Indianapolis Times, Volume 45, Number 24, Indianapolis, Marion County, 8 June 1933 — Page 12

PAGE 12

The Indianapolis Times <A SC KIPPS. HOWARD JEW3PAPEE ) HOY W. HOWARD President rr.U.COTT POWELL Editor EARL D. BAKER Business Manager I'hono— lillej- bool

ifowuil

Member of United Pres*. Scripp - Howard Newspaper Alliance, Newipap-r Enterprise Association, Newspaper Information service and Audit Bureau of Circulations. Owned and published daily (except Sundiyi by The Indianapolis Tunes Publishing Cos., 214-220 West Maryland street, Indianapolis. Ind. Price In Marion county. 2 cents a copy; elsewhere. It cents—delivered by carrier. 12 cents a week. Mail subscription rates ia Indiana. $3 a year; outside of Indiana, C 5 cents a month.

<7i>; Lijht and the People Will find Their Own Way

THURSDAY. JUNE 8. 1933. SCORE: TEN TO NOTHING A ND now Indiana, by a vote of almost 2 to The Hoosier state was listed, with Kansas, as cr.e of the nation's dryest. It was the first large doubtful state to vote on the repeal issue. Into Indiana the drys hauled their biggest guns for Tuesday's test. Dr. F. Scott Mcßride, the Anti-Saloon league’s generalissimo. Bishop Cannon, and others barnstormed the cities and back country. Indiana's wet victory, following a 4 to 1 landslide in neighboring Illinois, probably foreshadows repeal majorities in the six other states voting this month, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Hampshire, West Virginia, California, and once-arid lowa. The score today stands 10 to 0 for repeal by states, 5 to 1 by population. In July the drys take their stand south of the Mason and Dixon line. They are massing their shattered legions in Alabama and Arkansas. The repealists hope that President Roosevelt will make an appeal in behalf of the United States treasury that so urgently needs the half billion dollars of revenue expected from the tax on legal spirits. If the drys lose also in the south, the fight will be over. In addition to the ten states that have voted, twenty-one others have fixed their election dates and the governors of six more have been given power to call elections this year. If thirty-six out of these thirty-seven vote as have the first ten, it will be possible for America to record the end of a discredited experiment by Christmas. MR. HOWE’S BLUNDER AAR. HOWE, President Roosevelt’s secretary, has not made a happy explanation of his part in the forestry kit scandal. The uncontested facts are these: Basil O'Connor, friend of Mr. Howe and former law partner of the President, sent Mr. BeVier, head of a New York firm, to Mr. Howe with a letter of introduction. After talking with Mr. BeVier, Mr. Howe sent a letter to Director Fechner of emergency conservation work, stating: “It has come to my attention that toilet articles for the men of the conservation corps . . . can be purchased in the form' of a kit containing more items and of a much higher quality, at a considerably less price than they would cost if purchased singly, or if procured through the war department. ... I have seen the inferior articles referred to, and I have seen the kits of superior articles. ... If you feel that you arc in need of specific authority for taking this matter into your own hands, this letter will serve the purpose." Asa result of this Howe letter, Director Fletcher contracted for 200,000 BeVier kits at $1.40 each, which the quartermaster-general of the army says could have been purchased elsewhere for 85 cents or less. Neither Mr. Howe, who signed the letter, nor Mr. Lowery of the budget bureau, whom he requested to dictate the letter for him, seems to have made any investigation to ascertain that the BeVier kit was of higher quality or cheaper. All they had apparently uas the sales talk of Mr. BeVier. Mr. Howe's defense is that his letter was not intended to influence the letting of the contract, but merely to give Director Fechner such authority and discretion. The Howe letter, however, obviously did influence the contract, and on the face of it hardly could have done otherwise. No one suggests that Mr. Howe personally profited by this deal. Nor is the issue merely whether the government lost SIOO,OOO or $150,0000 through a technical error of a government official. Why should the President's secretary welcome government contract seekers, with or without political pull? Why should he interfere with the regular government purchasing machinery, set up to prevent political favoritism and graft? Why should he have or express any opinion on the relative merits of merchandise supposed to be passed upon by nonpolitical experts? Why should he—if so unwise as to participate in such transaction himself—draw in the President by permitting the President to sign a hasty approval? The most charitable answer to these questions is that Secretary Howe has been guilty of an inexcusable blunder. We hope the administration in its effective work will not be embarrassed *y such blundering in the future. WHOSE CRUCIFIXION? THERE are a number of sizable obstacles in the path of realizing a "new deal” this side of some radical overturn. Perhaps the most insurmountable of all is the difficulty one finds in inducing any considerable number of substantial business men to face facts resolutely and to recognize clearly their own real economic interests. The other day a number of the more im- , portant industrial and financial figures gathered in one of the most attractive cities of the east. Present also was a famous American journalist and novelist, who happens to be a resolute and veteran liberal. He was questioned as to the sentiment of the business men of the town relative to'the Morgan investigation. He replied unhesitatingly that they viewed it in a light most hostile to the senate committee and to Mr. Pecora. “In short," said he, “they regard it as nothing less, than the crucifixion of a great and noble benefactor of human society.” The city to which reference is made is remote from Wall Street with respect both to geography and to economic traits. Therefore, At is hard for many of its inhabitants to discern,* ljust wherein and to what degree they have]

