought he saw a chance to get political control of New York and to capture the Democratic machine there by running a hand-picked third candidate. He chose for this purpose one McKee, a former Tammany official who had followed the notorious Walker as acting mayor acceptably, but who lacked the courage or the desire to fight Tammany as the fusion candidate in this election. Mr. Farley used all of his tricks—including a sly attempt to show that McKee was the Roosevelt candidate—to defeat Mr. La Guardia. who had fought longer and harder for the new deal than any member of the lower house of congress. Using the same tactics, if successful in New York in defeating the progressive La Guardia, Mr. Farley would have been encouraged to move on other states to destroy such progressives as Norris of Nebraska. Johnson of California, Cutting of New Mexico, and La Follette of Wisconsin. Whether Mr. Farley has now learned his lesson or will try to wreck the new deal forces in other states in order to build an orthodox Democratic machine, we do not know. But we can not believe that the President. after t the New York experience, will permit Mr. Farley to put him in such a humiliating and unfair position again. The administration can not survive if it is dependent on the Democratic party machine—for the very good reason that the Democratic machine bosses are mostly reactionary enemies of the new deal and they can not control a majority of the votes either in congress or in the country. BETRAYAL OR BETRAYER WHEN Leonor F. Loree Jumped up in meeting, waved a S2O bill and declared that the ending of the gold standard was a heinous violation of trust, he started a lot of people thinking along lines he hadn't intended. His point, of course, was simple enough. He had in his hand a S2O bill. When It went into circulation it was worth S2O in gold; today it is not; hence the government has done something horrible. But the spectacle of this Wall Street man beating his breast Is nothing less than gro-

