Indianapolis Times, Volume 44, Number 289, Indianapolis, Marion County, 13 April 1933 — Page 14

PAGE 14

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THURSDAY, APRIL ’.3 :r33

SAVE AMERICAN INDUSTRY /~\NE i.ssue is bigger than all others now. Save American industry. Safe banks, higher farm prices, and ail the other necessary moves of the administration against the depression will not pull us out of the ditch until the great American mass market is restored. That moans putting wages, decent wages, regular wages, into the pockets of labor, so labor can buy goods. Here is the tremendous opportunity of President Roosevelt. He, and he alone, has the power and the prestige to move into this crisis of closing factories, idle merchants, and jobless workers, and stop the deflation of the mass market. Intelligent employers are powerless. They are in competition with sweatshops. They can pot, keep up wages and mass buying power unless they are protected from sweatshop competition, unless the government throws its protection around American standards for industry. President Roosevelt knows this. His remarkable telegram Wednesday to Governors of industrial states points the necessity of minimum wage laws, as follows: ‘ May I call your attention to minimum wage law just passed by legislature of New York and approved by Governor Lehman, which declared it against public policy for any employers to pay women or minors a wage which is ‘less than the fair and reasonable value for services rendered and less than sufficient to meet the ultimate cost of living necessary for health.’ “Tiiis represents great forward step against lowering of wages, which constitutes a serious form of unfair competition against other employers, reduces the purchasing power c! the workers, and threatens the stability of industry. I hope that similar action can be taken by Ihe other states for protection of the public interest.” Splendid. V/e must stop the wage reduction which “threatens the stability of industry.” But (hat can not be done by a minimum wage only for women and minors, a minority of wage earners. It can not be done by state action alone. Federal action is required to strike at the evil, which Is national. The President knows that also. His secretary of labor told a house committee Wednesday that he favors the purpose and principle of the thirty-hour-week bill, which has passed the senate. But Secretary Frances Perkins added, significantly, that amendments were needed to that, hill to give greater elasticity and powers of enforcement. The administration is preparing such amendments. A thirty-hour-week law for industry in interstate commerce merely would be another share-the-miscry move unless it provided minimum wages. It would drive pauper wages still lower. It would make of American industry one vast sweatshop and drive decent companies to the wall. It would reduce the mass market to the demand of coolies and the purse of slaves. This is no jittery fear. It is the hard reality to which we now are headed unless wages and purchasing power can be stabilized at an American level—quickly. There is only one way to stop that plunge. Talk, even from the President, won’t do it—all of President Hoover's appeals against wage cuts proved futile. Courageous but isolated employers can not do it—many who tried to maintain wages against sweatshop competitors have gone bankrupt. Organized labor can not do it—labor has no bargaining power, with millions of hungry jobless willing if necessary to work for starvation wages. Only governmental action can do it. Only a federal law fixing a range of maximum hours and minimum wages, flexible enough to be enforced justly by joint capital-labor-gov-ernment boards for industries as a whole, and for the protection of the nation as a whole, can do it. This can be achieved legally. The wide constitutional emergency powers, under which the President has acted up to now in other matters, can cover this general welfare legislation. } Its legality can be buttressed by the government's interstate commerce authority, and by the power of taxation over sweatshops which— to use the Rooseveltian phrase—“threaten the stability of industry.” But this is no time for legal quibbles. When the President took office, he found the banks crashing. He cut through red tape, asked and received from congress emergency power to meet an emergency. Ho has done well, miraculously well, but, despite all he has done, there is more deflation, more unemployment, more business failures than a month ago. Today American industry is crashing. President Roosevelt can save American industry. We believe he will try. If we read the statement of Secretary Perkins aright, if we understand the purpose of the President in his minimum wage appeal, he is preparing to lead congress in rewriting the tpirty-hour-week bill so as to protect wages, to create buying power, to control production. and to start business forward again. In this heroic effort. President Roosevelt will have the support of the people. The people yet lock to the President to restore their right to work and to enjoy the fruit of thenlabor. MAN'S INTRICATE BRAIN THE difficulties faced by psychologists and brain specialists in their effort to understand just what the human mind is and how it works are expressed graphically by Professor C. Judson Herrick of the University of Chicago. If you took all the apparatus of telegraph, telephone, and radio in North America, &ys