suffered from the system of finance* capitalism for which Mr. Morgan stands. But it Is not difficult to show that the town has been blighted, like every other community which depends upon sound industrial operations, by the system of speculative piracy which 1s the arch enemy of American business. This city is an old and substantial town, important in the annals of American industry, culture, and statesmanship. Perhaps no other city of its size in the country tuts figured so prominently in the history of our humanitarian efforts. Two of the leading men in the history of the Republican party in our nation have made their home here, and many internationally famous writers have resided in the community. In its economic life it has been an old-line industrial community, manufacturing basic and essential commodities, such as agricultural implements, ropes, stationary engines, casangs, machine tools, shoes, canned vegetables and the like. Little direct speculation has centered here. It is pre-eminently a business town. Yet the city has suffered critically because of the triumph of the system of capitalism over legitimate American industry—a crushing victory in which the firm of J. P. Morgan is the major symbol and outstanding power. Like most cities of its type in the United States, it has been sacrificed on the altar off predatory finance. There is scarcely a business man, banker, cr real estate dealer in it who is not the poorer, therefor, usually through no major fault of his own. still most of them regard J. P. Morgan as a Sort of a patron saint. The major industry of the city is at a standstill, having been absorbed by a great holding company which has decided to manufacture elsewhere. Its banks are unusually sound and solvent. Every' one opened as soo# as the bank holiday was over and they have remained open. But they and their clients have been fleeced as a result of the speculative and brokerage mania which, has dominated the big bankers in our great cities. The latter have unloaded upon the dependent small city bankers their dubious securities and then let the latter and their clients hold the bag. Real estate has toppled in value as a result of the slump which the collapse of speculation brought upcm us. Electric light and power cost more there, because it is controlled by a great holding company which extorts its pound of flesh for no tangible service, while milking dry its sound local operating company in which many citizens of the community have invested their savings. The railrcads, staggering under the burden of speculative water, have been compelled to curtail their services. 1 ne wage-cutting policies, which are a cornerstone of the system of finance capitalism, have prevented workers from getting enough to buy effectively in the stores. The farmers, ruthlessly deflated by the financial moguls and by metropolitan speculators in the milk industiy, aie just as impotent as the workers when it comes to supporting mercantile establishments effectively as consumers. The depression has fallen heavily on this city. Though the citizens have rallied bravely in the emergesney, a fifth of the population is on the relief rolls. The senate is not crucifying Morgan, but Morgan and his like have crucified this city and almost every similar community in our country. A MAJOR PROBLEM have been told so often that the pending industrial control bill will open a new era in American life that the words just about have lost their meaning. And instead of gaping vacuously at this prospect, it might pay us to look into the problem of overproduction and see just why this bill, or something like it, is such a vital necessity. We all know that overproduction is largely responsible for our present ills. What we frequently overlook is the fact that overproduction is inevitable under our old system. Without an all-inclusive control from the top, there is no way of preventing it. Take, for example, the case of an industrialist whose firm is engaged, say, in the manufacture of plug hats. There are perhaps two dozen other firms in the country making plug hats. Altogether, vv oi king at capacity, they can turn out some 10,00(1,000 plug hats a year. Only 3,000,000 plug hats can be sold in one year. The nation has a greater plug hat-producing capacity than it needs. But our individual plug hat maker hardly can take that into account when he plans his year's production. He only can look at his last year’s figures, cast a weather eye at market conditions, and go grimly ahead to market his own quota. If he cuts his own production in half, because of the excess capacity of the producducing industry, one of his rivals gets the sales he should have had. And if he gets all of his rivals together and agrees with them that all shall produce at a third of their capacity, so that surpluses can be avoided and fair prices can be maintained, the whole lot of them is liable to prosecution by the federal government. This little fafcle could be applied to nearly every large business in the United States. Unless there can be united action in each industry, with Uncle Sam sitting in to see fair play and protect the rights of consumer and employe, there can not be an end to overproduction. Our fondness for free competition was justified in the old days of scarcity. Overproduction was almost non-existent then; when it appeared, rarely, it always adjusted itself sooner or later. Now, however, unlimited production of practically everything is possible. Under such conditions, free competition is a curse rather than a blessing. RECREATION'S VALUE ' | 'HE tremendous usefulness of public recreation grounds in a time when economic depression gives lots of people more leisure than they know what to do with is graphically shown in figures just issued by the National Recreation Association. Slightly fewer than 7,500 of the 12.684 directed play areas sifl>ported by 1,012 cities in the United States and Canada were visited by more than 270,000,000 adults and children during 1932. Attendance at outdoor play-

