Indianapolis Times, Volume 45, Number 62, Indianapolis, Marion County, 22 July 1933 Edition 02 — Page 4

PAGE 4

The Indianapolis Times (A RCBirr*.IIOW \KI> .NF.HSPAPM) ROT W HOWARD PrMkteat TAI.rOTT POWELL Editor EARL I>. BAKER Ruiik>m Manager I’hono—Riley 5.V.1

• J wow KO On 0 [A'jht and the P"‘Pl Will FI nd Their Oven Way

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SATURDAY JULY 23 IM JOBS AND LIVING WAGES rtft<T another ’he industrial codes are brought t' Washington and slipped Into place; and as the framework of anew socle* y thus Ls hems; erected, piece by piece, we who stand gn the sidelines only can pray tha* the thing is Roing to work smoothly when it is finished. Back of all the negotiations, arguments, ar.d maneuvering- wlnch are producing these codes there looms one gr<a’ fact— Our econom.c system can survive in recognizable form omy if the whole population of the country is kept pretty steadily at work at a living wage It is recognition of this far’ that has led an essentially conservative community to embark on an experiment which would have seemed, to most people, that height of radical folly as recently as a year ago. And it is only by keeping this fact constantly before our eyes that we shall be able to make a go of the program now being attemoted All our fine talk about economics, cooperation. price levels, and all the rest comes down to that, in the end. People must have Jobs, and the Jobs must pay them enough so that they can buy the things that they produce. Unless we find some way accomplishing that, our eventual collapse seems certain. Viewed in this light, the administration's program is clearly the very essence of conservation Nothing less than what now is being tried could have been attempted The old system must be modified at least as greatly as the “new deal' 1 modifies it. if it is to survive at all. A good many years ago Abraham Lincoln warned that the nation could not continue to exist half slave and half free Both the compromisers and the die-hards tried to find a way of getting around that unpleasant truth, and the disaster of the Civil war was the result. Today we are facing the fact that the nation can not continue to exist half prosperous and half destitute. There is one way out and only one: To provide lobs at decent wages, to keep purchasing power level with production If we let ourselves get frightened by the experiment we are making, or if we let rising prices fool us into the belief that times are going to correct themselves without our help, we shall be riding for a fall Just as cataclysmic as the one the nation took in 1861, “FIND TIIK DRY STATE” ’T'IRST. Indiana. lowa. West Virginia. Alabama and Arkansas. Now Tennessee. Every so-called dry state voting to date on repeal has gone wet. Thp country begins to wonder whether there is any dry state left in the nation. Perhaps the repeal organizations arp accurate In their forecast that all the forty or forty-one states voting in 1933 will ratify the repeal amendment. Today the score is 20 to 0, Oregon following Tennessee with a repeal victory Friday. And what are the drvs going to do about It? A few have admitted defeat and turned their efforts to more productive fields. But most of them continue their old obstructionist tactics, seeking, through political evasions and legal technicalities, to prevent action by states on the amendment and thus delay the inevitable. If they succeed in postponing final ratification beyond Christmas- which now seems most improbable—they will perpetuate the increasing chaos of nonenforcement and will burden the country for another year with the $220.000AG0 of special taxes which would be lifted by repeal If the drys want to advance the cause of temperance, as we believe they do. there is plenty of work ahead without wasting time In futile and costly anti-repeal crusades. In the first place, they can co-operate in drafting and enactment of adequate and intelligent state regulatory legislation for the liquor traffic. Second, they can concentrate on a much-needed educational campaign for temperance, which means moderation. COLONY TEST WORTH WHILE ONE of the mast interesting of all the experiments the Roosevelt administration is going to make will be its venture in “subsistence farming'' for industrial workers on the fringes of big cities. A $25 000.000 fund is available for this work, and the first colonies will be established soon. What the stunt will amount to is simply this: Land will be obtained on the edge of a city and will be subdivided Into small farms of one. two or three acres. A small home, perhaps to cost $3,000, will be established on each plot. In the middle of the colony will be a store, a playground and social hall, and the like. Occupants of these homes will be industrial workers irom the city. Each family will have enough land to raise vegetables, chickens and a little fruit—and. possibly, to keep a cow. And the Idea is that these workers not only will get the benefits of fresh air. open country life, and so on: they will be far more independent of the uncertainties of industrial life than any workers can be under ordinary conditions. If the factory that employs one of these men shuts down, for instance, the man doesn't starve. He stays at home, raises his own food, keeps his expenses down to a very low minimum—and has. on the whole, a pretty fair sort of time. Furthermore, while he ls working he |iea

