Indianapolis Times, Volume 45, Number 52, Indianapolis, Marion County, 11 July 1933 — Page 6

PAGE 6

The Indianapolis Times (A SCRIP PB. HO WAHL) .NEWSPAPER)' ROT WJ HOWARD President TALCOTT POWELL Editor EARL D. BAKER Business Manager Phone—Riley 5551

Sll'Mf ■ *t '\M Oivt LAvht and the Peoplt Will find Their Otcn Wav

Member of United Pres*, Rcrlppn - Howard Newt-paper Alliance. Newspaper Enterprise Association. Newspaper Information service and Audit Bureau of Circulations. Owned and published dally (except Sunday) by The Indianapolis Times Publixhinz (Jo.. 214-220 West Maryland street, Indianapolis, Ind. Price in Marion county, 2 cent* a copy; elsewhere, i) cents—delivered bv carrier. 12 cents a week. Mail subscription rates in Indiana. $.'J a year: outside of Indiana. 60 cents a month.

TUESDAY. JULY 11. 1933. THE FIRST RECOVERY CODE QIX months ago this country would have laughed to scorn a prediction that July would see child labor wiped out in cotton textile mills, the stretch-out abolished, the mill village on the way to the scrap heap, 1929 wages guaranteed to unskilled laborers for the shortest work week they ever have known, the right to join labor unions no longer questioned. Yet this has come to pass with President Roosevelt’s signature to the cotton textile code. So quietly has this revolutionary change In the economic and social structure of the country taken place that it is only by wrenching our minds back a little to the misery of former days, to the bloody strikes of Marion, Elizabethtown, Danville, and other mill towns, to the stark suffering of these later years, when all the hours a or woman could work would not bring enough to live on, that we comprehend the significance of this new order in a great industry. The cotton textile code does not establish a Utopia for mill workers. The wages it provides are not enough for decent living. Yet it represents such a long step forward toward sane economic adjustment that it justifies real hope for the future. Its sl2 and sl3 minimum wages are fixed with a definite understanding that they may be raised at any time, and will be as soon as conditions permit. Its forty-hour week, also, is flexible, and may be shortened if employment lags. Its limit on production promises stabilization of employment. The President, before he signed the code, plugged loopholes by which it easily might have been nullified. The code adopted for cotton textiles should convince other industries that their own well-being calls for similar agreements under the recovery law at the earliest possible time.

DR. LOWELL IN WORD AND DEED 'T'HE retiring president of Harvard university, Dr a Abbott Lawrence Lowell, made some noble remarks to the Harvard seniors. Among other things he said: “Our ignorance of what we are doing does not relieve us of all responsibility for our conduct or our opinions, for to think aright to the best of our capacity is a very grave obligation to those dependent upon us, to those who may be influenced by us, to the community of which we form a part. . . , “Truly, in times of public distress or excitement, the salt of the earth are those who hold on to themselves; who keep their calmness and balance of mind, trying to see things in their true, proportions, undistorted by prepossessions “The cardinal virtues—Justice, prudence, temperance, apd fortitude—are not evanescent nor can they ever become obsolete. . . . Above all, let us bear in mind that a good citizen’s first duty—mark you, by no means his only duty, but his first duty—to the public is to preserve untarnished his own moral integrity.’’ These are lofty sentiments. Had one not noted that they were ascribed to Dr. Lowell by the newspapers, one might have imagined that they had been voiced by Plato, Seneca, or Marcus Aurelius. Lest we forget, however, this same Dr. Lowell was the leading member of the committee whose report sent Sacco and Vanzetti to the electric chair. Here was his great opportunity to appear veritably the "salt of the earth,’’ keeping his “calmness and balance of mind,’’ and “preserving untarnished his own moral integrity.” How well did he measure up to the ideals he now extols? The dean of American philosophers, a mgn certainly of greater intellectual eminence than Dr. Lowell, expressed his opinion thereupon in the New Republic of Nov. 23, 1927. In a profound and searching article on the psychology of the Lowell report. John Dewey presented his final estimate in the following burning words: “One is humiliated profoundly at the revelation of an attitude which, it is submitted, the record amply sets forth, the record placed before the bar of history. The sense of humiliation is akin to that of guilt, as if for a share in permitting such a state of mind as is exhibited in the record to develop in a country that professes respect for justice and devotion to fraternity and equality.” We have no space here to go into details of the mental attitudes revealed by the whole Lowell report, but we may present a representative example of the "untarnished mental integrity’' as exhibited in the handling of Sacco’s alibi. Sacco claimed that he had been in Boston on April 15, 1920. the day of the murders, and hence could not have shot anybody in South Braintree. Two supporters of his alibi were Felice Guadagni and Albert Bosco. They stated that they remembered having seen Sacco in Boston on April 15 and identified the day because it was that upon which a dinner had been given to Mr. Williams of the Boston Transcript. Dr. Stratton of the Lowell committee communicated with Mr. Williams and the latter told him that the dinner took place on May 13, 1920, and that there was only one dinner. The Lowell committee believed that it had blasted Sacco’s alibi. Members suddenly called Guadagni and Bosco before them and asked these men if they felt sure that the dinner took place on April 15. Both reiterated their certainty that it did. Then the Lowell committee triumphantly put before them Mr. Williams' statement that the dinner took place on May 13. But the men remained firm. They furnished copies of their paper, La Notlzia, of April 16, 1920, and it carried an article describing the dinner to Mr. Williams. The latter then admitted that his memory had been defective and that there had been two fm-