grounds was 13,000,000 above the previous year's totaL Even in desperately hard tines, public recreation deserves full tax support. Money spent on these facilities is money very well spent indeed. It would be difficult to overestimate the amount of good that organized, tatx-supported play spots have done during the last year. THE REAL LESSON r I ''HAT sheaf of letters and teßegrams reA ceived by Senator Carter Glass, denouncing him as a “crook and defender of racketeers,” represents the flying spray from a mounting tidal wave of public indignation over the Morgan disclosures. When a man of Senator Glass? standing can receive such letters, it is pretty obvious that the waters are getting rather turbulent, and the rising of the wave brings to our public men two chances to make disastrous mistakes. They can, first of all, fail to recognize .the wave s force—in which case, if they let themselves get in its way, they are ag>t to get soaked thoroughly. Second, they can fail to guide it into a useful channel, letting it, instead, dash itself out impotently on the beach tin a fine smother of harmless foam. s There isn’t much danger that 'the first mistake will be made. Even the blandest of men must realize that these Morgan revelations have stirred the country as it- has not been stirred in years. The real danger is that this fine force of public anger will be permitted to idissipate itself uselessly, so that, when the tunnult subsides, things will go on pretty much as they did before. That is the mistake that is apt to be made if we let ourselves grow unduly indigjnant at Mr. Morgan personally. This investigation is not, fundamentally, an attempt to uncover rascality; it is l not an attempt to ferret out those whom Theodore Roosevelt used to call “malefactors of' great wealth” and throw them in jail. t If its only result is to make us demand that some man should go to prison and that another man should resign his office, them it all will be wasted effort. Its true value is that it is revealing a tremendous and powerful invisible government by “insiders” who are free from public control, who make their own rules, and render their accounts to auditors of their] own choosing. The real villain in the piece is a -system and not a set of individuals. If the tidal wave of public indignation can be directed ajgainst the system, then the Morgan invest Jgation well may prove one of the most valuable undertakings that congress ever has tackled. News that Oregon fishermen are faring tin boots to protect themselves against rattlesnake bites probably will come as a big surprise to many fishermen who always- have thought that a quart of bourbon offerrad the best protection. Eighty-two-year-old Kentucky woman, after visit to White House, declares her only remaining aim now is to go to heaven. Republicans probably will insist she's wi' the wrong road. Army cadets defeated Harvard stuttents in higher mathematics contest. Maybe the war department can now tell the treasury how to collect an income tax from .‘Mr. Morgan. Kentucky judge rules that a golf player “is not legally able to control either the> direction or the destination of a ball driven by him.” Well, this judge doesn’t beat about the bush, even if a lot of golfers do.