his own source of supply Just the same. The arrival of the shorter work week gives him ample time to cultivate his garden and look aft/r his place. He doe* not need to spend as much on his day-to-day expenses as he did formerly. His money goes farther. He is more secure in every way. That, at any rate, is the theory; and it looks as if the $25,000,000 that will go into this experiment will be money well spent. To be sure, it may not work out as expected. It ls quite possible, for example, that it will narrow the market painfully for the regular farmer. It may lead the worker into debt and give him more worries than he already has. There are half a dozen ways in which it may prove impractical. But the experiment is very much worth making It may be that a big part of the solution to the modem worker's problem is to be found in some such thing as this, and it is tremendously encouraging to know that Uncle Sam is going to spend money to find out about it. KIDNAPERS’ QUALMS ' I 'HERE appears to be some doubt whether x any money was paid for the release of 77-year-old August Luer, Alton <I11.) also whether the kidnapers really were after him or his brother or son. But what Mr. Luer says were the parting words of his captors when thev let him go are significant: "We’d never have touched you, pop, if we'd known you were so weak and sick.” Not that we try to find anv milk of human kindness in the remark. But it goes to show that some kidnapers are genuinely terrified of having their victims die on their hands, let alone intending to murder them. Though there have been tragic exceptions, there is also much evidence to support the theory that few kidnapers would be such fools as to risk their necks with a murder when finally convinced there was no money to be gained. The motive for most kidnaping is merely sordid When it rnmes to facing dire risk, most kidnapers ar? doubtless as cowardly as the cringing gangsters who turn up In other forms of racketeering. As risks increase and more ransoms are refused, the devilish trade will diminish. Concerted police work, relentless prosecution, swift punishment, will do more than anything elsp to persuade the public that ransoms should not and need not be paid. THE SYSTEM TS WRONG ' I ’HEORETICALLY. we have four units of x government in this country—the municipality. county, state, and nation. Actually, we have a much large number—school districts, water districts, drainage districts, navigation districts, incorporated villages, port authorities, and so on ad infinitum. A recent survey of Dallas. Tex., showed that the people of one section were taxed by no less than sixty-seven agencies. Such a system is clumsy, expensive, and inefficient. It stands for duplication of effort and evasion of the spirit of constitutional restraints. It leaves the average citizen helpless, draining his pocket book and bewildering his mind. He finds it difficult to enumerate the various subdivisions of government, much less understand how they work. We excuse all this on the ground that life has become complicated, but many of the complications are artificial and arbitrary. Instead of trying to simplify and co-ordinate our system of government, we have subdivided it, split it up. and buried it beneath a mountain of laws and regulations, many of which conflict with one another Much of the authority exercised by cities i better could be handed over to the states, and | much of that exercised by the states better could be handed over to the federal governi ment. Why should every town have a different system of traffic rules and what profit is there in a hundred different building codes for communities of practically the same size in the same state? When you get down to brass tacks, liberty is vastly more dependent on system than on the privilege of individuals and communities to do as they darned please. Depression has awakened us to the presence of industrial anarchy, and we are attempting to bring system out of chaos through rules and uniform methods. The same idea profitably could be applied to politics. Public service in this country Ls a hundred j years behind the times. t This is due largely to the lack of intelligent management, to the continuance of practices that became obsolete in the Civil war, to the failure of government to keep pace wtih ordinary everyday life. If you want information about a city, the last place you go Is the police department. If you want to know the value of real estate, the last place you go is the assessor's office. Chain stores have found it possible to operate on a cash basis, but most branches of our government are six months or a year behind. On the average, it takes about two years to get rid of a lawsuit. In one case, a murderer was executed ten years after his arrest, though he remained in custody all the time. State rights and local rights have been abused, until they serve no purpose so dis- | tinctly as to obstruct the efficient functioning , of Justice. You can trace most of the crime, financial troubles of municipalities, social disorder and unrest to the confusion which handicaps government services, the conflict of authority, and the buckpassing made possible because of it. IN THE TENNESSEE BASIN /COMMISSIONER LILIENTHAL of the Tennessee Valley Authority demonstrated in his speech to the International Congress of Women rft Chicago that he has embraced | a broad and practical plan for development of the great Tennessee river basin that will be the model for other such projects. He Intends that the valley shall retain its , own culture; that its development shall take place along entirely practical lines. And in his program, Mr. Lllienthal stresses, as It should be stressed, the vital importance of the power development. Conservation and de-

velopment of power and soil resources dovetail into a single policy. “We are at the very beginning of the power age." Mr. Lllienthal said. “In my Judgment we have not begun to tap the possibilities of the use of power as a means of increasing the incomes of our people and of lightening the burdens which fall so heavily upon many of them.

