Indianapolis Times, Volume 44, Number 304, Indianapolis, Marion County, 1 May 1933 — Page 4
PAGE 4
The Ind ianapolis Times ( A BCRIPPS. n OVFABD KIWSPAPT.B ) ROY W. HOWARD . PrM ,d eßt TALCOTT POWELL Editor EAKL D. BAKER Basinen Manager Phoma —Riley 55.', 1
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_ MONDAY MAY 1. 1933. CHILD HEALTH DAY r V ''HIS is one of the days that count! By presidential proclamation, May 1 has again been designated as Child Health day, a fitting way to remind us all that on the health of our children depends the future of the race. “Mothers and Babies First” is the keynote of this particular Child Health day, selected by the national committee in charge of the day’s activities. They, with President Roosevelt, "call upon all agencies, public and private, and all individuals having the interest of children at heart, to set aside this day for earnest consideration of the needs of the children in their communities and in their homes, and to inaugurate constructive activities to protect and promote the health and physical vigor of the youth of our nation.” A big task for a single day; but not too big, if we understand that nothing is more important than our children and the mothers who bear them. A NEW RAILWAY DEAL THE President’s railroad Dill, intended to effect economies in our transportation system and thus strengthen it financially, will be before congress soon. There are wasteful services and practices that should be eliminated. There are consolidations that should be brought about. There is an undeniable necessity for scaling down what President Roosevelt called the “topheavy” financial structures of some of the carriers. But we are not deluded that economies can be effected without likewise killing off some jobs; or that consolidations can be brought about without injuring some existing railway communities. For these reasons, the bill should contain full protection for labor. Also, if the railroads thus are to be helped in this emergency by the federal government, it is their duty to follow the suggestion of labor and so rehabilitate their plant and equipment as to provide more work. Perhaps the railway co-ordinator, w T ho will be appointed under the Roosevelt bill, should be clothed with pow'er to have the carriers undertake the delayed improvement and maintenance of their plant. In this connection, the railways themselves would benefit and be provided with more traffic, from the proceeds of which additional labor costs would be paid, by the government starting a large public works program. The bills' provision for suspending the anti-trust laws while the railroads are being co-ordinated is debatable: but there should be no debate about its provisions to bring about financial reorganizations where and when necessary. Indeed, if there is any doubt that language of the bill, as presented, will not bring these reorganizations about, its terms should be tightened immediately and made completely explicit. Nor should there be any dispute about having the co-ordinator’s orders made reviewable by the Interstate Commerce commission. Otherwise, w r e would have a railway “czar” and it will be time enough to create a railroad dictator w T hen the government takes over she carriers. The President's program now is important, not because our system of railroad transportation so far has failed to provide adequate service, but rather because in the railway plant of the country thousands of individual and institutional investors have placed their funds. The railroads, because their traffic has been reduced so greatly, are in a financial plight which threatens very seriously to injure the insurance policy holders, the savings banks depositors, and others whose institutions have invested in railway bonds and stocks. For this reason, the President's program is timely and important. But, in passing it, Congress should remember that railway labor is to be considered as well as railroad capital. THE RACKET Attorney -general homer cumMINGS is turning his attention toward the most intolerable, yet most baffling, of new evils, the Racket. He says he will seek to coordinate state and federal activities to “punish the criminals who are preying upon legitimate and illegitimate business and society at large.” He will move “as speedily as sound judgment permits.” Here is a big adventure in law enforcement. To date the racketeers have had it pretty much their owm way. A few have been caught up in the revenue men’s nets. Most of them wax bolder under their spreading reign of terror and openly defy their victims and the police. Spawned by prohibition, this terror has advanced far beyond the locus of the underworld. It preys on laundrymen. dry cleaners, merchants, shippers, producers, every sort of lawful business. The tribute it extorts through threat of death or property destruction is added to the price the consumers pay, and generally an additional sum is added by way of safety insurance. It is evident that the legalization of beer or prohibition repeal alone will not end the racket evil. The Wickersham commission pointed to “the tremendous economic importance of these forms of criminal activity." It recognized “the immensity of the loss," but failed to measure it. Doubtless the annual tribute to Americans pay to these arrogant crooks runs into tens of millions. New legislation may be needed. New de-