Professor Herrick, and compressed it into a two-quart jar, you still would have an affair less bewilderingly Intricate than the human brain. Is it any wonder that our specialists still have a great deal to learn about the way the mind operates? Some day, says Professor Herrick, they will have a pretty clear Idea how the brain does its work; but it seems a safe bet that that day is a long way off. TIIE THIRTY-HOUR WEEK TT is not so very long since one of the largest industrial concerns in the nation was arguing seriously that it could not operate profitably unless it maintained the twelve-hour working day in all its plants. Today a bill providing for a national thir-ty-hour week for industry has passed the senate. With certain modifications, it seems to stand an excellent chance of becoming law. The gulf between the viewpoints represented by those two time-scales is almost unimaginably wide. One harks back to the era that built the pyramids, when a workman’s value was expressed solely in the muscles of his back and arms and legs, and when „ the fate which might come to him as an individual was so utterly unimportant that it never even occurred to his bosses to think about it. The other expresses the ideas of anew day; a day in which heavy machinery does the heavy work and the workman himself is not simply a cog in an industrial mechanism but is, first and foremost, a citizen whose right to a good job and a decent living is paramount to all other considerations. Tlic speed at which we have traveled in the last decade can be gauged by that contrast. Just how, - a federal law fixing a maximum working week might work out in practice is, perhaps, something else again. Such a law would have to be elastic, it would have to be administered with great wisdom, and it might well have to be accompanied by some sort of minimum wage law. But at the moment those matters are beside the point. The really exciting thing is the fact that we are at last able to contemplate such a law without quaking in our boots and muttering about Bolshevism. This scheme would have looked like the very quintessence of radicalism a few years ago; today we are ready to accept it as a part of a whole new program, and so far it has drawn far less comment than the fact that an American citizen can legally buy a glass of beer. That change reflects a shift in public sentiment which is almost too profound to be comprehended. PIOUS ARIZONA TITITH a gesture of Christian piety that gives its deed a touch of gallows humor, Arizona has postponed the hanging of Winnie ' Ruth Judd from Good Friday until April 21. So, with easy conscience, and in accord with the precedent set by the age of barbarism, Arizona now will do this demented woman to death and may God rest her soul. The killing of Ruth Judd will remind Americans of another recent hanging of a woman by the sovereign state of Arizona, a revolting affair. It should remind them of the folly of all legal murder, whether by noose, lethal chair, or gas-house. And particularly it should recall to them the futility of hanging as a warning to other murder-minded women. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century, the states have executed some 13,000 persons. On record are the names of fewer than thirty women who have paid the extreme penalty. The chance of a man's escaping execution are said to be about 59 to 1 in his favor. The chances favoring a murderess are about 500 to 1. Even if states are not turning humane, juries are. Since we execute women only for murder, and murder is a crime of passion, the deterrent effect of the death penalty on women is just about nil. Eight states have found all executions unworthy and needless. Arizona and the other thirty-nine states should follow. WITHOUT MERITT TT is reported that Senator Joseph Robinson of Arkansas is using the prestige of his post as party leader to force the President to appoint Edgar B. Meritt as commissioner of Indian affairs, or at least assistant commissioner. This is bbth unfortunate and inexplicable. Meritt is precisely the type of man the President should not select. He has been an Indian office bureaucrat since 1906. He was assistant commissioner under Secretary of the Interior Fall and Indian Commissioner Burke. Throughout the Fall-Burke regime, he found no fault with the sorriest chapter in the whole sorry book of Indian oppression and exploitation. Under this regime occurred the Jackson Barnett scandal, the Navajo oil lease exposure, the Bursum bill, the underfeeding of Indian school children, the attempted spending of Indian funds for the white man’s SIOO,000 bridge at Lee s Ferry, and other acts destructive to Indian welfare. The appointment of Meritt not only would be a denial of their share of the new deal to the long-suffering Indians. It would be the signal for a bitter contest in the senate harmful to the President's leadership. We hope that Senator Robinson's interest in this appointment will not, lead the President into such an ambush. NO OIL DICTATOR ' I ' V HE oil industry's troubles can not be A settled offhand by governmental fiat. And yet the government's interest, in the industry and particularly in the conservation of our petroleum resources is vital and unquestioned. It must watch not only because of broad social and economic reasons, but also because the oil industry is a part of our national defense. Then there is the additional commonplace, but nonetheless important, reason that upon what the government does will depend, in part, the price we pay for gasoline. President Roosevelt recognizes the distress of the industry, and he has drawn a fine line in offering federal help. Avoiding infringement on the rights of oil states, the President stoutly has declined to accept one recommendation made by oil interests called into conference by the administration. This was the suggestion that the feaeral government appoint an oil “dictator,”

