Indianapolis Times, Volume 44, Number 279, Indianapolis, Marion County, 1 April 1933 — Page 4

PAGE 4

The Ind ianapolis Times (A SCRIPTS. HOWARD NEWSTArEB) HOY W. HOWARD President j TALCOTT POWELL E.llior EARL D. BAKER ...... Business Manager Thone—Ulley tj3l

•'"* / ■ Oivt Ltfjht and :h People Will Find Their Oven Way

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SATURDAY. APRIL 1. 1933

CANCER GERMS T TPSETTING to conventional ideas about cance: Is the announcement from the National Institute of Health of the United States public health service stating that Drs. T. J. Glover and J. L. Engle have produced cancers in a guinea pig through use of germ cultures from a human breast cancer case. This may prove to be the most important news of the year. It is certain that the claims of these two physicians, not government scientists, but using Uncle Sam's facilities with the kindly co-operation of the public health service scientists, will meet with opposition from other cancer researchers and practitioners. It is important that such experiments be checked and rechecked by independent experiments. But from such research beginnings have come the conquest of other dread diseases of the human race. As yet there is no hope for cancer cure or treatment resulting from this work by Drs. Glover and Engle. Cancer patients only will waste time and money by bothering them. Probably there are several different kinds of cancer. The Glover-Engle discovery may mean that one kind of cancer is germ-borne and possibly communicable. But it is much too early to draw conclusions. We only can hope for fruitful results from the beginnings made. LABOR LEADERSHIP SIGNIFICANT of the changing spirit of America is the labor conference in Washington called by Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins. Through such representatives as Sidney Hillman, Donald Richberg, William Green, A. F. Whitney, John P. Frey and others consulted by the administration, 30,000,000 wage earners have become vocal. Out of these official conferences should evolve a vital American labor program, not only for emergency relief, but for basic reform. Here union labor speaks to Its government not as an outside pleader, but as friend and co-worker. So far. President Roosevelt's program, except in minor details, has been labor’s. He backed direct federal relief grants and won the forestation project. Now he Is studying the practical aspects of united labor’s demand for a great public works program, coupled with the shorter week plan to absorb the millions of unemployed and prime the pump of industry through resumption of buying. Agreed are both labor and the administration that emergency measures will not suffice. “The time has passed,’’ Secretary Perkins told the sixty-five labor men, “for the government to sponsor negative and static labor policies. What is needed is a positive and dynamic program.” The spokesmen for some 5,000,000 workers have agreed on the general lines of this dynamic program. The rail brotherhoods and the American Federation of Labor proposed: Federal hunger relief up to one billion dollars; labor representation on all relief boards; a public works program of possibly $5,000,000,000, to be supplemented by federal loans to localities for self-liquidating projects, like slum clearance; minimum wage laws for women and minors and general wage increases; unemployment insurance by states and Wagner federal aid bill for such insurance; child labor abatement; mortgage relief for workers’ homes, 90 per cent of which are mortgaged; immigration restriction; federal bank control; protection of education; Black-Connery thirty-hour week bill; national economic planning. Particularly significant is the Hillman plan. “It is necessary, as a measure serving the interests of the whole public in this emergency,” in the judgment of his group, “to establish control over wages, hours, and labor conditions on a nation-wide scale. “We. therefore, recommend that the President, as an essential part of his emergency program, call upon congress for immediate enactment of legislation which shall require the secretary of labor to establish a labor board in any industry in which he shall deem it necessary to do so." Tile advantage of this plan is that it would restore mass purchasing power, which now is desired by enlightened employers, but blocked by sweat shop competition. Restoration of buying power is the issue —for labor, the farmer, the professional man, the business man, for everybody. A MENACE TO THE CITY A MENACE from which the city has been virtually free for months again is assuming serious proportions. It is the menace of the mentally deficient man or woman who turns in false alarms of fire. Four false alarms were turned in on the north side early Friday morning. The first was at Forty-sixth and Guilford; the second, Park and Thirty-sixth; the third at Park and Thirty-second, and the last at Thirty-third and Illinois. Two young men, questioned, were released. Several fire companies ayd police squads rushed at top speed from the scene of the first alarm to the second, third, and fourth. The cost of this useless and perilous endeavor mounted into hundreds of dollars. Scores of sleeping residents were awakened. Lives of policemen and firemen were periled. No man who is fully sane will turn in a false fire alarm. Any sane person easily can visualize the appalling tragedy that might result. One need only recall the crash of Nov. 1. 1931, in which Lieutenant Lewis Stanley was killed at Sixteenth and Central and several others injured, to realize what can happen. The city council, on Nov. 16, 1931, passed an ordinance which provided a maximum penalty of S3OO fine and a maximum six-month sen*