tesque when you put It up against its proper background. Part of that background Is the farm belt. In the farm belt there are a lot of farmers Jumping up in meeting and waving bits of paper—mortgages, which were contracted when It took one bushel of wheat to buy a dollar and which must be paid when it takes two bushels to buy a dollar. The farmers have been the victims of a betrayal quite as cruel as that which harrows the soul of Mr. Loree—crueler, perhaps, for no one supposes that Mr. Loree is in danger of losing his home and his bread and butter. Furthermore, the betrayal that came to them came while the dollar was firmly anchored to gold. They were undone by “sound money”—money which for all its soundness, was worth one thing when they borrowed It and another when they had to pay it back. Their demands for relief are just as valid as Mr. Loree’s —more so, perhaps, for our departure from gold has not Drought the well-fed Mr. Loree into danger of hunger and the loss of everything he owns. And that isn’t sll there is to this background, either. This is hardly the psychological moment for a Wall Street man to get up on his hind legs and talk about “a violation of trust.” There are a good many Americans today who possess beautiful pieces of paper, for which they paid Wall Street good money. Wall Street pledged its faith that these bits of paper could be redeemed at the price that was paid for them, and that they would bear interest steadily until the moment of redemption came. But today you can buy lots of those pieces of paper for a nickel on the dollar. There are many more that aren’t worth that. If we are going to wave pieces of paper and yell about betrayals, let’s start with farm mortgages and Wall Street bonds. After all, Mr. Loree's S2O bill will still buy quite a few groceries. AN APOLOGY FOR PRIVATE BANKERS. \ HARVARD has done strange things to many people, but nothing more unusual than the transformation which has come over its professor of business history, Dr. N. S. B. Gras. When this scholar established himself as one of our leading economic historians at the University of Minnesota he was known as a robust liberal. Now he appears in Current History with an apologetic article on the private bankers. This reads as though he had never gone beyond the testimony of Messrs. Morgan and Davison in the Pujo investigation and of the younger Morgan and Mr. Otto Kahn in the recent hearings. He seems to accept unquestioningly the formal statements made by the House of Morgan in 1912 and 1933 as to the benevolent intent and beneficial achievements of finance capitalism in this country. According to Professor Gras, our great private bankers are deeply altruistic and profoundly socially-minded gentlemen who have been appalled by the incompetence, waste and avarice of the average independent industrialist and railroad and mine operator. The sensitive souls of these men have been outraged when a corporation passed its dividends or defaulted on is interest. They simply could not stand this state of affairs. So, at great expense, they bought up and unified the various industries, transportation lines, mines and the like to give the public the benefit of cheaper and more efficient service and to assure steady payment of dividends and interest to the investors in these businesses. “Where private business fails, these super-business men step in to control and direct.” More recently the public utilities have profited by the intrusion of the benign influence of the private bankers. That eager and self-sacrificing public servant, the “Power Trust,” has emerged to give us better heat, light and power at lower rates. Our private bankers have always been in the vanguard of economic progress. “It stands out as a beacon of truth that Wall Street was economically progressive.” There is no evidence that the private bankers have exacted more for their service than they have been worth to the American public. Dr. Gras concludes with his conception of Utopia. It is an America in which each industry would be dominated by one or two great units, such as the United States Steel Corporation and the General Electric Company. Then over these would be set two great groups of private bankers such as the House of Morgan and its closest competitor. Dr. Gras ought to have been reasonably contented up to the end of the Hoover administration, since what he portrays as Utopia is essentially what he enjoyed at the time. Our economic life was then primarily in the hands of a few great corporations controlled by Morgan and other leading private bankers. Perhaps the kindest thing would be to suspect Dr. Gras of the use of irony and satire. His article may have been intended as a reducto ad absurdum of the case for the bankers —something after the fashion of De Foe's famous brochure on “The Shortest Way With Dissenters.” It is hardly possible that so well informed a business historian could have expected his article to be taken seriously by readers in command of the facts. An old adage tells us that the proof of the pudding lies in the eating. Finance capitalism, dominated by the great private banking houses, held the United States in its grip for a quarter of a century. The end product of its application of the Golden Rule to industry was March 3, 1933. Here was just where these "super-busi-ness men” of Wall Street brought us. Dr. Gras stands the facts on their head. The reign of speculative finance has not improved industry, transportation or utilities. These latter have been defective enough, but their collapse has been due to the fact that they hav* been gutted by the speculative moguls for temporary financial profits. Industry has a far better record than finance. Take, for example, the influence of the bankers on the International Mercantile Marine Company, the New York. New Haven & Hartford Railroad ,the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railroad and the like, to mention only a few conspicuous examples of their intervention. Consider how they have jeopardized the public utility industry of the country through their giant holding companies and paper pyramids. These with them no important social service and yet skim off the cream from the profits of the operating companies, make the public pay high prices for electrical services and threaten to necessitate public ownership of the electric utilities. And remember that the great private bankers played the largest single part In putting us

into the World war with all its attendant economic evils, and that they have floated billions of dollars of foreign bonds, now worth half or less of their face value. If the great private bankers have performed any notable services they have been in the way of lining their own pockets at the public expense and in hurrying along the progress of economic radicalism. The ethics of the roulette wheel never can be applied successfully to American business. RECEIVERSHIP RACKETS JJ ECEIVERSHIP scandals are in the news again. In Los Angeles a United States senate subcommittee hears that since 1931 a total of sl,330,000 had been paid receivers, lawyers, appraisers, and auditors of two defunct oil companies, while creditors pocketed virtually nothing. Richfield Oil's receiver was allowed a salary of SIOO,OOO a year, and this did not include $12,000 he drew as receiver for a subsidiary concern. In Chicago a house subcommittee hears that Federal Judge Woodward named the law firm in which his son was empfloyed to fourteen receivership and bankruptcy cases in two years, allowing fees of $256,400. Young Woodward, the committee was told, had been employed in this firm at S2OO a month in 1929. The year after his father was named judge his salary was jumped to $13,000 plus bulky fees. Some spotty California linen was washed last term in congress when Federal Judge Louderback of San Francisco barely escaped losing his seat through impeachment for too generous receivership fees to his friends. And another Chicagoan, u. S. Judge Wilkerson, was accused by Attorney Donald Richberg of having allowed $2,000,000 in receivership fees in one railroad case, in which the judge’s expartner profited to the tune of $244,000. Too many bankrupt corporations are being looted by receivers and their lawyers. Fees allowed by judges often are scandalously out of proportion to the services rendered. Congress awaits the report of its investigating committees on adequate reforms. BACK TO BOURGEOISIE! JF you ever wonder just what the Russian experiment is going to look like twenty years from now, you might be interested to learn that a golf course is being built in Moscow. To begin with, Moscow never before has had a golf course. And in the second place, Communist writers have united in calling golf “a hopelessly bourgeois game”—a criticism which seems entirely justified. Somehow, it is a little hard to imagine earnest Communists getting a kick out of golf. It just naturally, isn’t a game that promotes class consciousness. It doesn’t belong in the Russian picture at all. The aura of rugged individualism hangs over it. If Soviet Russia goes in for golf, it is offering the capitalistic world a pretty fair-sized opening. A golf-playing Communist is half converted. If each of us had a S2O bill to wave, as railroader Loree did the other day, we wouldn’t need the NRA he denounced. A bottle of beer is equivalent to a plate of ham and eggs, says a physician. But who wants beer for breakfast? Liquor dealers complain the New Jersey tax on liquor will be too high. They might as well have included everything else. By the names of the players, the failures of Notre Dame’s Fighting Irish shouldn't be blamed on the Irish. Latest report is that the universe is 100 septillion miles across. And not an inch more!