ners—one on April 15, as Guadagni and Bosco had contended. The case of the Lowell committee against Sacco’s alibi thus fell ignominiously to the ground. Did the Lowell report reveal this fact? It did not. It was smoked out of Dr. Lowell by the famous New York lawyers who edited the report of the trial for Henry Holt. On Dec. 8. 1928, more than a year after the men had been electrocuted, he confessed to these editors that the facts were as set forth above. In his frigidly impartial history of this famous case, Osmond K. Fraenkel comments on the above incident as follows: “It Is difficult to escape the conclusion that in Its treatment of Sacco's alibi the Lowell committee was not actuated by the impartiality and open-mindedness which the outside world had a right to expect. . . . The conduct of the chairman of the committee, President Lowell, in his conduct of the examination and in his colloquies with counsel, seems that of a partisan seeking to vindicate a position* rather than that of an impartial investigator.” REBUILDING AMERICA TT IS gratifying to learn that the government proposes to ignore timid advice and launch its $3,300,000,000 public works program under full steam as provided for in Section 2 of the recovery act. Budget worries in connection with financing the bonds can be met by the next congress if necessary. Should present taxes prove inadequate, new revenues can be raised, as Senator Edward P. Costigan suggests, by increasing the estate and gift taxes to bring in as much as $100,000,000 a year. “A schedule of graduated taxes upon estates and gifts running up to 75 per cent of estates and up to 56 per cent of gifts in excess of $50,000,000 will prove ample, if other taxes lag, to Insure revenue to carry out the public works program congress has ordered,” said Senator Costigan. Quite as gratifying are evidences that this great program is to be something more than a wild spending bee. Wisely, Budget Director Lewis Douglas is scanning state projects so that federal money will be loaned only to states in sound financial condition. Wisely, President Roosevelt is insisting that only socially useful projects be undertaken. More important than any consideration is a determination that this vast project be directed to rebuild the republic’s physical plant to conform to changing national ideals. If this is done, every public dollar spent will be a seed that will flower into many dollars of private spending. The amazing migration of new families back to the soil in the last three years is too significant a trend to ignore. Congress sensed the force of this land hunger by setting aside $25,000,000 to settle people on subsistence farms. Roads, bridges, power plants, transmission lines and housing projects should be built with this movement away from overcrowded cities in mind. Conservation, erosion control, reclamation, and other works should be started with a view toward meeting the needs of a decentralized industrial system. Cities should be made more accessible to auto travel; the grandiose raising of skyscrapers abandoned; the mass housing of workers in downtown tenements avoided. In this way we shall be spending not only to make wages, but to open new social frontiers.