termination on the part of cities, states and nation is more important. If Attorney-General Cummings sincerely puts the full pressure of his power behind a national cleanup of the racketeers, he will earn the blessings of a grateful nation. Organized society - dare not surrender to this new enemy. JOBLESS EXCHANGE. tears will be shed over the passing of the costly and useless Hocver-Doak employment service. Mild was the description of Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins of this unlamented service as “too unsatisfactory.” It was rotten with compromise, politics, nepotism. Its passing clears the way for enactment of the pending Wagner bill. This measure, supported by President Roosevelt and Miss Perkins—passed in 1931 by congress and vetoed by Mr. Hoover—does not duplicate local and state free employment services, as did the old system. It would co-ordinate them into a federal whole, assist in financing them on a 50-50 basis, standardize and guide with expert advice. In addition to these local-state-federal exchanges, Secretary Perkins proposes to set up regional clearing houses and establish a national advisory council to bring capital and labor together in the business of placement. Too much can not be said for an adequate, free and closely knit employment service in this broad and complex country. Such a service can aid in orderly reconstruction in many ways. It can not make jobs, but it can provide a free flow' of the workers to those jobs that are available. It can prevent a glut of labor in one part of the country and a shortage in another. It can assist in mass movements of workers from such industrial sore spots as the coal mining regions. And it can make - unemployment insurance systems work. No European country has had a successful unemployment insurance system without a federated system of free employment exchanges. The Wagner bill should be given early hearings, and made a part of the administration's emergency program. VIGOR IN WASHINGTON T EWIS W. DOUGLAS, President Roosevelt's vigorous young budget director, made a brilliant statement of the case of a balanced budget in his address before the American Publishers Association in New York last week. In making this clear statement he gave the Impression that his administration know r s exactly where it is going, is determined to go there, and will go there if the rest of the division leaders have his straight-thinking vigor and the untrammeled social viewpoint we hope he has. His reasoning was: The budget must be balanced to preserve the nation’s credit. The nation’s credit must be preserved for the sake of the world as well as of America. He said: If the budget is not balanced, falling revenues and retrenchment to meet falling revenues continue until the process become tantamount to running a race and ending at zero. ... To those w'ho say, ‘You must not cut the army,’ for instance, I say, ‘Which is more important, a national defense w'hich is perfectly futile if the credit of ’the government collapses, or an unimpaired credit of your government? “For myself I say ‘an unimpaired credit of the government.' For it is upon that that all human values of our people ultimately rest. . . . There are many ways in w'hich this balancing of federal expenditures and receipts can be expressed, such as employment and happy and contented homes.” With great pain in the task of cutting employes from the pay rolls and veterans from their pensions, he asserted that he will balance the budget. Inflation will be controlled. Then progress. Weed the field and the crops will thrive. This leaves a tremendous problem. It involves promise of “employment and happy homes.” This problem calls for vigor as great as that shown by the firm-mannered young man who made the statements. If government expense must be cut, money also must be got in great quantities to forward recovery. The direct, aggressive drive of Lewis Douglas buoys the hopes inspired by the direct, aggressive moves of the whole Roosevelt administration. THE “NEW DEAL” AND RUSSIA TT is possible that the “acid test” of the -*■ Roosevelt administration and the “New’ Deal” will be the treatment of Soviet Russia. If they do not act decisively on this issue, they may w’reck their entire program. How is it possible to debar a country controlling one-sixth of the land surface of the earth from participation in an economic conference, and expect to reach any vital results? How is it possible to lower tariff barriers, and have the results mean anything, when 160,000,000 people are excluded from recognized economic intercourse? How can we expect to secure disarmament, much less world peace, w’hen w’e feed the fires of hatred and misunderstanding by keeping in quarantine a country as large as Russia? Alfred E. Smith refreshingly brushes away all the cobw'ebs from this issue when he concludes: “I believe that we ought to recognize Russia: I do not know of any reason for not doing it.”, He adds: “Somebody says they ow r e us $100,000,000. We kept troops in Russia for quite a while when we were not at war with them. I think we could sit around the table and settle the matter very easily.” Let us examine the objections made to recognition and see how much validity they possess. We are told that Communism and its practices are abhorrent. The guiding principle in American foreign policy down to 1917 was that the institutions of a foreign state are strictly the business of its own citizens. W’e are told that Russia is unstable. This argument is absurd, since Russia has proved herself one of the most firmly established of all modern states. It is held that the Soviet regime is unrepresentative. The answer is that it is far more representative than the old czarist regime. and just as representative as the Lvev revolutionary government in Russia, which we were the first to recognize. It has been asserted that Russia has re-