|M. E. Tracy Says:

IT is conceivable that: Henry Ford can be made to sign the code, or lose a lot of business, if not shut up shop. Steel manufacturers can be forced to sell rails at $35 per ton, regardless of cost. Textile mills can be stopped from buying new and improved machinery. A million retail stores can be persuaded to give up bargain leaders, bargain days and bargain basements, without the loss of trade. An even greater number of wheat and cotton growers can be successfully watched to see that none of them cheats on the promised reduction of acreage or the processing tax. The Federal Reserve System can be discouraged from issuing bulletins which may reflect unfavorably on NRA. And so on ad infinitum. a a a BUT our experience with prohibition makes it look like a big contract. Furthermore, from just what angle would we expect the development of buying and building psychology? Please remember that the success of this whole show depends on the men and women who stand outside the counter that it can get nowhere without their liberal and enthusiastic cooperation. Most of them are producers of one kind or another, and as such are coming in sharp contact with all these regulations which, though intended to give them a better chance, have created a certain degree of apprehension and alarm. Last March, they embarked on what they supposed was a great co-operative movement for recovery. Right now it looks mere like a crusade to compel them to sign certain agreements, to discourage criticism, to create a purely artificial atmosphere. The time has come, perhaps, to ask ourselves whether the real objective of those ballyhooing NRa is to obtain temporary relief or lay the foundations for a social experiment. a a a FOR one. I am not opposed to the minimum wage, shorter hours, or a larger share for workers in the profits of industry. But we can have all that without so much conversation about compliance and the right of collective bargaining. If these codes are not contracts, they are nothing, and if contracts, where does the right to break them through strike or lockout ccme in? Either the government is undertaking to regulate wages and hours, or it is not. and that, too. whether through voluntary or imposed codes. Either the purpose is to guarantee the worker equitable conditions through government intervention or it is merely shadow boxing. If it is shadow boxing, the quicker it stops the performance the better it will be for all concerned. If it means business, then both sides of the capital and labor controversy should be compelled to live up to codes when and after they are approved. One side can’t be hog-tied and the other left foot-loose. We have got to go much farther than we have in this business of fixing wages and hours through government intervention, or drop it.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make your letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them to 250 words or less.) By Paul D. Braugh. The speech of Charles W. Jewett before the Irvington Republican Club in which he advocated equitable control of credit, higher wages and shorter hours is a 100 per cent indorsement of the policies of Franklin D. Roosevelt. It clearly shows the pathetic position of the poor old G. O. P. He also praises the Republicans for their support of the NRA. But just for the sake of argument and to make some kind of an issue, he says the NRA is unconstitutional. It has been upheld by several courts, but regardless, the people do not care just as long as better times and better working conditions are forthcoming. They are not going to worry themselves whether or not things are strictly constitutional. I would just as soon place the Constitution in the hands of Franklin Roosevelt as I would any other person in the United States. If the issues are as Mr. Jewett says they should be, then I will agree with him that a moratorium on politics is strictly in order until 1940. More power to Mr. Jewett. By A. C. S. On Oct. 31 there appeared in your column an article entitled, “A Challenge—By Another Taxpayer,” in regard to our police department. Permit me through your column to express myself as to the truth of Another Taxpayer's statement. I am a young man of 25, a former local fighter and baseball player. I was in the police department a few days ago and saw several officers who should have been at home caring for their lumbago and what-not dragging around headquarters. One officer in particular was sitting at the information desk. He got up to go from there across the corridor to the detective department. Honestly, the old fellow was so feeble he had to take hold of the wall with both hands in order to step up two steps. We really need youth in our police