IMAGINARY FOES 'T'HE chief flaw in the armor of American 1 pacifism is its readiness to joust with imaginary foes, instead of real ones. Our pacifists crusade for petty and imaginary causes with the same vigor that marks their attacks on the munition makers, the ultramilitarists, and the flag-waving patriotic societies. This is a mistake. If the pacifists hope to weed out the evils of militarism, they should concentrate on major issues and stop wasting their ammunition on a host of petty causes. The fact that they have not done so explains why the pacifist movement has not made more headway in this country. Typical of these crusades against imaginary foes is the present fight the Women’s International League Is making against use of army officers to direct the work of the civilian conservation corps. In a letter to Conservation Director Robert Fechner, the league makes a stern protest against this practice. It contends that the army officers are unequipped to lead civilians in peaceful activities, that the army will take advantage of the opportunity to glorify itself and to make militarists out of the 250,000 youths in the C. C. C. and that civilians should be placed in authority in the forest camps. It particularly calls for civilians to train the C. C. C. in citizenship. In this case it seems that the Women's International League is jousting with an imaginary foe. Certainly, civilian leadership of civilians is better provided such leadership is readily available. But it would have cost Uncle Sam millions of dollars to set up a separate organization to handle the C. C. C. It would have required thousands of trained civilian leaders, equipment, and camps, to say nothing of food and clothing. All this has been provided by the army at little extra cost. Six thousand officers—trained to handle large bodies of men—have been assigned to the forest army to supervise its work. Army camps and equipment have been used, thus saving the government further millions of dollars. As to the league’s fears that the army will try to militarize the C. C. C., they seem to be unjustified. Perhaps the army has that idea in mind, but certainly it is far from the thought of President Roosevelt and administration leaders. In fact, the army has been warned to restrict all drills to minimum, just enough to establish a crude discipline. And. so far as is known, the army faithfully has carried out these orders. Instead of censure an abserver would think that the army is deserving of praise for the efficient way it has whipped the forest conservation corps into shape. Within a few weeks, 250.000 youths have been recruited from the cities and towns of America, clothed and trained and distributed among the various forests for six months of healthful and much-needed work. That is an achievement that even pacifists should not hesitate to praise. _ \ RUSSIA’S COURSE AT LONDON TTTHEN you consider the abortive London ’ ’ conference, it becomes evident that one nation really did accomplish somethin? defl-

nite there. That nation Is that International outcast. Soviet Russia. Russia had precious little interest in currency stabilization measures, and not much more interest in trade embargoes or tariff agreements. But while the other nations involved were jockeying fruitlessly for advantage on those points, the Russians settled their quarrel with England, effected anew pact smoothing out a troubled situation along their southwestern frontier, and came within shouting distance of recognition by the United States. For the other delegates the conference was little more than a trip to London, a chance to do some debating and an opportunity to meet lots of interesting people. For the Russians, however, it was a big opportunity—and the Russians seem to have made the most of it.

LABOR’S RIGHTS TESTED ONE of the things the events of the summer are bound to show us is just how progressive—or, if you prefer the word, how radical—the national administration really is. So far, its actions and policies ought to satisfy the mast liberal of citizens. It has put progressives in important government positions. It has gone ahead with such progressive programs as government operation of Muscle Shoals. Most Important of all, it has erected a vast framework which is the very essence of daring for control of industry, expansion of employment and raising wages and commodity prices. What remains to be seen is how it will act under that framework. The tip-off on this is very likely to come in connection with the administration’s attitude toward organized labor under the industrial control law. In its outlines, that law is all that the most ardent progressive could desire. Every worker is to be free to join a labor union of his own choosing. He is to get direct representation in all disputes over pay, hours, and other working conditions, before a government board, empowered to make its rulings stick. But there are rumblings along the horizon. Some of the very largest industries in the country never have had any use for organized labor, and spokesmen for certain of these industries have been hinting pretty broadly that they don’t propose to change their policy now, no matter what the new law says. Some of them are working feverishly to organize dummy company unions, by means of which they could thwart their employes’ desire for self-expression in labor disputes. Others are evicting employes who join unions and blacklisting men who try to organize them. Before very long one of these industrialists is going to collide head-on with the industrial recovery law—and then we shall see just how progressive our administration really is. If the administration sidesteps, ducks, or evolves a meaningless compromise which leaves the open-shop toryism of the industrial giants essentially unchanged, it will brand its progressivism as fraudulent. If, on the other hand, It stands boldly toe to toe with the reactionary employers and starts battling to make the law mean what it says it means—then it will justify the hopes of the people who voted it into power last November. Thirsty Virginians have demanded of Governor Pollard the right to vote on repeal. We presume the .state’s wets, if victorious at the polls, intend to celebrate with the Virginia reel.