pudiated the debts of the imperialistic czarist government. Many states have in the past repudiated even their own debts, but we have not hesitated to preserve diplpmatic relations. Russia has been denounced as an “economic vacuum,” to employ a phrase of Mr. Hoover. Such a charge is in poor taste from a country in the throes of a serious depression when Russia admittedly is doing more remarkable things in an economic way than any other country. Russia is held up as a horrible example of arbitrary economic changes and forced labor. Long ago, we set up the principle in our foreign policy that internal changes and domestic policies in another state should not concern us in our formal relations with It. Further, forced labor certainly is better than forced idleness and bread lines. It is alleged that Russia desires to promote revolution abroad. But so have we at different times in our history. It is said that if we recognized Russia and traded with her. we would be helping the Communist cause. This is doubtful, but other capitalistic states will trade with Russia if we do not. Russia, it is said, does not discharge her international obligations. Soviet Russia may not have discharged the obligations of the rotten regime which it superseded, but it has discharged its own obligations. Suppose, for example, Soviet Russia had repudiated war debt payments to this country’! WORLD PARLEY MAY TURN TIDE TF any one doubts the supreme importance of the forthcoming London conference on international finances and economic policies and disarmament, he has only’ to read the day-by-day news dispatches in the daily papers. If these do not-convince him he is beyond persuasion. Currently, we hat’e a cable from Paris remarking that a spy scare like the one that swept Europe just before the World war is gripping France, Germany and Italy. France has been rounding up spies along her German and Italian borders. Germany has been swooping on secret French agents. Italy has been doing the same. With each arrest, suspicion and fear increase in each country. Simultaneously, another cable from Paris reports that “the United States and the principal European governments have lost all hope of immediate progress in disarmament,” and adds that the situation will not grow easier until “the world-wide political tension lessens.” On the heels of this, Chancellor Hitler declares in Berlin that “Germany no longer can be treated as a pow'er of the second rank—she must be recognized as an equal partner”; and the National Alliance of German Army’ Officers issues a statement declaring that restoration of the Hohenzollerns is the crowning goal of a reconstructed Germany. Tie all these dispatches together and you have as gloomy a picture as any Jeremiah would care to look upon, Then, to make the bill complete, lump in with them the innumerable stories testifying to economic breakdown in this country—the stories of cities that can not pay their school teachers, their firemen and their policemen, the stories of closed banks that can not reopen, the stories of mounting breadlines, of sw’eatshop wage scales and the like. What you get, beyond argument, is a picture of a world in turmoil and distress. One hope is that the London conference can straighten out world difficulties and get us back on the right path again. At last we know who the Forgotten Man is —Charlie Curtis! Running a matrimonial agency is just a sort of male order business.
' - M. E.Tracy Says:
this conferring is all over, we are go- ▼ ▼ ing to learn that European statesmen are interested chiefly in a debt settlement. They will discuss tariffs, the gold standard, disarmament or anything else, but in the end they will come back to the question of how much we are willing to cut. If the answer fails to satisfy them, they will agree to nothing of any consequence. Europe has been sold on the idea that war debts block recovers’ and that the slate must be wiped clean, or nearly so. Our theory that German reparations had no connection with what the allies owed us never has been accepted in London or Paris. Ever since it became apparent that Germany would not pay, Europeans have contended that we should share the loss. Working from point to point, many of them have reached the conclusion that we should w’rite off the entire obligation. a tt tt TO begin with, they assume that we can stand it without- acute distress, and that our moral duty tow’ard the future outweighs their moral duty toward the past. In addition, they assume that we are hopelessly sentimental, that w r e always can be touched by an appeal for sympathy, and that our miserliness, though very obvious, is only skin deep. We are, in the estimation of most Europeans, just a nation of shopkeepers, with more or less .talent for accumulating cash, but with very little stamina or finesse when it comes to the more important phases of internationalism, such as well thought out schemes of expansion, carefully arranged alliances, diplomatic intrigue and the long drawn battle of wits to which they have been trained. Europeans believe that we can be worn down after a certain length of time and persuaded to give them what they want, rather than continue the haggling. They believe that our great desire is for business improvement and that they need onlv sell us on the notion that it can be had through debt reduction to get what they want. a tt tt THERE is nothing underhand or insincere in their attitude. They have argued from the beginning that they could not pay us if Germany failed to pay them, that reparations and other war debts were inseparable, that the war was a common adventure, that what we loaned them really was part of our contribution, that the debt burden had grown too great for civilization to carry, and that the one safe thing to do was to jettison most of it. We have taken the ground that “a contract’s a contract,” that the allies could pay whether Germany did or not, that the trade slump caused the existing financial stringenev. that trade could be restored with the right kind of leadership. that nothing was needed but a little loosening up all along the line, that unreasonable military expenditures constituted Europe’s worst trouble, and that if these were lowered everybdoy could pay. No matter where the argument begins, it invariably ends with war debts and disarmament hooked together.