“This presupposes, however, that power can be sold for lower rates than thus far has been the case. Only in this way is it feasible that power may be used In an infinite variety of ways and with greatest freedom. We reasonably may anticipate that the President's plan for the Tennessee valley greatly may hasten the day when low cost power will be a humane and a liberating force, bringing with it every manner of economic and social benefit to ourpeople.” Indication that the Tennessee Valley Authority has begun to move toward its power objectives was given In the announcement by Chairman Morgan that two experts had been assigned to study the projected transmission line to connect Muscle Shoals and Cove Creek plans. In Washington and in the valley the demand for construction of this line is becoming more widespread. Senator Oeorge W. Norris, author of the act. believes it should begin immediately. Chairman Morgan's official recognition of these demands will hearten the valley. Construction of this transmission line not only would mean that government-generated power would be carried over government-built wires to Cove Creek to be used In construction of that dam. but also that cities and towns along its route would get the cheap power they have a right to demand. TOO MANY CLOSED BANKS banks ar e not being opened quickly enough. Asa result, much needed mass purchasing power is withheld. The Committee for the Nation and other organizations report that business revival is lagging, specially in communities where unfavorable banking conditions exist. No one is asking for the opening of unsound banks. Unsafe institutions should be out. But a large number of the closed banks have had their reorganization plans approved by proper governmental authorities. In such cases either red tape, or unnecessary delay in detail work, is postponing eventual opening of the banks. In commercial banks alone about two and a half billion dollars in deposits are frozen. Though the government is proud of having cut the figure in half from the peak of five billions, the balance remains far too large for she economic health of the country. Not only are these frozen deposits held out of circulation, but almost as bad is the state of fear and uncertainty which spreads from the closed banks to infect entire communities. Os course all this is well known to government officials. But most of them have been very busy with other problems. It is to be hoped that they can concentrate soon on the quick reopening of all sound banks. New York has called a special session of the legislature to grant cities the right to levynew forms of taxes. Can it be possible that any have been overlooked? Boston dispatch reveals $12,000 fund endowed to provide flannel underwear for Andover theological students has been untouched for years. Probably young preachers figure they will have enough scratching to do in life, as it is. Judging by those prohibition repeal victories in Alabama and Arkansas, the "Solid South" is no longer solid—but liquid.

M.E.TracySays:

IN no line of business is overproduction more ; apparent than in that of oil. We are able to | consume but a small fraction of the available supply. Through legislation, as wpII as volun-1 tarv agreements, the output has been curtailed drastically. Some fields are not allowed to sell more than 2 per cent of their potential flow, in two states the militia has been called out to enforce restrictive provisions. Under such conditions, oil men would be justified in resting on their airs, but they do not see it that way. They realize that such conditions aie temporary and that, from a sound business standpoint, this is the time to get set for expansion. They not only are opening new flplds in this country, but are sending out scouts and geologists all over the world In spite of overproduction. unemployment and poor markets, these forward-looking men are planning and building for a bigger future. Hardly a month or a week passes without news that one or another of our great oil companies has found anew field, or been granted anew concession in some foreign land. a a a ON July 15 a dispatch was received from Jeddah telling how the Standard Oil Company of California had been granted a concession by Ibn Suad for the exclusive right t exploit the oil fields of eastern Arabia. One would like to read the inside story to get the color and follow out the details. There is bound to be romance and adventure back of this curious transaction. Who got the ear of Ibn Suad, and how? Why does he prefer to deal with an American rather than a British oil company? Where did the American company find representatives sufficiently familiar with Arabic affairs to negotiate the deal? Meanwhile, one ls glad to know that industrial leaders have not lost their vision or courage, that they believe in better times, and that they have not succumbed to the philosophy of progress by means o* curtailment, or isolation. nan A S long as hard-headed business executives -iV. in this country dare to seek fortune in the Arabian desert and bet their money on the prospect of converting wild tribesmen to the use of automobiles and electric lights, we can have faith in the vitality of civilization. Asa matter of common sense, trade recovery is much more dependent on carrying modern comforts and conveniences to thase people who lack them than on the reduction of output in more highly civilized lands. More than half the human race still lives in a primitive way. It Ls to that half that we must look for markets. Progress never has and never can feed on itself. The problem now confronting modern industry is one of wide distribution. We are paying altogether too much attention to the fact that some people have all they need. What we should be thinking about is the fact that many more people have far less than they need.. It is not only our privilege, but our duty, to sAe that all backward sections are brought into line with civilized life. In no other wav can we proride markets for this machine age or lay the foundation for peace.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