tence in jail for any one convicted of turning in a false alarm. The maximum penalty should be imposed by any court before which the offender appears. Every citizen should consider it his duty to report any suspicion to the police. The man who turns in a false alarm ranks near the No. 1 berth among the city's public enemies. He should be scotched mercilessly. STORIES OF ATROCITIES eT'HESE stories of anti-Jewish atrocities on the part of the Hitler government in Germany are dreadful—if they are true; but it might be the part of wisdom for us to reserve decision on them for a little while until we get a better idea which tales are based on substantial facts and which ones are pure rumor. A little more than fifteen years ago we had another crop of atrocity stories from Germany. We went for them hook, line, and sinker at that time—and have been ashamed of our credulity ever since. We don’t want to make the same mistake twice. That the American people sharply will condemn any government, which persecutes helpless minorities goes without saying. But we might do well to defer the condemnation until all the returns are in. REPAIR THE ROOF *’’ I ''HOUGH the New York legislature may A not know- it, other states will be influenced by its action on the pending unemployment insurance bills. Unless the nation’s largest, richest, and most progressive industrial state is prepared to go forward with compulsory reserves to combat future unemployment, the national movement for this essential reform will slow’ down. The issue is insurance versus charity. It is not a question of whether money will be provided for the jobless. It is a question of how the money shall be provided. Americans should be the last people in the w’orld to need persuasion that insurance is the better way, and the more honorable w f ay. In fact, most Americans are persuaded of the necessity and justice of compulsory state unemployment insurance. This applies not only to labor and social workers, but also to the desire of leading employers. The Governor and his party are committed definitely. But the danger is that the pressure of other legislation and administrative matters will crowd out this measure. We do not profess to pass upon the relative merits of the Wisconsin or Ohio plans, or of the several bills now before the New York legislature. There is room for honest disagreement over the details. Those who would postpone actual payments by industry until the employment and pay roll indexes register substantial improvement have a right to be heard. But that New’ York and other states should pass compulsory unemployment insurance laws of some kind now w’hile the storm is upon us, without waiting for the sunshine to make us forget to repair the roof, is clear to all w’ho remember our fatal inaction in other depressions. JAPANESE FEAR OF AMERICA of the oldest of all axioms is that there are two sides to every question. Somehow, too, it is the first thing that gets forgotten when relations between two great powers become strained. Each side can see only its own interpretation of things. Misunderstanding feeds upon its own fruits, grow’s as it feeds—and presently leads the two nations to a position where war is more than possible. For this reason every American ought to ponder over the interview given in New York recently by Yosuke Matsuoka, the Japanese statesman. Mr. Matsuoka remarked bluntly that his people are quite as disturbed by the “American menace” as we ourselves are by the “yellow peril.” He pointed out that while Japan has no fortifications or naval bases in American waters, we have some in far eastern w’aters, almost under Japan’s doorsill. He pointed out that for twenty-five years prominent Americans have written books and made speeches calling on the liatkn to get ready for war with Japan. And he added: “We always have known that we had no capacity to wage war successfully against the richest and the most secure nation in the world. We therefore —we as a whole--have been given to believe that your arguments about your ’necessities for defense’ against a Japanese danger had design behind them. “At times, and not far distant times, you spoke in terms, and displayed naval force in the Pacific, that caused our people no little anxiety. “It will take more than a statement that you are concerned mainly with maintaining anti-war machinery to allay our popular anxiety.” All of this is both surprising and enlightening. We always have looked on ourselves as a peace-loving nation faced, in the Pacific, by a designing, hard-boiled, and militaristic power —Japan—from whom almost anything might be expected. And now it develops that the Japanese feel that the exact reverse of all of this is true. We fear what they may do, they fear what we may and misunderstanding and suspicion increase year by year. There are two sides to every question. It is a good thing that we are able, at this stage of the game, to get a look at Japan's side. TOM MOONEY'S NEW TRIAL SO Tom Mooney is at last to have his day in court! What the upshot of this surprising new development in this famous long-drawn-out case may be is beyond telling. That it will be next to impossible for the prosecution to gain a conviction seems obvious; but whether such a result would bring a pardon for the charge on which the man is now in prison is not at all certain. A pardon for Tom Mooney has, in the past, seemed to be one of those things which are theoretically possible, but practically unattainable. It would be well, meanwhile, for friends of the prisoner to remember that right now they can do him more harm than good. By keeping hts case alive they have done him a great service; by agitating too fervently, now that he has won a victory, they can—so perverse is human nature—cause a revulsion of feeling that wtxild make his release more implorable than it was before.