M. E.Tracy Says:

A CIRCUS midget on J. P. Morgan’s knee was exceptional enough to arouse widespread interest, but disgust mingled wjith amusement after the initial shock. Whether the incident was of any advfertising value to the circus, it has served to create sympathy for Mr. Morgan and to belittle one of the most important hearings ever held. In this connection, it is pertinent to observe that the great-object .sought by congress is not to embarrass or torment great financiers, but to discover defects in the existing law -so they may be corrected. Mr. Morgan is not on trial. He has not been accused of doing anything illegal. Tlhe senate committee was not instituted as a grand jury. Purpose of this hearing is to examine the nation’s financial structure, with special reference to private banks and investment houses. ana EVIDENCE has been developed concerning practices and methods which appear undesirable and unsound to average people. This is a matter of general custom, rather than personal conduct. The remedy lies in legislation, rather than in prosecution. The larger purpose should not be obscured or sidetracked by incidents and revelations of a personal character. Entertaining as it may be to behold big business men on the griddle, we must not allow our appetite for thrills to interfere with such an essential undertaking as modification of the banking and income tax laws. The government, rather than J. P. Morgan, is on the carpet. The government is chiefly responsible for practices and privileges exercised by him and others like him. In his place, most men would have carried on business about the same way, would have lived within the law, as interpreted by counsel and let it go at that. Private bankers are not responsible for the laxity of our state department with regard to floreign securities, for the capital gain and loss .provision of the income tax law, for the custom of promoting enterprises through favored friends. a a a THEY have taken all possible advantage of their rights and privileges, which is only human. It is the government, however, that determines how far they cen go in this respect, and it is the government that should be held responsible. Mr. Morgan has made lots of money for himself and his partners. At the same time he has run a bank in such a manner as should make the American people feel humiliated because of what has happened to thousands of state and national banks. If his rights and privileges are restricted, it is not because of failure on his part, but because their unlimited exercise represents a danger to our political and economic structure. Obviously, this can not be done in the wisest manner if envy, thrill .hunting and other shallow emotions become dominant. Circus press agents ainfi stunts which go with their trade have no place in an investigation such as now is goikig on at Washington. They only serve to divert attention and create a false sense of valme*

r THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

UAp°p **'

: : The Message Center : :

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make pour letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them to 250 words or less.J By Bernard McGinty. My views on business and prosperity are peculiarly my own. I am aware that my views may, and no doubt will be the subject of criticism. Let us then inquire, why is it that we are in the midst of a monetary crisis? That the banks have suspended, with few exceptions; that many of the manufacturing establishments of the United States are silenced, and the workmen thrown out of employment; that the army of industry has been paralyzed; that money has become too scarce to answer the purpose of trade and commerce; that money has been put into sugar bowls and other similar places? Does the earth refuse to yield her reward to the hands of industry? What puts most of the laborers out of work? New inventions and machinery may be pointed to as the root of business evil. Why can not the United States government put a stop to the manufacturing of new machinery for the time being? It could, at least, limit the number of patents issued each year. There will be many stating that machinery has revolutionized the entire world. That is all good and true. But inventions and machinery have gone way too far in their field. By Russell B. Harrison. You well stated in a recent editorial in The Times entitled “Not a New Deal” that “it should not be necessary for congress to pass restrictive laws to protect actual sufferers from war service.” I agree with you fully that it should not be necessary, but the present situation in congress indicates that a majority of both the senate and house representatives are convinced that it is necessary to protect actual sufferers and from experience the veterans are convinced it is necessary. I have been brought in contact with many Spanish war and World war veterans and have been amazed at the unfair, cruel, and brutal manner in which their interests have been handled by subordinates