M.E.TracySays:

MANY unique characters have claimed the political spotlight since the twentieth century began—Madero, Doctor Sun, Mustapha Kemal. Lenin, Mussolini, and a host of others. It has been a period of chaos on the one hand and reform on the other. Not a great nation but has been touched by the surge of new ideas and new theories. Mostly these have been promoted by strong, original men. Demagogs, we call them, for want of a better word, but they have left their marks. Hipolito Irigoyen, who died at Buenos Aires on July 3 was typical of the era of war, revolution, and reform through which humanity has been passing for the last twenty years, of the odd. independent type of man that has played such a tremendous part in changing the drift of political thought. He had the virtue of being different not only in his viewpoint, but in his method. It is said that he never made a speech or granted an interview to reporters, but he rose from obscurity to be the guiding force of Argentine for two decades. * , a a a IRIGOYEN'S origin is so obscure that the place and time of his birth are matters of dispute. Asa young man he studied law, but gave it up for ranching. A little later he became a captain of police and later still taught history in a normal school. Not until the age of 50 did he take any prominent part in politics. At that time he identitified himself with the so-called radical elements which sought electoral reforms. He became involved in three revolutions, all of which failed, but of which left him entrenched more solidly as a recognized leader of the popular party. In 1916, at the age of 66, he was elected president of the Argentine Republic. He not only named his successor in 1922, but was elected for a second term in 1923. only to be deposed by the Uriburu revolution two years afterward. In the war Irigoyen took a firm stand for neutrality, not because he was pro-German, but because he was an uncompromising nationalist. 11l his viewpoint. Argentina had nothing to gain by joining the allies and nothing to lose if she did not. Because of his attitude, he generally was regarded as anti-American, and a certain degree of antagonism developed on account of such a belief. a a a LIKE most reformers. Irigoyen found himself unable to control the more radical elements of his own party on the one hand or stem the natuial tide of reaction on the other. After serving one full term as president and two years of a second, he was overthrown by revolution in 1930 and made a virtual prisoner of state. Nothing attests the power he had acquired more vividly than the fact that those in control of the Argentine government, did not dare to set l|im free until he had become so feeble that the imminence of death was respect. Now that Irigoyen no longer is a menace and the part he played in the affairs of his country can be judged without prejudices of active partisanship, he will be accorded the place he deserves as a leader of political thought. In this connection he stood against the prevailing drift of internationalism. He was much more of a democrat than some of those who set out to save the wond for democracy on a batUtfield - K

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make your letters short, so ail can have a chance. Limit them to 250 words or less.) By W. H. Brennen, The people are interested in the London economic conference and can see the fight the gold bloc is waging. Yet not one of the gold bloc nations is a producer of gold. Shows something wrong. It seems strange that the nations that could produce gold if revaluated, as Congress allows in the gold clause, must listen to this gold bloc and see the meeting fail, when all that is needed is for this government to revaluate and order gold recoined. Most of our delegates are sound money men and can’t get going at top speed when talking about an adjusted gold dollar. They used to look upon it as a 50-cent dollar if spoken of in congress. Now they must face the world and accept an adjusted gold dollar that will stand for a hundred years or longer and will stabilize currencies of all nations. It must break their hearts. But I can't see why such men were sent to this meeting. The money question was not even given them to talk on, so it seems. When it is settled, it must be settled by the President, it has been stated, and it’s a good thing it is in his hands. But if an agreement is reached, and they fail to reduce the content to 50 per cent, it won’t be settled. Just be a long fight. The W’orld must revaluate gold to keep in step with higher wages. The value set on gold has been too low since slaves were freed. Wages went up until gold mining could not be made to pay, except in rich pay dirt. By Ernest E. Owens. It is reported in the press that Clarence E. Martin of Martinsburg, W. Va„ president of the American Ear association, in an address before the Indiana Bar association, at Lake Wawasee, Ind., on July 6, 1933, attacked the proposed child labor amendment to the United States Constitution ‘‘as a Communistic