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(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make your letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them to 250 icords or lessj By Warren E. Cox. I am wondering how much longer the people of this city are going to endure the Indianapolis Water Company and the high-handed methods of its dealings with our people. A year or so ago Boyd Gurley, then editor of The Times, made a talk before our Kiwanis Club, in which he gave us facts and figures, taken, in great part, from the reports filed by this corporation. Then he gave us other data that proved beyond doubt to any thinking man that those reports were lies and misrepresentations. He showed how this man in the east, who is the principal owner, took bloated profits. One item stands out in my memory, because I happened to know something about it. That was what they claimed they paid for coal, and it was a lot more than any individual would have to pay, buying just one car load. Everybody who believes they did, stand on his head. Mr. Gurley cited similar things for thirty minutes; he published them in his newspaper; he brought them and many more before the public service commission, and yet the public service commission granted these people higher rates. Oh, yes, they made a lower minimum charge, but one glance at their new rates shows anybody that it w’ould bring them greater amounts of money. When our mayor came out with a statement asking the people to accept these rates, my thought was that they had “put a fast one” over on the mayor. But a few days later when these rates were published, it did not look possible that either he or the commission could be that dumb. There must be some other reason. I don’t know what is. going to be the attitude of this new com-
Study Needed to Prevent Flat Feet —■= BY DR. MORRIS FISHBEIN 1 - —~
This is the first of three articles by Dr. Fishbein on the cause and care of flat feet. The feet of the baby should be studied soon after birth, perhaps not later than at six months and then again each year to make certain that they are developing properly, and that corrective measures in the form of suitable shoes, supports, or braces are not needed. The exact cause of flat feet is not known, but it is believed that there is an hereditary tendency. Moreover, some races tend to be more fiat footed than others. When the feet grow rapidly, especially in adolescent girls, and when Improper shoes are worn at the same time, flat feet are likely to develop. Flatness of the feet appears most commonly in fat people: 1. Because the feet carry excessive weight and there is disproportion between" the weight carried and the size of the feet. 2. Because there usually are as-
AFTER, reading the slim little story of frontier life. “Let the Hurricane Roar,” by Rose Wilder Lane, you will realize, if you already have not done so, that each age requires its particular kind of courage. So when we tell ourselves that we must cultivate the fortitude of the pioneer, we stop short of truth. That, for us, is not enough. For, though we may have learned to overthrow the barriers that nature erects to halt encroaching man, we can not yet fail ignominiously to overcome the completities that we ourselves set up in urban civilizations. There is something splendid, profound, everlasting, in the straggle between man and his earth. It is a sort of primeval effort in which man never may win. But what does that matter? There always will be the striving, t}ie exhilaration of battle^ He confronts a Job that never is quite finished, and is spurred to added endeavors by menacing winters, by the recurring glory of
A Smashing Attack!
Another Barrage By a Working: Man and a Socialist. MR. TAXPAYER, I see by your statements in The Times, April 24, that you do not agree with Governor Olsen of Minnesota. You have a right to disagree with him. but you have no right to say the things you said about the people who are idle and in distress through no fault of their own. I will attack you in the same spirit in which you attacked Mr. Olsen. No sensible man would make such statements in the face of the fact that the peasants, as you call the unemployed, are victims of a social system which not only has made paupers of the toiling masses, but has wrecked business of all kinds. Mr. v Taxpayer, you may be an employer of labor, one of those who believe in cutting wages to bring back prosperity or you may be one who has accumulated a dollar or two and thinks under Socialism you would have to divide. Relieve your mind, Mr. Taxpayer, for when that change comes that Mr. Olsen is talking about, if you will send in your name, maybe we can put you off by yourself somewhere, as you don’t seem to care anything about the welfare of any one but yourself. mission, but if it is like the old one, about the only thing left for the public is somehow to force the abolition of the public service commission, and then force this present water company to surrender its franchise and get out of our city. This can be accomplished if the people will get back of this newspaper and fight for our rights. If we just keep still, we will get no relief. These people, when prices were on the upgrade, always claimed they had to base their rates and valuations on replacement costs and therefore got increases. Now, when these replacement
Editor Journal of the American Medical Association and of Hyzeia. the Health Mazarine.