see to it that all flush pools are closed for fifteen days, and bring about passage of oil conservation laws in the oil states. Instead, Mr. Roosevelt said he would recommend the passage of a law prohibiting interstate and foreign commerce of petroleum and its products produced in violation of state conservation laws. A sensible thing to do; an intelligent suggestion to the states. He also has accepted as reasonable the proposal for divorcement of oil pipe lines from other branches of the industry. Thus, what Mr. Roosevelt has done, In effect, is to tell the oil industry and the oil states that theirs is the problem of remedying the distress in the industry; they must agree on regulatory laws, pass them, and observe them. The federal government will help as much as it can within constitutional limitations. That is sufficient. The oil industry and the oil states should act now. WORK IN THE FORESTS \ S the new members of our “conservation corps” begin flocking to the various army cantonments, preparing to go to work on President Roosevelt's reforestation program, it might be worth while to clear up a misconception or two which most, of us seem to entertain about the work they will do. Charles Lathrop Pack, president of the American Tree Association, points out that planting trees will actually be a minor phase of their program. There is a lot more to reforestation than that. “A forest work program,” he says, “calls for much clearing out of woodlands as one phase of fire prevention. Forest trails must be made so that fire areas may be reached. The burned-over areas must be cleared of dead timber. “Areas choked with young trees must be thinned to let the best trees grow. So it will be seen that the planting of trees in some areas will be the last thing on the program.” Our statistical department figures that the country is now behind Roosevelt 103.2 per cent. Now that Hitler seems about to repudiate reparations and the Versailles treaty, could you figure that swastika emblem as just a fancy form of the double-cross? German candidate for the longest word is piperidinzincpentamethylenedithiocarbamat. These days you can hear the birds calling for their mates. And pretty soon you’ll hear the grass calling for its lawnmower. 'Judging from the spy stories coming out of the Polish Corridor, there must be a lot of peeking through the keynoles. Scientist says we will all be bald in 2050 because of too-frequent haircuts. It’s possible. Most of us got badly trimmed in 1932. * For finger exercises, a piano teacher has invented a silent piano. Just the thing for that little girl in the next apartment. More than 1,000 inhabitants in a Montenegrin village near Cctinje have the same name, Vlahovitch. Understand, they have petitioned the government for relief. News item says anew farm plan is being worked out. Well, it wil’ be anew plan if it requires work.

M.E.TracySays:

SOME people think that we have left the age of timber and that trees are worth considering only for the shade and pleasure they afford. To such people, President Roosevelt’s plan to plant and preserve forests is just one more relief scheme. They can not conceive it as opening up new channels of effort, much less as of great economic importance. Because it promises no returns in a week, a month, or a year, they look upon it in the light of a makeshift to provide work without interfering with ordinary business. My own idea is that President Roosevelt has something bigger in mind and that he is working toward an end which well may alter some of the present-day conceptions of what constitutes civilized life. Too many of us have come to regard civilized life as bound up with skyscrapers, electric lights, gold courses, contract bridge tournaments, broadcasting stations and similarly artificial institutions. We tolerate farming and like to look at trees, but we Cos not take either seriously. They do not belong to that rarefied upper stratum of intellectually which makes the wheels go ’round, especially in our heads. We consider about everything beyond the shadow of a forty-story building or the red glare of neon signs as semi-barbaric, if not obsolete. We look for the day when nitrogen will be served in pellets, instead of beefsteak, and when synthetic milk, synthetic eggs, and synthetic fruit juices will have obviated the necessity of worrying about dairymen's strikes or the price of cattle on the hoof. B B B EMANCIPATION from the land is one of of those dreams which have plagued humanity since the beginning of time. From Babylon to New York, cities have been overbuilt by people who wanted to get away from the ax, the hoe, and the plow, with desert and jungle creeping forward to prove their folly. Care of the land serves a larger purpose than to provide vegetables, a supply of wood, or building material. Forests enter into the economic balance of nature by which rivers, climate, and animal life are stabilized. Even if we never needed another stick of timber, it would be unsafe to neglect our forests. We must have their seepage and drainage as a means of flood control, as well as to safeguard our underground water. We must have the protection which they afford songbirds as a means of destroying insect pests. Above all else, we must have their educational advantages for the sake of our children, and we should make use of their recreational advantages for our own sake. b e b THE people of this country could get a lot out of their forests and wild land if they only knew it, and if the right kind of public policy were pursued. There is no reason why the average family should not have a vacation in the ’'woods.” There is no reason why the majority of our children should not be permitted to live in the open for a large part of the summer. It all could be done at very little expense, with the right kind of arrangements. With forest preserves in every state, as there should be, no one would be very far from a camp site at nominal cost, and with the right kind of roads few would be unable to bear the expense of getting there. We have had city parks long enough to realize their value. What we need now is a great, comprehensive system of country parks.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make pour letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them to .100 icords or less.) By A Chain Garnr Member Why is it that those unfortunate enough to be forced to depend on relief baskets from the township trustees must make a trip down to the trustee's office, regardless of the weather, every time something is needed? We on the chain gang are supposed to get a ton of coal every month during winter months. Why must we visit the trustee’s office each month before we can get the coal? It is a four-mile walk and it seems forty miles to one of the undernourished individuals forced to subsist on the starvation diet imposed by the inadequate baskets handed out for two days work a week. Whenever, through some slip or other, our name gets taken off the milk list. I must walk four miles down and four miles back to see the trustee’s well-fed help and make the complaint in person. They won’t talk to you over the telephone, no matter how nasty the weather. Surely it isn’t because those in charge of poor relief enjoy seeing