Feeding the Child Is Baffling Problem

THE mother who is concerned with the problem of feeding an infant constantly is between the Scylla of overfeeding and the Charybdis of underfeeding. In recent jears, more has been written against overfeeding than against underfeeding. There seems to be no question that overfeeding, particularly of milk, may lead to failure to gain in weight and difficulties of digestion, particularly when the milk has not been modified properly by addition of sufficient sugar. If the proper balance is maintained between the amounts of sugar and protein in the mixture and the total amount of material fed, this condition will not develop. The average infant requires about I*3 ounces of milk for each pound of body w r eight. It is well, however, to bear in mind that no two infants are exactly alike, and therefore it is not possible to generalize greatly. In a recent survey Dr. George J. Feldstein points out that the dis-

: : A Woman’s Viewpoint : :

CERTAIN American students in England have assembled to pronounce sentence upon George Bernard Shaw. They have branded him a menace to civilization. What bosh! Irritating as the Shaws of the earth may be, they are the truest, perhaps the only, friends of mankind. Without the constant criticism to which they subject us, we probably would sink into an ocean of smugness, and drown in our own complacence. Nothing is so deadly as a state of mind that compels man’s perpetual admiration of himself and his kind, because humanity moves onward through dissatisfaction and unrest, on the feet of nonconformity and revolution. To keep us forward, or even in a circle 1 you like that bet-

Turn About Is Fair Play!

A Strikeout Bv A. E. F. Disabled. '"JMIE genial prestigiditator who confuses us so delightfully from his dais in the White House has stepped out of character for the first time. We expected better sportsmanship out of a public servant who went to our national game for an analogy to explain his acts. “Sometimes I hit the ball, sometimes I strike out, but I'm always in there trying.” Well, Franklin, old boy, you sure struck out when you attempted to treat serviceconnected disability cases in the manner you did. And not only that, but your attitude, as expressed by Mr. Howe from the White House, was about as petulant as could be. Congress attempted to allay the not unwarranted fear of thousands of ex-service disabled by insuring them that their pensions would not be reduced more than 4 25 per cent. These men have service connected disabilities—they have a just claim. They are not gold brickers. To reduce them 25 per cent would be gross injustice, but hell, Franklin, you are not even satisfied with that reduction. Os course, that’s you, Franklin, and you’re much above that sort of thing. But, for the love of Mike, lose gracefully and don’t run to your mother (the alleged public, as interpreted by a kept press) when congress attempts to right a wrong.

and clerks of the Veterans’ Administration, under the economy act. The facts of many of these cases are amazing, under any claim of fairness or justice. Space will not permit enumerating many cases, but I shall refer to one from the Spanish and one from the World war. A veteran of the Spanish war was in the fighting at San Juan Hill and Santiago. While at Santiago he contracted yellow fever and became a wreck physically. A surgeon gave

BY DR. MORRIS FISHBEIN

Editor Journal of the American Medical Association and of Hyeeia, the Health Magazine. orders resulting from underfeeding are likely to come on insidiously, and therefore parents may not notice these disorders until the symptoms are serious. When a child fails to gain weight satisfactorily, there is not only a failure to grow, but there is a likelihood of some consumption of its own body tissues to make up for the deficiencies in its diet. It is for this reason particularly that infants must be sufficiently fed. The child requires material not only for energy, but also for growth. If an infant is not getting sufficient food, it is likely to be restless and to cry alter eacn feeding. If it is quite weak, it may even be apathetic and fail to cry. Asso-