sociated disturbances of the glands of metabolism in children who are overfat. Such disturbances are likely to be associated with deformities in the growth of the bones and ligaments. In rare instances, flat feet may be the result of accidents, such as falling suddenly from a height or similar disturbances, but these are easily determinable. Dr. Philip Lewin mentions the fact that the child with flat feet generally is found to be under par so far as its general muscular condition is concerned. These children frequently have knock-knees, the back is rounded, and the mother says that the child is awkward. The shoes are run over in unnatural ways along the borders. The foot usually is not painful in the child because It is still flexible,
A Woman’s Viewpoint ' BY MRS. WALTER FERGUSON =====
springs, by the opulence of rich summers, and the heartaches of the autumns that pass over his head. The land destroys, but it also sus-
Questions and Answers Q —Give the dimensions and cost of the Enrico Caruso Memorial candle and the name of the maker. A—lt cost $3,700 and is sixteen feet high, five feet in circumference at the base, tapering to a top of eighteen inches, and weighs one ton. It is burned one day each year, All Saints day, Nov. 1, and at this rate it. is estimated that it will last eighteen centuries. It was made by Antonio Ajelo & Brothers of New York City in 1321. Q —Where is Rutgers university? Is it co-educational? A—lt is the state university of New Jersey, located at New Brunswick, and is co-educational.
costs are reduced as much as 50 per cent on some items, they still ask for and get advanced rates. How long are we to endure this? By Indianapolis Unit, B. E. F. This is an answer to the former chief of staff of the B. E. F„ Doak Carter, who had a wwiteup in the D. A. V. paper. I think, and so does the B. E. F., the same about Doak Carter. I w’ould like to have Mr. Carter understand that the B. E. F. is not red. Neither are the boys going to Washington, reds or being misled. Mr. Carter is more red and radical than any one I can think of. Mr. Carter w’ears a $35 pair of officer’s boots and a high priced pair of whipcord trousers, w’hich we charge were bought with B. E. F. .money. The B. E. F. here would like foi Mr. Carter to come back here and 'straighten up some of the matters he left w’hile trying to organize w’hat is know’n as the Emergency Expeditionary Forces. It is true John Pace w’as radical, but he didn’t sell his buddies out. It seems as though Mr. Carter has turned his buddies dow’n and joined the Economy League. We hope Mr. Carter will read this and ponder upon it.
So They Say
Experience has shown how difficult it is to direct discussion at international conferences into practical channels of definite accord.— James A. Farrell, chairman of the National Foreign Trade Council. A real hair cutter is an artist. He doesn’t merely cut hair; he sculptures the head.—A. N. Naso, president Ohio Hairdressers Association. When a man is hungry, he seldom evinces much interest in a beauti/ul w’oman. —Cecil De Mille, movie director.
but the child manifests disinclination to run and to play. A competent study of the feet by one who knows how to measure the arch and to determine its functional condition usually will reveal the character of the disturbance. A mere print of the foot, the type of examination frequently given in shoe stores w’hich promote “health” shoes on .a pseudo-scientific basis, is not sufficient examination to indicate the real nature of fiat foot. The specialist in care of the feet first determines the extent of the disability and then applies his treatment specificially to the causes and the conditions found. His purpose is to teach proper w’alking, to increase the power of the supporting structures, to stimulate the circulation of the blood, and to correct conditions associated with flat feet, such as knock-knees and bow’-legs. NEXT: Exercises helpful in correcting flat feet.
tains him, and pours fresh courage into his veins after every defeat. tt tt tt BUT what of the people who find themselves enslaved in an existence regulated by mechanisms instead of seasons? Thousands of the city-bred live in treadmills, and they must stop eating when the machinery ceases to function. In spite of industry, thrift, and fidelity, they often find themselves cast upon the economic scrap-heap. For their problems there is required anew sort of courage, that of the mind; they must cultivate a different bravery, the kind that will dare them to rebel against a system that sustains tools and utensils and implements while it lets men die. They must try and try and try again, even as the farmer goes back each spring to cope with hurricanes, droughts, and insect pests, and, for that gigantic task, fortitude that girds the soul instead of the body is needed.