And if thy brother be waxen poor, and fallen in decay with thee; then thou shalt relieve him; yea, though he be a stranger or a sojourner; that he may live with thee. —Leviticus 25:35. THE ingratitude of the world .never can deprive us of the conscious happiness of having acted with humanity ourselves. Goldsmith.

\ CERTAIN percentage of inA ability to hear apparently is due to inheritance of characteristics which make hearing impossible. Some hardness of hearing results from disease and develops after birth. On the other hand, a considerable portion of deafness is present at birth and represents disorders of the structures involved in hearing. If hearing is impossible, the child ordinarily will not learn to speak. Such a child, however, must be taught to speak and also may be taught lip reading when it develops intelligence. One of the most common causes of deafness is the disease called otosclerosis, a condition which begins about middle life and gradually prevents hearing through changes that take place in the tissues involved in hearing. Recently, W. T. Tinkle has made a study of inherited deafness, finding some families in which hard-

TO my son I transmit the heritage of an honorable name,” reads a sentence in the will of a man who died recently. Is there any legacy of which a boy could be more proud or one that in the long run will prove a greater incentive to ambition or the good life? Yet such heritages are left too seldom by the modern American father. He strives for money. He works to obtain a great estate, and when he bestows upon his children this accumulation of fortune, he fancies that he thus protects them from the hazards of a cruel world. Wealth is ihe last thing that men should desire to bequeath to their sons. What, then, you may ask, must we leave our children? There each individual may have his preference. I should head my list with this boon—the memory of a happy childhood. a a a THIS is a rare heritage, indeed. more difficult to possess than wealth, yet one that every truly wise father couki give. To live during

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Daily Thought

Deafness in Parents May Affect Children i=nrr- BY DR. MORRIS FISHBEIN

: : A Woman’s Viewpoint : : ■ - BY MRS. WALTER FERGUSON

Still to Be Disarmed

Maybe; Maybe Not By G. O. P. It’s strange that most of the hollering about the McNutt beer bill is coming from the mouths of tried and true Democrats—like the Times. You'll notice that we Republicans are sitting on the sidelines. We're going to let Mr. McNutt and his boys run things for a while. And with the beer bill we’ll be back in the statehouse—the whole batch of us—in 1936. the long lines of threadbare, halfstarved unfortunates, parading before them. The Times always has been for the people and has done a lot of things for them, and I hope you can do something about this. By Reader Well, just between us boys, it looks like Anderson is trying to grab the spotlight from Muncie, it's neighbor. Those of us who have watched the queer turns of politics in Indiana rather regret to see Anderson on the front page as a little Muncic. While politics upset Indianapolis, the northern part of the state, and Delaware county, Anderson, for years, held its head and kept out of the mess. We can’t understand—and we’d like to know the answer, too —why a former mayor of Anderson, who was considered on his deathbed by a federal judge and who, apparently still is ill, wants his job again. Perhaps it’s not his fault. Perhaps he has been urged to take the step. Before the matter gets into the courts of Madison county and the city is kept in turmoil, wouldn’t it be well for Jesse H. Mellett to make some REAL statements in his own right? By Finicky. May I utter, through your columns, a few words of warning to