(Time* reader* are in’ited to erpre** their rictr* in three column*. Make your letter* *hort, *o all ran hare a rhanrr. Limit them to f.’O card* or le**.) Bv H. W. Michael I have been reading with interest your articles regarding conditions at the state penal farm. I am pleased to see The Times expose the terrible conditions which exist there. I am in position to know that your articles are mild, so far as you have disclosed. I was an inmate of the penal farm for thirty-four days. I w*as sent there from Delaware county on a public intoxication charge. I am a former city controller, member board of public works and councilman of Muncie. Due to a feud between local officials, I was a victim for this confinement. I was assigned to the officers’ moss and was in contact with the officers at all times of the day. I ran not see the reason for the reappointment of Superintendent Howard. I was there under his regime ! ‘l>d witnessed several brutal attacks on inmates. I was assigned to the administration building and was in pasition to see and hear many things that occurred. I know* that guards, or screws, as they rail them, stole, drank, and reported for duty intoxicated. I saw old and crippled men beaten unmercifully. I never was reprimanded at any time during my stay there, due to the fact that I obeyed even- rule carefully. If you should be interested in any further information. I shall be glad to give it to you by my affidavit. Permit me to say again that your expose is timely and true. Bt V. S. MsClarhev. California Joint Immigration Committee. Roy W. Howard, in his recent article in The Times, furnishes interesting information as to the present political conditions in the far east, and offers certain suggestions as to the policy which the United States should follow In connection therewith. He says that the Japanese gen-

Th'.* Is the first article In a series of five on choosing th* family doctor. OF all the problems that may concern the average family, there probably is not one in which th? decision is of more ultimate importance for its health and happiness than the choice of the family physician. The family doctor of an earlier day was learned mostly in the school of experience. In many instances he had studied with a preceptor and perhaps had a course of lectures in some medical school lasting six months and devoted but slightly to the practical side of medicine. Such knowledge he obtained by studying cases with his preceptor. He did. however, develop an intimate personal relationship with those whom he served, which is recognized today as the basic feature of the best type of medical practice. In the old lays the family loved, indeed almost worshiped, the family doctor. He was their guide in health as well as in sickness. He alone, of all the community, knew

HOW I love to feel that tingle in the air that made pre-suf-frage days so exhilarating! And it’s being wafted about. Once again the American female is snorting for her rights, and this time it Ls “the right to support herself." A battle for a worthy cause, I say. ardor for which has been accumulating during the last four years which saw us sink to new low levels of economic degradation. It's very difficult to regard this subject without prejudice. I recognize the struggle a man must make to admit that a woman has a right to compete with him in the first place. But he may as well subside. He hasn't a !eg to stand on. so far as intelligent argument is concerned. i

: : The Message Center : : I wholly disapprove of what you say and will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire

Choice of Family Physician Is Important

: : A Woman’s Viewpoint : : .’ B Y MRS. WALTER FERGUSON== ! -—

Saving Us!

Federal Police By W. H. Brennen. THE Times and the News both, seem to favor the plan for a federal police force, as suggested by me to Senator Copeland. lam urging that two regiments of the army be thrown into the field by a proclamation of martial law by the President. The editorials tell how all other plans have failed and. in a w*ay, point out the advantage in haring a real nation-wide force to clean up all kinds of crime. But it is too weak a request. All must get behind it. The press must realize that it is a waste of ink to urge, in a half-hearted way, for this federal police. So if they feel it is needed, as one is led to believe by reading the editorials, they must all center on a plea for it and make it stick.