31 AY 1, 1933
It Seems to Me 5 BY HEYWOOD BROUN =
NEW YORK. May 1— In b recent newspaper letter I read, “the Scottsboro verdict was inevitable. I do not believe that the defendant was guilty, but it is foolish to blame the southern jury. The defense is to blame. It was tactless.” That seems to me a monstrous sort of thinking. Here is a pc-r----son who calmly suggests that an innocent man should be electrocuted because, in his opinion, counsel for the defense was less than discreet in all his procedure. And. worst of all. this attitude is by no means unusual. Very often in regard to other famous cases I have heard it said. “I don’t believe that the jury's verdict was correct, but it was a perfectly fair trial.” In other words, there are those who will be satisfied if the record is without flaw, no matter how mistaken the judgment a a a Check and Double Check QURELY justice must be a little better than that. After all, even twelve good men and true can not make a false thing true simply by agreeing upon it. There ought to be the sort of review which considers not only legal technicalities but |he weight of evidence as well. Asa matter of fact, I can not join in the criticism of the Scottsboro defense. It is charged that the Communists hurt the chances of the Negroes by taking over the defense. On the other hand, it is only fair to say that, but for the Communists the trial would never have attracted world-wide attention. And it is also true that in many phases of the case the Communists have intrusted the legal end of their battle to lawyers who had no connection whatsoever with any radical party. Some of the editorial writers in New York have spoken in the apparent belief that Sampel Leibow’itz is a Communist. Os course, the truth is that he is an extremely shrew’d and successful New York trial lawyer without any palpable affiliations whatsoever. His leanings certainly would be toward the party in power. He is not by reputation a visionary, even though it is true that he undertook the Scottsboro defense without a fee. I have been told by several interested observers that it would have been the part of wisdom for the defense to have hired some eminent attorney to plead the case in Decatur. My own opinion is that no lawyer could have won under the setup which existed. The jury’s mind was fixed not only before the first witness took the stand, but thirty years before the alleged crime was committed. tt u u A Bad Viewpoint T>UT even if it is possible that - L * some suave high-hat practitioner might have impeded the hand of hate slightly, I wonder just how far any defense group is supposed to go in truckling to prejudice. Certainly it does not argue well for the state of American courts if the vital point in any trial is to become not the evidence, but the religious background of the contending lawyers. I think that there are certain concessions which honest men should not make. In my opinion the lawyer for the defense at Scottsboro conducted a spirited and intelligent defense, and I believe that eventually they, will win their case in spite of obstacles. Nor do I think that fair criticism lies against an appeal from the specific to the general. The Communist party has taken occasion to point out that Scottsboro is not merely an exception, but bears a definite relationship to the w’hole trend of court action in regard to the Negro. I believe that is true. I see no reason why anybody who think that should not state his opinion. The southern press itself has admitted the disadvantages which surround the Negro w’hen brought to trial. Alabama papers have admitted ai much. The Montgomery advocate spoke of Negroes as being “underprivileged.” This, I maintain, is a mild way of stating it. But if it is true that the Negro in America is “underprivileged" why should the fact be kept quiet? Is it really fun to be fooled? And, after all, who is fooled? Certainly not the Negro. By now he must be in on the secret. a tt a And the Mooney Cojse THE Mooney case affords an even stranger exhibit in regard to justice. I don’t think anybody within the last couple of years has advanced any serious argument as to his guilt. Here the forces are more frank than in the Scottsboro case. The explanation of those w’ho oppose a pardon is that, although Mooney did not commit the cxlrre. he should be kept in jail as a dangerous agitator. If he were guilty, he would have been pardoned long ago. California can not forgive Mooney the fatal crime of being innocent. (Coovright. 1933. by The Times) Freedom On seeinz a Young N'eero bov in a box-car) BY’ MARGARET E. BRUNER I saw him stare with wondering eyes. And fear was blended with surprise— Had life, for him, but this in store: Hardship and vagabondage lore? And he was hardly more than child, Still innocent and undefiled. And as I watched him disappear, I wondered if none held Him dear. Perhaps his forebears long ago Knew’ bondage in the sun’s fierce glow; ' But he was free. For what? To roam The earth, with neither friends nor ; home? His childish face, in memory, With startled eyes comes back to me— One of the many free to go Adventuring with sin and woe.