BY MRS. WALTER FERGUSON

ter, we must have the Shaws of England, the Menckens In America, and all the protesting minorities that laugh at our inconsistencies, howl down our platitudes, and diagnose and dissect our holy causes. Critics seldom are popular. But they are necessary to nations as salt is necessary to bread. e st a THE strange thing is that we seldom resent evangelizing busybodies who call attention to our sins, and damn us to eternal burning. We swallow with the utmost good humor, even with a sort of pleasure, the insults heaped upon our heads, and their charges of immorality and of our alliances with the devil, but ready to roast alive the men who remind us

him a medical discharge based on service-connected disabilities. He was sent home and was taken from the train on a stretcher. The pension bureau notified him that his pension was cut off entirely, as his disabilities were not service connected. A World war vetran showed me his notice cutting off his compensation and the notice stated it was so cut. because his wound was not disfiguring. The period of the Spanish war was shortened greatly by President Roosevelt, who in his new order declared the war ended Aug. 12, 1898. All Indiana regiments were kept in service for months after this date and the hundred-sixtieth and hun-dred-sixty-first Indiana were sent to Cuba in December, 1898, and remained there five months. The volunteer regiments of the various states were not all out of service until about a year after the President’s new law giving the period of the end of the war. Veterans do not feel the President is fulfilling his public assurances both before and after his election. What they want is not a “New Deal,” but a “Square Deal.” Bv A Reader. I notice much unfavorable comment has been aroused by the fact that Governor McNutt has injected politics into the state library. I believe the Governor should be commended very highly for his action. Nothing needs more of a purging than the library system of this country. It is about time that old maid librarians who have outlived their usefulness should make way for some others who belong to an up-to-date generation. One can walk into any library in the country and feel that he is in an institution for the feeble and physically disable rather than a place of knowledge. I say, away with the old maids and give some of the young girls a chance to live. As for the die-hard Republicans, claiming that there has been no politics in the state library for thirty-eight years, ask any Democratic employe whether he deemed it advisable to wear a Democratic campaign button around the library before the last two presidential elections. More power to the Governor.

ciated with insufficient food, there usually is diarrhea, as well as symptoms of colic, vomiting, and the formation of gas. Whenever such symptoms occur in an infant and there is continued loss of weight, the mother will do well to consult *a doctor and get suitable information as to proper diet. Children who have not been sufficiently fed are especially liable to infections and sickness, because malnutrition makes them unable to resist conditions which more satisfactorily fed children are able to overcome. In the case of older children, underfeeding may be due to the desire of the child to get to school on time, to hurry out to play, or to a general lack of appetite because of failure of the food to appeal to its wants and desires.

that we are naive in our governmental policies, hypocritical in our business ethics, and stupid in our nationalisms. Yet these voices raised to shout aloud humanity's inert submission to the commonplace, the vulgar, the false, are our real benefactors, our St. Johns preparng the way for prophets preaching new philosophies, when the old will serve us no longer. Champions of truth as they see it. they are the yeast that leavens the dough of cultures and civilizations. Without them we would degenerate into a mass of sycophants, crawling before bullies, of fools groveling before greater fools. At any cost, the freedom of ideas must be preserved.