erally believe that public opinion in this country, partly because ol woman suffrage, has lost its virility; that we advocate pacifism and reduction of armament, not from motives of altruism, but to avoid taxation and because we lack the means and desire to fight. In consequence, Japan has ceased to respect us. either as a nation or peoplp. He suggests as a necessary step to rpgain Japan's respect that we build our navy up to full treaty strength, not as an invitation to war. but as a demonstration of our desire and ability to protect ourselves and thereby prevent war. Evidently Mr. Howard would not recommend compliance with Japan's naive request, recently made, that the American navy be withdrawn from the Pacific ocean, for the reason that its presence there is displeasing to the Japanese people. He does suggest, however, that, as a step toward securing Japan’s good will, we repeal the law’ excluding aliens ineligible to American citizenship and great immigration quota to her people. Apparently, government propaganda has developed In the Japanese people the psychological attitude

BY DR. MORRIS FISHBEIN

i Editor Journal of tho American Medi- . cal A**nclatinn of lived*. the Health Magailne. the family secrets and he alone could be depended on to keep the faith. True, his remedies occasionally were harsh, and his diagnosis large- 1 ly guesswork, but his record of cures is surprising. He was known especially for his ability to practice the art of scientific observation, using to the utmost his five senses. The physician of today has available innumerable scientific devices for aiding, prolonging and extend-, mg these senses. However, unless brains are mixed carefully with the application of the devices, the result may bp confusion rather than scientific diagnosis, and the cost far beyond that necessary for first-class medical practice. In choosing a physician it !s weir to find the answers to certain questions which might be called "an aptitude test for the family doctor ” First, is he a graduate of a recog- , nized medical school that requires at

To be sure, he can inject into the discussion the same old wheezes about homes nd careers not mixing. and about woman's inability to hold executive positions, and about physical weaknesses, and the injustice of women in industry while so many men are out of jobs, and all the other sleasy excuses. But he's biased in his attitude so long as he advances them. B • B HE can't alter the fact that the American woman Is a citizen under the law. and. according to the Constitution, she can not be discriminated against. When she got the vote, she got also the right to work at anything she wanted to do. Cards are being passed around in.

described by Mr. Howard. Adequate increase of our navy, already inaugurated by President Roosevelt, may aid us in regaining Japan's respect. but the effect certainly would be nullified if. at Japan's demand, we reverse our long-established policy and open the immigration gates to the Asiatic races. Japan makes no such demand on other Engllsn-speaking nations, which, for similar reasons, exclude Asiatics. That she makes the demand on us furnishes some proof of the correctness of Mr. Howard’s diagnosis. And if we do grant quota to Japan. it must be done with knowledge that she will accept, it only as a step toward her announced goal of "racial equality"—same right for her people in immigration, citizenship, land ownership and other matters, as conceded to Europeans She fought for recognition of that principle at Versailles in 1919. and repeatedly has proclaimed it since. Japan and her friends declare that she does not resent the exclusion of her people, but rather the manner in which it was done, and that a plan similar to that adopted by Australia would have met hpr approval. It is history, authenticated by official public records, that Japan protested violently against the Australian law. and finally appealed to Great Britain. She desisted only when certain that Australia would make no concession and that Great Britain did not dare to coerce her dominion. She since has accepted the Australian situation gracefully and now declares that it Ls entirely satisfactory. The facts and arguments which induced congress to reject quota and approve general exclusion of all ineligible races are fully covered in the hearings of the immigration committees of congress in 1924 and preceding years; and recently in "Quota or Exclusion for Japanese Immigrants," a comprehensive detailed report of a year's investigation of the subject by the Commonwealth Club of California.

least four years of thorough training? There was a time when there were morp medical schools in the United States than in all the rest of the world. We had almost 200 medical schools in this country around 1900. Today, there are fewer than eighty medical colleges in the United States and the vast majority of these are rated as Class A by the council on medical education and hospitals of the American Medical Association. A Class A college is one with a certain definite number of full-time teachers and with a well-established, graded curriculum. It requires at least; two years ot college education previous to medicine, four years of medical education of approximately nine months each, and one or two years of intemeship after graduation before the prospective physician can get his diploma. In subsequent articles I shall discuss in more detail the choosing of the family physician. Next: The qualifications your family doctor should have.

the New Deal. If It's to be poker, the women are going to ante. How build an entirely new economic structure without recognizing our former unjust discriminations! A different wage scale for the sexes always has been unfair. Today it is tyranny. The protection of incapable men at the expense of capable women is the worst form of economic unrighteousness. Because a woman can bear a child is not a sufficient reason to forbid her doing other things she might enjoy It probably will be a hard fight. Right now the men have the power, with the authority to use it. But let them remember this—where j women are involved might does not make right. i

JULY 22, 1933

It Seems to Me •==■ BY lIEYWOOD BROUN' .