YOU must know, of course, that what you weigh depends upon what you eat. But do you know how to choose and measure your food to control your weight? The amount of food you require depends not only on the work that you do, but upon your size. A man 5 feet 8 inches tall and weighing 150 pounds requires 1,500 calories for twenty-four hours, provided he spends all his time in bed. The minute he gets up and moves around, he needs more calories. If you live a quiet, retired life, you can keep your weight constant with about 2,000 calories. A university professor would require about 2,500; a lumberman or a worker in a brickyard requires as much as 8,000 calories in twenty-four hours. Brain work does not use up many calories, but it does produce a type of exhaustion which demands rest rather than food. It is simple to estimate a diet and to provide the proper substance in relationship to occupation. Let us

•mATARRIED seven years, a wife ■*•*•*■ suing for divorce asked the court for SSOO a month alimony. She was given SIOO. the amount justified by her husband's income and estate. Such decisions are becoming not the exception, but the rule, and they vlll do more to halt divorce than all the preaching ever done by moralists. When women of a certain type will have to live as divorcees on less than they had as wives, they will avoid legal separation. Happily the majority of wives can not be classified in this group, but the golden era, now five years .gone, developed a good many of the

... !• 5.. v l . ...... J;--

: : The Message Center : : ; I wholly disapprove of what you say and will defend to tire death your right to say it.—Voltaire

Control Weight With Proper Foods - —' by dr. morris fishbein

: : A Woman’s Viewpoint : : =========== BY. MRS. WALTER FERGUSON =============

Journey's End!

A Question By A Home Buyer. Possibly McNutt of the statehouse would like to explain to the taxpayers of Indiana just why the state highway commission bought seventy Plymouth cars from the Fargo Motor Company in Detroit, Mich.? Aren’t there any Plymouth dealers in this state? If any one doubts this, just look at the Nov. 2 issue of the Indianapolis Commercial. department—men with courage and ambition. There is a state law that was enacted by the last assembly that says all police officers must be retired at 70. Replace those old fellows with courageous and ambitious men and we will have a police department second to none in the country. By a Group of Butlerites The sensationalism of Dr. Athearn’s attitude toward his dismissal from Butler university amply reveals what may have been most objectionable to the board of directors. There have been rumors for a long time that this action was to take place, and Dr. Athearn may not have been so shocked as he appears to be and as he would let the reading public, so credulous, to accept only one side of the story. Believe the silence of the board may be more ominous and more eloquent than all his unfortunate “I” publicity. A man who has dismissed under a show, the old and trusted faculty members of the university, only to replace many of them with his friends; a man who has certainly been an “inflationist” in all his educational methods, and who did not hesitate to let the world know about his mighty activities; a man who tore down the customs and traditions of the past overnight, is certainly not as desirable as one who will let the good of the past endure and will make any necessary changes in a subtle manner. No one at Butler felt safe during his regipe. Even the freedom of the college newspaper was abolished. Truly, he had his fingers in every pie. Imagine a college president taking it upon himself to announce fraternity and sorority pledges! In my opinion, we need feel no

Editor Journal of the American Medical Association and of Hygeia, the Health Magazine.