JUSTIFIABLE OPTIMISM nnHAT the new feeling of optimism pre- -*■ valent in this country is shared by impartial observers overseas is made evident by a speech recently delivered in the house of commons by Neville Chamberlain, chancellor of the exchequer for the British government. “Looking over the world,” says Mr. Chamberlain, “one can see indications that the industrial situation is likely to improve within the next few months. “A few weeks ago any one looking at the situation in the United States could have done so only with a feeling of gravest anxiety. Today, thanks to the initiative, courage, and wisdom of the President, a change has taken place which is almost miraculous.” Our optimism seems to be justified. We aren’t out of the woods, of course—not by a long shot. But we are, at last, on our way. BUILDING UP BUYING POWER TAMES D. TEW, president of the B. F. Goodrich Rubber Company, has issued a statement declaring that as an industrialist he heartily is supporting President Roosevelt’s farm bill. The interesting thing about this is that Mr. Tew’s rubber company uses vast quantities of cotton, and will find its manufacturing expenses greatly increased if the bill boosts the price of cotton as the administration expects it to do. “We feel very strongly,” says Mr. Tew, “that in the interest of the farmers and the welfare of the country as a whole, it is our duty to forget selfish interests and back up whole-heartedly the efforts of our President in restoring stability to the economic life of the nation.” For this project cuts both ways. It might boost the prices of raw materials, but if it did it would also add greatly to the farmer’s purchasing power; and Mr. Tew and his brother industrialists might discover that if their operating expenses rose their sales would rise even more rapidly. CLEARING THE AIR A BRIEF dispatch from New York the other -*■*- day read as follows: “Major W. E. Gladstone Murray of the British Broadcasting Corporation arrived today aboard the liner Majestic en route to Canada, where he will aid in reorganizing Canadian broadcasting along the lines of the British system, which bars advertising.” The average American radio fan, reading this, is likely to murmur, “Lucky Britishers—and Lucky Canada;” and to wonder, idly and wishfully, if it wouldn't be possible to bring Major Murray south of the international line for a while, after he gets through with his job in the Dominion, which, after April 1, will limit advertising to 5 per cent of the broadcasting period. Bernard Shaw said the other day he’d always known the American people were deaf and dumb. We were dumb enough to read more of Shaw’s books than any other country, but we’d be glad to have him give our ears a good rest now. New York Police Commissioner Mulrooney expresses surprise that so many New York girls carry guns. Well, they’ve been carrying powder for a good many years. Bank advertises that it still is a good idea to put something away for a rainy day. We agree. We’re saving up for that summer vacation, too. A banker not only may be down, but these days some of them are out. Time, tide and President Roosevelt wait for no man.