YORK. July 22.—There * IN no fool like a Republican In Alabama the state chairman sent a last-minute message to his nor too numerous cohorts, urging them to vote against repeal. ' President Roosevelt L* for it." he said "That is all we need to know If it Is a Democratic measure, good Republicans should oppose it " This same philosophy should serve to mark the last days of the G O P. If it is carried to its logical conclusion Surely the organization which has ruled so long in America hardly can come back to life again by pursuing a policv of pure negation. I am not disposed to mourn the passing of the Republican party. It had its inevitable time and place in the economic history of America, but at the moment it possesses no slogan around which to raliv its forces in 1936. The only numerous elements In revolt against the administration are the drys and the disgruntled veterans. Any Republican leader who attempts to capitalize on the cuts made in allowances will have to eat a great manv words and traditions established bv previous parr leaders. 808 Making Issues (leaver AS a matter <f fact, one of the best, things to be said about Franklin D. Roosevelt is that his conduct of affairs up to the moment of writing has served to clarify i politics situation. Radicals have attackfd him bitterly, but they owe him a debt of gratitude because !v has moved the field of operations lar to the left of any battle-ground Vet known in our national elections If his term in office brings any measure of recovery, the reactionary cause is as good as dead. President Roosevelt has an easy score to shoot at. He need do no more than better Hoover s record by a fraction to lie safe from any attack which can be mustered to the right of his position. Even if the brightest dreams of the brain trust, fail to materialize. I hardly expert to see the voters swayed by any such slogan as "Bring back the good old days of Hoover, with a couple of Herberts in every pot." Almost overnight the issue has been changed from a fight between conservatism and radicalism to the inevitable struggle between amelioration and revolutionary change. If the Republicans wish to begin grooming a candidate so far in advance. they must turn to the sons of the wild Jackass to find anybody with a fighting chance. President Roosevelt is sitting pretty at the moment. because the opixxsition to his policies Is so vitally divided. Any survey of letters to the editor will find him assailed by a dozen who charge him with having embarked upon an enterprise purely socialistic in character and an equal number who feel that he is far too conservative to meet the present crisis in any adequate way. BUB That ‘Somewhere’ Line IDO not hold that a man must be right, simply because he faces 1 criticism from opposing camps, but at least he has the right to feel that, he need not fear attack from any combination of such divergent forces. Just now the President's most I bitter editorial foes in the rity of New York are the leader writers of j the Daily Worker and the Herald ; Tribune. To the Worker, Franklin , D. Roosevelt seems the very replica of Hitler or Mussolini. From the i ringside seats, where the Tribune , sits, he looks much more like Stalin Like a finish at the rare trark. the decision depends upon thp angle I think it is bevond argument that I Roosevelt is the mast radical Prr.s- ---; idem ever known in America And yet I can understand thet loud laments of those who complain that he does not go far enough. Hoover was a leader who deserves a pension from believers in complete economic upheaval. He did more to convert the mili lions to a belief in revolution than all the Communist and Socialist. ; orators put together. Four more ; years of his administration and the co-operative rommonwealth would have been racing around the corner at least five lengths In front of prosperity and roming strong.

B B B Leering Out Lightning ROOSEVELT has been much more shrewd. He has stolen a great dpal of the radical thunder, although he has been wary about not touching the radical lightning. Distinctly he has made a beginning toward anew sort, of economic setup Yet there is logical reason for radicals greeting any such movement with jeers rather than cheers. Very often a beginning is merely another full stop set in the way of advance. Even the President's most radical advisers are beginning to spe that some slight betterment may b? used against them Already there is a disposition to say, “We're not out of the woods yet. but here Is a nice cool spot; let’s sit down for another decade or so and rest " I'm all for marching on. In so far a Roasevelt has made a start, I'm for him, but it’s still a long journey from the turn of the track and down the punishing stretch to the finish. Coovrtaht. 1931 bv Th Time*)

Potent Girl

BY CHRISTIE RUDOLPH I shall wriggle my body from this pearled shell And gaze upon the sea, and ride the waves. I’ll splurge the shore to vague remote caves. And glide into the darkness of a silent dell. I shall grope the bitter refuge, and wet debris Os perturbed storms of nights long past. And rushing streams crude and vast That madly race by, that I alone may see. Oh I shall tear s he thunder from the sky And place its cor. r tant rumble near my ear. Then I could walk with God, and never fear Nor tremor at the storm, or be airaid to die. \