This is the first article In a series on first aid. WHEN illness or accidents occur, it is well for someone in the home to know what can be done immediately. Such knowledge will avoid confusion, alarm, and distress that inevitably occur when no one knows just what to do in an emergency. Prompt and proper action may save a life or prevent injuries from becoming more serious. There are available innumerable books on first aid, including the books used by the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts organizatons, and many small pamphlets sold privately or distributed by manufacturers of first-aid supplies. Several of the large insurance companies also have books which they send on request. The emergencies that occur are numerous. No one cam be prepared for all these any more than any family is fully prepared for twins or triplets. There are, how’ever, certain supplies that may be kept in every

lam tremendously encouraged with the prohibitionists. When humor invades their ranks, we may expect to find intelligence there also. And Dr. Daniel Poling, one of the eminent dry leaders, has issued an official statement to the effect that the liquor traffic will be ridiculed out of existence. “From now on,” says he. “we are going to use satire and laughs, not tracts.” Good. That at least will be a pleasant change. Unwittingly, perhaps, Dr. Poling is stooping for the weapon of his adversary. For ridicule was the thing that laid low the dry forces. The main thing wrong with the prohibitionists was that their sense of humor never did match their zeal. Had it done so, a different story might have been written the eighteenth amendment today.

: : The Message Center : : I wholly disapprove of what you say and will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire

Know What to Do in Case of Accident

: ; A Woman’s Viewpoint : : =BY MRS. WALTER FERGUSON

Still Hanging On!

Sound Sense By F. M. Younsr. Here is a snappy slogan for a newspaper, taken from the Rockport (Tex.) Transcript, edition of June 11, 1870: “La*e to bed and early to rise. “Never get tight—and advertise.”

effort to nationalize children,” “a Socialistic measure,” “a blow at the home,” and “opposed to the ideals of our American Constitution.” Such a report is almost unbelievable. The American Bar is respected by reason of the fight its members have made for human liberty. The names of Patrick Henry’, Thomas Jefferson and Abraham Lincoln will be green in the memory of mankind so long as men anywhere love liberty. In times like these, times when the nation is in greater danger than it was during the war, the American Bar has a duty to perform. In other struggles for human rights, it furnished the leadership. Its history is glorious by reason thereof. Is it possible that in the present crisis it will be found wanting? Is it possible that President Martin is representative of the American Bar? Or is he, stripped of the gilt and tinsel of his high office, merely the “mouthpiece” of greedy, selfish and incompetent mill owners, who wax fat upon the toil of tiny hands. Is he the independent, fighting, liberty-loving type of American lawyer. or is he merely serving his master? Does he have a mind of his own or is he a mental prostitute? A list of his clients would answer the question. The greatest wealth of the nation is its childhood. It is the most precious charge of the family. It is the most vital interest of the community. Society is most concerned deeply. If man on earth has a sacred charge, if he has a holy obligation, it is to childhood. Trusting, carefree, loving, tender, its influence is elevating and satisfying.