M.E.TracySays: —Y~. . ! !, ! -

ACCORDING to Mr. Matsuoka, “the territorial integrity of China,” as assumed by the ninepower pact, is a fiction. Well, we guess it is, and we guess that the independence of Machukuo, as advertised by Japan, also is a fiction. Indeed, there would appear to be quite a few fictions with regard to the Far Eastern situation, for some of which neither China nor Japan is responsible. How else, for instance, can the idea that the western world ever intended to do anything about it be described? No doubt, men alw’ays have dwelt in an atmosphere of dreams, but they seem to have lived in it with peculiar tenseness and gullibility during the last fifteen years. There is the German republic going to smash in spite of all the high hopes, and the Russian republic going right on in spite of all the depressing prophecies. it tt tt THERE is the League of Nations, an admitted reality, but apparently doomed to loose a member every time it attempts to settle a hot argument. There is the Monroe Doctrine, which W’e Americans regard as sacred for the western hemisphere, but insist that no other government or section of the world has a right to copy. There is the notion that trade can be stimulated by tariffs and that as long as w’e refuse to *call it war we maintain peace, no matter how many people we kill or how much property we destroy. There is the belief that outsiders can make a government do what they want, if they express themselves vociferously enough. But w’hy go on? We have speculated and failed, the trouble being that we started out to prove certain theories instead of making experiments. Fiction or reality, we have assumed certain things to be so, regardless of what human experience seemed to indicate. China was to be loved, coddled, and protected as the good kid, no matter how wildly she ran amuck. By the same token, Japan has been looked upon as the bad kid, largely because of her brightness and ambition. a a u ALL nations were willing to “uphold” the integrity of China provided it did not cost them too much, but there was selfishness, as well as dumbness, in their attitude. To begin with, each was afraid that some of the others might get too big a slice of China if she fell apart, while all were intrigued by the ease with which she could be brow-beaten and exploited as long as she remained intact. When China became a republic, the western world calmly closed its eyes to reality and joined in a glad chorus of jubilation around the fiction of a word. China would be able to throw off a preChristian form of government and become just like the most modem democracy over night, because she was lovable and accommodating. Common sense suggested that several generations of chaos would not see the transition completed, but we are not particularly long on common sense In this scientific age,

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns. Make your letters short, so all can have a chance. Limit them to 250 words or less.J Bv Old Settler We want beer, but not at the expense of the repeal of the eighteenth amendment. That, I fear, is w’here we are headed unless our politicians see the light. The fight seems to be the same all over the country. New York and Pennsylvania seem to be in the same boat as Indiana, as far as mixing politics and beer goes. But the situation in Indiana and the two big eastern states is not the same. Repeal should win easily in both New York and Pennsylvania, but this is not a preponderantly wet state. It is a state which normally would be far more likely to vote dry. Especially is this true in the rural sections, and they represent about half the population of Indiana. Farmers may vote for repeal for ceonomic reasons, but it would not take much t oswing them to the dry column. Besides, the drys are exerting every effort to beat repeal. They are w r ell organized all over the state and hope, with good reason, for victory in Indiana. It behooveres the wets to get into action, with every resource at their command. The Democrats should bend every effort to line up votes for repeal, or they will encounter defeat. One of the surest ways to swing a big block of votes against repeal is to play politics with beer. If the distribution is to be only a matter of fattening the purse of some politician, as a reward for supporting the Democratic party, the people will not stand for it, and will register disapproval at the polls. Divorce beer and politics, or all you will have will be prohibition, with its horrors doubled. By Overseas Veteran I would like to say a few words in your paper, as I have been a reader of The Timas for about sixteen years. I served about a year in

'T'HERE is a general impression -*• that a person who has acquired special skill in one type of work quickly will acquire skill in similar efforts; for example, the idea that an athlete particularly efficient in rowing or baseball also will have great ability in golf or tennis. All sorts of evidence may be developed for and against this point of view. It is known that Babe Ruth, while not a second Bobby Jones, still is able to play a good game of golf, and it has been asserted that Babe Didrikson, famous woman athlete, played her fifth or sixth round of golf in 84. There are records of great tennis players who took up golf rather late in life and did well at it. On the other hand, there is no evidence that football players and