Editor Journal of the American Medical Association and of Hygcia, the Health Mag:a/ine. ness of hearing has come through four generations. In the records of the Ohio State School for the Deaf were found reports concerning thirty-one families in which both parents were deaf and at least one child was in an institution. In about two-thirds of the cases in which both parents are deaf, the children can hear; in one-third, however, the children are also deaf. The available evidence indicates that hereditary deaf-mutism and the tendency to otosclerosis are inherited, but that the characteristic is what is called a repressive characteristic and tends to be bred out of the race. If deaf persons are able to marry those who hear, suqh hereditary deafness gradually will be eliminated. If a deafened person marries one who hears well and who has no

infancy in a home where confidence and love are found will confer more lasting benefits upon any boy than scores of non-taxable securities. Questions and Answers Q.—Where is the home for union printers located? A.—The union printers’ home, controlled by the International Typographical Union, is in Colorado Springs, Colo. Q —What does Thanatopsis mean? A—lt is from the Greek and means “A view of death.” Q —What was the maiden name of Calvin Coolidge's mother? A—Victoria J. Moor. Q —Can a patent run for more than seventeen years? A—-An extension may be granted by special act pi congress.

those irresponsible persons who air their political views while riding on street cars and busses—and especially at the top of their voices—and particularly women? I am a nervous man and my patience goes just so far. And the next time I hear a shrill-voiced woman telling her friend on the bus that the government is just made up of a bunch of grafters and that the Republicans are the only people fit to rule—You, I promise this, shall have a page one murder story.’ I’ve always wanted to piay the star role in a bus strangling, anyway.

So They Say

The trouble with law and government is lawyers.—Clarence Darrow, Chicago attorney. We have had too much efficiency, and what we need is to bring about inefficiency for a time, to eliminate this cycle which merely stimulates low wages and lack of consumption. —Dr. Irving Langmuir, chemist, Nobel prize winner. Beer will be a great help in our fight against repeal of the eighteenth amendment,—Mrs. Rushmoro Patterson, vice chairman Allied Forces for Prohibition. They beg for bread and we give them beer; they ask for fish and we give them a stone.—Rev. Forest W. Hail, member of Ohio legislature. So far as the army is concerned, we have too many bureaus already and we could spare six or eight of them with advantage to the national defense and to the joy of the taxpayer.—Johnson Hagood, majorgeneral commanding the Eighth corps area.

deaf relatives, or marries a person who has lost his hearing due to some acute disease and has no deaf relatives, the danger 'of having children who are also deaf is slight. However, when people who are hereditarily deaf marry people who are also hereditarily deaf, one-third of the children are also deaf. There are no criteria for distinguishing just which parents of this type will have children who hear well and just which ones will have children who do not. Doctor Tinkle, therefore, suggests that every possible measure be employed to promote marriage between deafened people and those why hear well, and that one important step in this direction is to stop segregating the deaf. If the teaching of lip reading Is promoted, and if more effort is made to teach those who are deafened to speak, the deaf will be taken out of their shut-in condition, and the tendency toward hereditary deafness be largely controlled.

Poverty, when mitigated by good humor and laughter, will breed happier men and women than wealth shared amid strife and contention, or accompanied by indifference and neglect. Then there is the gift of companionship, so often missed by the sons of busy fathers. One precious, fleeting opportunity is given to every man to learn to know and understand his son during early and adolescent years. These years are few. Once gone, they never can be recaptured. Ana the child whose father cultivates his friendship from infancy preserves always in his heart the remembrance of this communion, which, in many respects, is the finest in life. Every father can train his son to acquire intellectual curosity, a zest for living, and a sense of social responsibility. He can bequeath him a love of good books, good pictures and fine music. He can, in short, give him a good name, personal integrity and a love of beauty, any one of which is more valuable than a great fortune.