BY DR. MORRIS FISHBEIN

Editor Journal of the American Medical Association of Hygeia. the Health Magazine.

home, pending the occurrence of various accidents. The knowledge of the availability of these supplies and what to do with them by the mother, father or the nurse will be found extremely helpful when the emergency arises. In the United States the number of accidental deaths reaches almost 100.000 persons a year, and it is said that each year 10.000,000 people suffer accidents sufficiently severe to take them from their work. Os the accidents which occur in the home, falls constitute 40 per cent of the total; after falls come accidents from burns, scalds, and explosions; then asphyxiation or strangulation; and finally, cuts and scratches. Most of these accidents are preventable with carefulness, but it is in the nature of the human being not to be as careful as he might. When a person is injured in a fall the first step should be to ascertain the extent of the injury. It

They failed of permanent victory because they did not know how to laugh. They were always too sober. And seriousness carried to excess produces the clown. a a a THE thing I fear is that Dr. Poling and his cohorts are a little out of practice with satire and laughing. Having lain so long in a state of coma, their sense of humor must be somewhat atrophied by this time. It will take a great deal of hard exercise to restore it to its natural vigor. Another point overlooked by Dr. Poling is even more important. The man who can not laugh at himself is incapable of producing laughter in others. The first attribute of the satirist is self-Hdicule. Therefore, the person who would

Yet, with seventeen million men unemployed, with other millions on part time, four million children have been snatched from the cradle and stolen from their play to be fed to predatory forces that coin their blood into gold for the profit of incompetent and greedy mill owners. These children work from ten to sixteen hours a day, six days of the week and receive therefor from 65 cents to $1 a week. Is this in keeping with the “ideals of our American Constitution”? Is this a “blow at the home”? Is this a “Communistic effort to nationalize children”? For permitting this brutal sacrifice of childhood, society will pay the price. .Society shall reap the harvest. Greed alone is responsible and indefensible. ♦ The president of the American Bar Association is recreant to the highest ideals and the best traditions of the bar when he defends such a damnable institution. His conduct places him alongside of those in history who “learn nothing and forget nothing.”

Dally Thought

So ought men to love their wives as their own bodies. He that loveth his wife loveth himself. —Ephesians 5:28. A GOOD wife is heaven’s best gift to man.—Jeremy Taylor.

So They Say

History is the narration of a series of changes, often for the better, but not always so.—Dr. A. Lawrence Lowell of Harvard.

If a woman’s voice is crassing, it has a soothing effect on the irritated or worrried male. —Judge Eugene C. Bonniwell, Philadelphia.

is necessary to determine whether bones have been broken, if there is bruising or hemorrhage and, finally, the extent to which the skin has been damaged. A broken bone usually reveals itself by inability to function. However, the only safe procedure is to call a, physician, who will take an X-ray picture. Pending arrival of a physician, it is well to place the injured part completely at rest and, if necessary, to hold it quiet by some suitabie splint. A good splint can be made by wrapping a large size magarifie cr a newspaper, folded many „imes, with handkerchiefs around ’■he am or leg to hold the tissues in place. However, unless the person who is applying the first-aid measure knows exactly what he or she is doing, it is better merely-to put the injured person at rest and to keephim quiet. In subsequent articles in this series, I shall offer more first aid suggestions. NEXT: How to stop bleeding.

/hold the human animal aloft for the amusement of funsters must be I well aware of his own shortcoming ! and of his kinship with fools. He must not laugh at, but with, his i fellows. And the prohibitionists can not \ afford this snag. Their idea is excellent—for gentle laughter is the most effective destructive force—but II am afraid they can’t carry it through. ! If they have not been able during the last five years to let out a 'few merry ha-has at themselves, 'then it's going to be impossible for ithem to induce laughter over anybody else. Yet their risibilities should be developed. For history will record their regime as the biggest Jgke of the century.