SOME prohibitionists let their ardor run away with their charity. So when a Memphis woman writes that because this column has favored repeal she “hopes that -my best beloved will go down in the booze gutter,” I only can believe that she hates whisky more than she loves her neighbor. Probably she does not actually wish me or any one else such sorrow. She is carried away by her displeasure at the return of beer. What she apparently does not know is that there also is such a sin as intemperateness of the tongue. It is disconcerting to find that people who call themselves “good” can harbor such malignity and entertain wishes that certainly do not originate in Christian charity. Such individuals have done the cause of prohibition immeasurable harm. They have allowed themselves to become persecutors of those who do not believe as they believe. The downfall of their movement, which undoubtedly began in sincerity, can be laid at the door of bigotry.

Isn’t It About Spring Housecleaning Time?

if I fr r-£ / If n t

: : The Message Center : :

Skill in One Line May Not Aid in Another 3-l. -I— BY DR. MORRIS FISHBEIN

: : A Woman’s Viewpoint : :

Watch Your Trash By Charles Hooper I read in the paper of a man who while crossing a street slipped on a banana peel and was run over and killed. No doubt many are killed in this way. Every city and town in the country should have strict ordinances against throwing banana peels, orange skins and apple ceres on the streets. Policemen should nrrest, on sight, persons they see throwing such things on the streets. Pedestrians should warn such persons, and also should kick into the gutters any fruit refuse that they see lying on streets and highways. Proper receptacles should be placed on street corners for such refuse, and teachers should instruct their pupils not to throw such dangerous things on the streets and highways. Coeur d’Alene, Idaho. France and drew an $lB pension until they got to balancing the budget and they balanced me off like they are doing to lots of other overseas veterans. I have had disabilities as far back as 1919, due to sleeping on the ground in mud and rain, but it seems to make no difference where you were, as long as they don’t have the right kind of proof, or record that you still hfive the disabilities. But the camp soldier gets the big SSO and SIOO pensions, while overseas veterans get the slash. The Times led the people to believe that these big pay jobs and pension

Daily Thought

For he that is called in the Lord, being a servant, is the Lord’s freeman; likewise also he that is called, being free, is Christ’s servant.—l Corinthians 7:22. tt tt tt *' THERE is no moment without some duty.—Cicero.

Editor Journal of (he American Medical Association and of B.veeia, the Health Magazine.

oarsmen necessarily are exceptionaly proficient in other games. Recently in Great Britain the industrial health research board has made some controlled tests to find out whether one kind of manual skill or dexterity can be transferred to another type of effort. Asa part of the method of testing. special prizes were offered for dexterity in either of two manual performances. However, it was found that there was no transfer of dexterity, and in not once case was training in one process found to be of special value when taking up a different process. In fact, there are some instances in which habits formed in one type of dexterity have interfered with good work in another.

BY MRS. WALTER FERGUSO

BUT let me state here that if this good woman's wish came true I still would believe that men are not made good or sober by laws. This country has been run long enough upon the theory'that the

Questions and Answers Q—What is the largest interior body of water in the world? A—The Caspian sea. Q —Was crucifixion the regular method of capital punishment in the ancient Roman state? A—Yes. Q —How much wheat was produced in the United States in 1931? A—892,271,000 bushels. Q —Where is the paper money of the United States made? A—Bureau of engraving and printing, .Washington, D. C.

fellows would get cut off. They will not cut one of them off. The overseas veterans thought the war was over in France, but nobody seems to care. As Senator Robinson says, rob the veterans who need the money and give to some other class of people. The Times knows better than to say that the big fellows on the ball team with big jobs get cut off. Its the veterans like myself, sl2 and $lB men, who gets his pension cut. I know a camp man who never went overseas who admits he still gets his SSO a month.

So They Say

For the welfare of the people of the state (Minnesota) it would be best to put the legislators in the asylum for the insane.—William McAndrew, educator. People are saying now. “God help America,” but I say, “God help any nation that thinks the spirit of America is broken.”— Beverly Baxter, editor of he London Express. Failures in the last congress have been due to the fact that the determination of policies has come entirely from the Speaker’s chair; it now will come from the party.—Speaker Henry T. Rainey of the house of representatives. We may as well determine right here and now that we are going to wage relentless war until we abolish involuntary idleness as surely as we abolished involuntary servitude.—Senator Robert F. Wagner of New York. I am afraid I will have to get me anew wife. This one thinks that because I am manager of a cooperative store, she should have all the butter, meat, perfume, soap, r.nd silk stockings she wants. She yips about it all night long.—Victor Gregorovich of Russia.