-TUNE 8, 1953

It Seems to Me ==BY HEYWOOD BROUN = L

YORK. June B.—William H. Woodin, the song writer who is acting as secretary of the treasury between ditties, received an honorary degree at Syracuse and made a speech in which he declared that music is needed to banish depression in the United States. Unfortunately, the reports on the 1 address are fragmentary, and there is no indicatu n as to whether Mr. V. oodm referred to the old masters or to the more recent melody kings. I never have made any close analysis of ‘he effect of Wagner, ; Beethoven, or Bach upon the residents of upper Broadway and the ■ Bronx. It is entirely possible that i after Tristan dies of love and mul- ; tiple contusions the average listener i leaves the opera house snapping his j fingers and humming to himself, ‘ We all need a little hot-cha.” And it may be that Beethoven caused the vfolins to keep in mournful numbers for no other purpose than to inspirit the average householder into saying. “Well, I'm telling you he can just wait for the rent.” a a a Consider Mimi IT is my own experience that the better sort of music creates an afterglow of cheerfulness. When I observe what happens to poor Parsifal I come away saying to myself, “I guess I have no reason to complain.” And even among the more florid Italian composers the end result is one of elation. After sitting up with Butterfly. I can not dignify my own tribulations as completely tragic. But Secretary Woodin has been identified chiefly with music of the lighter sort, and I do not quite understand how he finds in this field an easement for our griefs. While I come out of grand opera more or less buoyed up for the next twentyfour hours, musical comedy generally leaves me in a state of complete collapse. These tunes devised for the multitude do not leave me with any sure conviction that God is in His heaven and that all is right with the world. ,Pippa passes, but the brother who wants to know whether I can spare a dime always is at my elbow. Os late the regulators of the radio have decreed that there shall be no more sad songs along the ether. And yet I know nothing quite so mournful as the fugitive and unsuccessful crop of cheer-up ballads. I rather would hear the frankly sad notes of rumbling hearses in some popular variation of the blues than be informed that the singer again is putting money in the bank and that as far as he's concerned the world is hotsy-totsy. ana Magic of Comparison CHEERFULNESS is engendered chiefly in me by hearing of those who are worse off rather than by being reminded of the lucky ones of this earth, I care less for the song of the victors than the ballad of those who have gone down to defeat. And it is my impression that in this respect I stand with the many and not the exceptional few. Only the other evening a connoisseur in the newer developments of American music took me to a spot where he said I could hear the most recent torch song and that I would find it an authentic masterpice. It seemed to me that my informant had reported correctly. But the ballad in question had nothing to do with anybody’s good fortune. It seems that a certain young man, to get to his own domicile, had to pass the house of a young woman who once loved him, but subsequently had lost her liking for the said youn gamn. Over and over again he reminds her that if he passes her home it is only because it is necessary for him to do so to reach his own abode. He has abandoned all hope, and he has no desire to pester her with unwelcome attentions. He merely wants to get home. The juxtaposition of the two dwellings is merely an unfortunate circumstance which opens did wounds in his breast. Os course, upon the most cold-blooded scrutiny it would seem that the young man might have gone two squares north and approached his own residence from a different direction and -in this way avoided the necessity of passing the house of the girl who did not want him any more. But perhaps they both lived on a blind alley and there was no way out. . a u a . M e II ho Have Suffered] AS one who has suffered chronically from unrequited affection, both the melody and the refrain moved me to great grief. I think the song will be a hugs success, but I doubt that it will do. a great deal to dull the edge of the depression. And as I move about in the places where songs are sung, I hear very little to support Mr. Woodm’s theory that we all will be whistling some tune as we walk out upon hard times. As far as I can catch the words, somebody is waiting for somebody in the middle of the dismal swamp. It is darkness on the delta and most decidedly it is “Stormy Weather.” (Copyright. 1933, bv The Times# At Dawn BY MAXINE PETERS I’ve seen the dawning of a summer day Pink tipped with carmine, flushed with coral light, Vanquish the mantled darkness pi the night And drive the hosts oi Hecate away; I’ve watched the clouds like sheep at play, Gamboling on a field of blue and white; I’ve looked upon the eagle in his flight; And loved the God who fashioned him that way. If every one who lived upon this earth Could only see with his two mortal eyes Its beauty, not the evil we create, Sin would end. The world would have rebirth If all earth's beauty we could realize; Beauty we feel, we can not de*eu&is.