JULY 11, 1933

It Seems to Me = BY lIEYTVOOD BROUN =

NEW YORK. July 11.—I read with great interest Roy W. Howard's suggestions as to Ameri ican policy in regard to the Far East, and I am in complete disagreement with his major conclusion. Naturally. I am not going to quarrel with his facts. Even if Mr. Howard were not my employer I readily would grant his high competence as a reporter. But Mr. Howard has gone beyond the reporting of facts as to the Japanese state of mind and proceeded into editorial theorizing. And there's a game that anybody can play. Out of Mr. Howard's own set of facts you can get ten different opinions. and mine is not that of Mr. Howard. •'There never has been less cause for disagreement between Japan and America then exists today,” he WTites. “Never have the tangible advantages of good will and cooperation been so obvious. Never have the suicidal certainties of conflict been so apparent. But logic and reason do not prevent wars.” a a a A Wreath of Rifles IT is quite true that, reason and logic have not availed to prevent wars. But it still is the best way to bet. Surely nobody can contend that unreason and illogicality have been potent in preventing conflict. Mr. Howard says in effect that there is no reason on earth why Japan and America should fight, and he adds that, therefore, it would be an excellent idea for us to build our navy up to full treaty quota or beyond. In other words, “Since every consideration should cement our friendship, you won’t mind if I slip a gun into my dinner- jacket before we go in for supper.” But in one respect I am ready to grant that Mr. Howard's plea for a bigger American navy is wholly logical. It is a harsh logic, based upon what seems to me a tragic government philosophy. Like all the rest of the world, we have gone ripsnorting off into an intense nationalism. - No country can be highly nationalistic and profoundly pacifistic at the same time. Nationalism is a chip worn belligerently upon the shoulder. No people can with any sanity say to the rest of the world, “To hell with you” and add in the next breath, “Can’t we be friends?” “If today’s situation teaches anything,” ventures Mr. Howard, “it is that, much as it is to be regretted, in the Far East at least, might still makes right”— If I had been endowed with the privilege of reading copy on Mr. Howard's news editorial I would have blue-penciled the phrase “in the Far East at least.” I wonder if Mr. Howard knows any quarter of the world where a different rule prevails. n tt tt Sending of Little Notes 1 QUITE agree with my employer that it is not only useless. but dangerous for us to keep sending little notes about Manchoukuo. It would be wise to extend recognition to thus strangely fathered province, no matter what doubts we may have as to its legitimacy. And, of course, Mr. Howard is entirely correct in urging Russian recognition as a part of this move. There can be no argument that Japan very openly has gone out and cut herself a slice of China. But none of the powers has a right to throw up its hands in holy horror. It is true that the United States took no territory and that we returned the Boxer indemnity. Nevertheless. there has been nothing idealistic about our “open door” policy. It represented nothing more than our mature judgment as to the best business arrangement we could make. There was no possible motive for us to seize territory as long as we profitably could exploit the entire empire. it has been to our advantage to grab, we have grabbed and invented some holy reason for doing so. The country which “took Panama” should not be too pious about the creation of Manchoukuo.

ana When Did It Begin? MR. HOWARD feels that idealism has failed throughout the world. It seems to me that it hasn’t even been tried. So many speeches have been made by so many American Presidents about our love and good will for all mankind that many of us are almost ready to accept these phrases as representing specific actions. But, in cold truth, we have done nothing. Self-interest has actuated us. None of our arguments in the London economic conference has moved an inch beyond a recital of our own needs. Except the preambles to the speeches. And this is true of France and England and Italy. Perhaps I will be picked up at this point by Mr. Howard or some of his well-wishers and friends, who may argue that, since we live in a world of greed and selfishness and national interest, we must lay our plans accordingly. But if we are to reach or even approach the new era of disarmament, some nation must make a start. Why not America? Sky Inspired BY WILLIAM H. CHITWOOD (Composed in an Airplane. Municipal Airport July 4, 1933) When poets of the old days wished to fly To inspiration’s fountain, Hippocrene, They rose on Pegasus o’er meadows green To Helicon, Apollo’s mountain high, And there, beneath an ever-peace-ful sky, They wandered over many a tranquil scene Midst dulcet measures played by music's queen, And graved in stone songs that would never die. Today, above the world’s confusion, I Seek inspiration in an air machine. But learn Polarity’s stem laws deny That thoughts may rise with wings and gasoline; “Thoughts highest rise from deepest depths*; best try Thy flight of fancy in a submarine.” *Bunyan wrote part of '‘Pilgrim’s Progress” in • dungeon.