.APRIL’ 13, 1933

It Seems to Me “ BY HEYWOOD BROUN

| YORK. April 13.-A clipper I ship came down the tide and | cast her anchor over. She rode the : long swell and waited for boats from the blazing coast to bear her black I slaves. When they were below deck, .‘he picked up her pin and headed for America. That was more than 200 years ago. ?unday in Decatur, Ala., a jur\ of '"-‘Ve white men brought in a ver:ct of death against Haywood Pater.son. The attorney-general of the -treat sovereign state referred to him as "that thing." Ihcy sav it was a quiet courtroom and a gentle day down in Morgan county when the jury filed in after ty. em> - four hours of deliberation. But could none of them hear the wind in the rigging of the slave ship i l ie crof >king of her timbers, and the cries of the cargo? a a a Ship Without Port ' ■ -HAT ghostly ship has steered A her course around our coasts nnd even up into the back v,v : times innumerable. She seeks vain a final haven. We, the grur j sons ?nd the great-grandson. ; 'o slaves of the slavers, are no: .n----peased. We have not forgiv n Negro. j It is less difficult to forgive c i enemies, but the persecution of Negro continues because we hue wronged him so vastly and so Vitally. We are bound to the wh 1 of our damnation and try to stave it off with silly postures and cruel antics. Fear grips us, and we sheer off even from an act of simple justice. Attorney-General Knight could not even bring himself to admit that he was in the presence of a man on trial for his life. He had to take refuge in such a phrase as "that, thing." He was afraid of the tarts He had reason to fear. There was much panicky talk in the speeches of the men who pressed the case. "Show them that Alabama justice can not be bought and sold with Jew money from New York!" cried Solicitor Wright at one point in the trial. And the attorney-general, after deploring the injection of prejudee by his associate in the summation, went on to say: "if you acquit tins . cgio, put a garland of roses around his neck, give him a supper, and send him to New York City. There let Dr. Harry Fosdick dress him up in a high hat and morning coat, gray-striped trousers and spats.” And that was because Dr. Focdiek had told Ruby Bates to face the danger ol return and go back to confess that she lied when first she accused the Negro boys. And that was because the attorney-general was afraid. 3 a a Tragedy and Farce |T F human life were not at stake, this Scottsboro case might take rank with the most inspired of all extravaganzas, but the shadow of the chair falls across such ironic ribaldries as the conviction of a Negro field hand on the ground, that Alabama docs not like the modesand manners of New York City. Instead of a crown of thorns, Alabama rhetoric* pressed down a high hat upon this poor laborer. But the irony of the situation swings wide beyond the borders of the state’ where the trial was held. Does the learned counsellor from the Southland actually believe that the song of the slave ship never floats above the roofs of Harlem? Instead of the fantastic festival outlined by the prosecutor, what would New York really have to offer any Haywood Patterson? Morning coats and garlands? Not exactly. The great and free city of New York would afford him an opportunity to share a three-room apartment with nine or ten of his fellows. And only with the best of luck would be able ta pay the rent. The south imposes rather more lynching, legal and otherwise. New York and Chicago take it out in tuberculosis. We have no right to sit in the scats of the scornful. Nor is it the part of wisdom to think of the Scottsboro case as a local issue. We will get nowhere if comment merely takes the form of attacks upon the legal machinery of Alabama and charges that Decatur opinion is blinded by bigotry. That would merely be a matter of the mote calling the beam black. a a a A Few Wise Words AS a matter of fact, some wise words were spoken during the trial. "The world at this time ar.-i in many lands is showing intolerance and showing hate. It seems sometimes that love has almost deserted the human bosom. It seems that hate has taken its place . . . Wrong dies and truth forever la"s, and we should have faith in that That was said by the judge - James E. Horton. Well, your honor, when it comes time to pa : tence of death how are you going to plead? Remember that you and all the rest of us are on trial fir our faith, our integrity and our . rest common decency, what s;.y you? Guilty or not g’ulty? Speak up, man! Let us all speak up and prove that we are not guilty of this monstrous thing. Let us scuttle the slave ship in forty ' thorns and stop that whine of the wind in its rigging. ICoDvright. 10S3 bv The Time"

April Sickness

BY LIONEL WIGGAM Caring little for what I may Encuonted on an April day, I go unarmed into the street, My poor, defenseless fingers bare to Every breeze, however sweet, To every flower, however fair. Foolhardy me, with not a thought For any bud or bloom or what Their terrifying colors paint Upon my eyes without restraint! It's happened every year before— I ought to hide behind a door And lock the giddy season out. And read a magazine, no doubt! But like a man without a brain, I wander dazzled in the ram, And gape and gasp and sniff and run And drop ablinking in the sunl