presume that you want 2,500 calories a day. You must have at least 100 grams of protein for growth and repair of tissue. One hundred grams of protein provide 400 calories. The rest of your diet provides the energy. It consists of carbohydrates and fat. Each gram of carbohydrates provides four calories, and each gram of fat provides nine calories. It takes 28.35 grams to make an ounce, and 453.6 grams to make a pound. Therefore it requires a little more than four ounces of protein daily to provide 100 calories. There are few foods which are pure protein or pure carbohydrate. Egg white is almost pure protein and sugar is pure carbohydrate. Dietitians have prepared tables that give the amounts of protein, carbohydrate, and fat in various foods. If you want to eat understandingly, you should have these tables handy.

sort and some of them still think in f terms of 1929 money values. Accustomed only to ask her husband for something to have it j given her, such a woman finds it ■ hard to be convinced that times are changed and that money is not so plentiful or easy to get as it used j to be. In a large measure she has j been the victim of wrong training and wrong thinking. You will remember that the quality once most admired in women j was their total lack of knowledge about financial matters. Naturally the mans sense of superiority was enhanced by a wife who depended upon his generosity with the trust of a child and who could coax prettily for whatever she wanted. -But the .poor wretches have been

sorrier for him than any other Napoleon languishing on his isle. He may have been ambitious, but there are many of us who object to his wholesale methods. We would like for Butler to go back to its peace of years, as it will do under the serene yet shrewd direction of our beloved Dean Putnam, and slowly but surely gather its strength, its purposes. Butler was not, in a state of mortification when Mr. Athearn found it. Whatever he says, he didn’t blow into it the breath of life, as he claims. He performed no miracles, as he should desire us to believe. Butler was alive and kicking, and always V/ill be. By E. L. K. I am sending this as a reply to “By a Wonderer,” that appeared in Saturday’s message center. It is true that the trustee is spending large sums of money for the needs of the people and we must praise them for the way they have supplied the people. But they do not meet every need of life. These other relief agents financed by the community fund to fill these needs. At one time I was of the same opinion as you, but during my two years of unemployment I have found that these relief agents have been a friend indeed. And instead of Hitler spirit, we need more four-square Christian American citizen spirit in the whole U. S. A. Questions and Answers Q—ls Charles Ponzi still in prison? A—ln 1920 he was sent to a federal penitentiary for using the mails to defraud. In 1924 his term expired, but he was convicted in Massachusetts on a state charge and sentenced for seven to nine years. He will be released sometime this year. Q—Will the fourth Liberty Loan bonds be called for redemption in October of this year? A—The treasury department has announced that they will not be called.

The food you eat has to be burned up in your body to supply the energy you need in work and play. To burn this food, you breathe in oxygen. The energy developed by this process is used in construction of your muscles and in maintaining temperature of your body. A starving person still can be quite active, both physically and mentally, but he will lose weight because in the absence of food, he will burn up his own body with the oxygen that he breathes. The more work you do, the more oxygen you must have and the more food you must eat to keep your weight stationary. Physicians have a way of learning the minimum activity of the human body by measuring what they call its basal metabolism. This is a measure of the oxygen intake in the body after the person has had no food for twelve hours and has rested quietly for a while in bed.

made to pay through the nose for indulging their conceit. Their sentimental domestic fairy lands have become barren with realism. Some of these men are frankly crushed and stupefied by the closed minds their wives bring to financial calamities. And well they may be. If there was ever a time when an understanding of business matters detracted from the charm of a woman, that time has forever passed. As usual we come to our senses because we are face to face with hard facts. Men no longer have the money to give their ex-wives huge amounts of alimony. Gradually that knowledge is sinking into the minds of the court. Perhaps this marks, for the United States, the end of another racket.

.NOV. R. im-

It Seems to Me .BY HEYTYOOD BROUN,

NEW YORK. Nov. B.—lt's all over now. And I am almost as pleased as if I had been a candidate. Election campaigns are invariably too long. The one which just ended, has been more interesting than usual. New York has seen its best battle-royal in many years. And yet there was always the need of a good copy reader or a superb stage director. Most of the gentlemen involved did hold their fire until the last few days, but even so there was a vast amount of repetition. They said too much and we of the press print-. ed too much. The differences in\ point of view which separate the candidates are by no means unimportant, but I do believe that La Guardia. O'Brien, and McKee might each have outlined his platform in not more than 500 words and let it go at that. For instance, in the last few days of the campaign, Joe McKee began his attack on La Guardia as a “red." If it amused McKee to in- , dulge in this somewhat silly sort of tackling the straw man, I suppose that might well come under the head of his own business. But after the sixth or seventh reiteration it wasn't funny any more. a a a One Sally in Each Alley JF I were a managing editor I think I’d send a form letter to everybody running for ’ office in which I would explain: “It is the intention of Broun's Daily Bugle to report all the news about all the candidates without any editorial bias in the matter of headlines, space and what not. But bear this in mind, no candidate can get the same speech printed twice.” I have no intention of becoming bitter about this, but people will call a columnist all kinds of names if he ventures to reprint some little thing he did five or six years ago. These same readers seem to be perfectly willing to let Bill Gish use for Friday night's big rally practically the same words he employed on Thursday and on Wednesday. I think people should be just as kind to columnists as to candidate. It does not seem to me that Mr., McKee’s herring issue improved with age. The more he dragged across the trail by just so much dia its irrelevancy increase. Indeed toward the end I even began to feel that it was in some ways sinister. There was the distinct suggestion, that at city hall there ought to be some strong man ready to call out the militia at the slightest protest. a a a Whalen and Midrooney A TOW, after all, we have had a -*■ ’ chance to study two methods of handling radical agitation in New York. Mr. Whalen said that there was a lot of law at the end of a nightstick, and as a result we had two or three messy and wholly unnecessary riots. Mulrooney as Police Commissioner* took quite a different tack, and during his regime there were many speeches, demonstrations, mass movements and so on, but very little disorder. If there ever was a city in which freedom of speech and assembly should be rigorously preserved it is New York. I suppose this city contains more different brands of political opinior?\ than any metropolis in the world. And clashes between rival factions are not unknown. And yet on the v whole we have managed to live with each ether tolerably well by allowing even the most violent and unpopular of agitators to have t’ r say. It can not fairly be said that in New T York freedom of speech and protest are mere old-fashioned ideals founded on the teachings of that sentimental philosopher, Mr. Voltaire. On the contrary, this tolerance has been proved a useful and a practical procedure in our city. I think it would be a< grave mistake to have a mayor who has show’n that he is practically color blind in the matter of dissenters. If Joe McKee honestly thinks Fiorello La Guardia is a Communist, then it would hardly be safe for any one of us to open his mouth to say, “I view with grave alarm. At this point a policeman’s club will come down “w’hack!” and there will rise the cry, “Why don’t you go back where you came from?” I wouldn’t like that at all. I was born in Brooklyn. (Copyright. 1933. by The Times)

Star Dust

BY MARION NEAL It is dusk now And over all Soft, silver-like The star lights fall. So silently The star dust spreads Like eider down From feather beds.

So They Say

The economy bill, which reduces veterans’ compensation by approximately $450,000,000 annually, was Passed at the insistence of millionaires desiring to cut their income tax assessments. Senator Arthur ft. Robinson (Rep., Ind.). The prime minister is accustomed to take refuge in rose-colored, sweet-smelling clouds of rhetoric, in what has been called a policy of blur so that none shall really the government’s precise policy.— Sir Herbert Samuel, M. P. When it gets hot. I let it stay hot. —AI Smith, interviewed about tha weather. In 1929 taxation absorbed 58 per cent of my net income; in 1930, 1931 and 1932 it absorbed the entire 100 per cent, and I am advised that many others are having like ex* perience.—J. S. Cullinan, Houston/X Tex., oil millionaire. When Americana just sniff our German champagne they’ll realize it is as good or better than the French or Italian wine.—Christian Adalbert Kupferberg, German -champagne maker.