It is pointed out that experts in rowing, such as is required in deep sea fishing, have great difficulty in learning the type of rowing required in racing shells. In considering the question of training for special forms of dexterity, the investigators found that eighty minutes of training a day yields about as much improvement as three hours of training a day. Hence, where rapid training was required, the man could be trained at one process in the morning and at another in the afternoon without either interfering with the other. Some college athletes are known to train for basketball in the morning and for running events in the afternoon, with considerable efficiency in both. Once fatigue has come on, however, all types of training are interfered with.

strong must be deprived of all rights so that the weak may be protected. Consequently, we have reared a pretty large majority of moral ineffectuals. The sooner the mothers of America get to their proper jobs of raising boys and girls strong enough to face and resist temptations, instead of agitating the passage of a thousand and one measures that forbid this, that, and the other, the sooner we shall be a nation of men who will not be afraid to look a scuttle of beer or anything else in the face. We have done frightful harm breeding fear into the natures of our children. Instead of teaching them moderation in all things, we have frightened them with the bogvman of booze. The result is that they are lured inevitably in its direction. Fear has conquered them. Weakness has become their chief vice. And to my notion it’s a far worse one than taking a glass of 3 per cent beer ever will be.

I'APRIU i; U

It Seems to Me = BY JOE WILLIAMS

(Ratting for Hrywood Broun) NEW YORK, April I.—Certainly no one can argue with Gret- 1 ta Palmer. Times Special Writer, when she writes that Mrs. Charles Sabin has charm Or that some of Mrs. Sabin's girl friends in the Prohibition Reform Organization have charm. But— Well, when our Gretta goes further and broadly implies that the ladies, plus their charm, made repeal the probability it is today, I'm afraid she is putting on a little too much rouge, and some imprudent gaffer should tell her so. Admittedly, the ladies, charm or no charm, have made vital contributions. but this drive against the sawdust souls and the narrow minds of the nation has not been confind to any limited era : it has been a somewhat general drive. Offhand, I can name at least two or three men who volunteered at the first roll of the drums. When the history of the ultimate death of prohibition is written I have a notion that the coroner will lay the homicide at the weary feet of the depression. More than any one other factor it was this pinchfaced specter of want that gave the nation anew grip on its manliness. There has been more liberal legislation enacted in this country in ihe last twelve months than in the last fifteen years combined, and in practically every instance the need of revenue influenced the result. It is much more simple, for instance, to get beer for taxs than for tonsils. tt tt tt Side Street Honor OUR return to independence and individualism has not been conducted over the most honorable of all highways. On the contrary, it has been a sort of hitch-hike journey down a side street, with the fellow who knocked us flat—the depression—giving us the lift we needed. Prohibition began to stagger and reel seriously for the first time when some of our leading citizens came out boldly against it. Men like Al Smith and the late Dwight Morrew. And women like Mrs. Sabin. Up to that time a of prominence who indicated a tolerant viewpoint became a ready target for the Bishop Cannonaders. It was a page-one story when John D. Rockefeller Jr., came galloping out on the field to run with the ball. Junior was a little bit late. The game was almost over. With less than a minute to go. the wets already led by some thirty-five states. It was a nice gesture, though, even if it did leave some of the skeptics wondering whether Junior’s newly acquired enthusiasm for repeal could in any way be associated with its possible effect on the ticker. I think one of the reasons why the nation has recaptured some of its old respect (say. boy, how are those Yankees coming along?) is due to the recent willingness of the big | shots to speak their minds publicly on controversial subjects. This hasn't always been so, as any veteran news reporter can tell you. a a tt The Ball Changes Hands HERETOFORE, prohibition has had all the better of it in this respect. Some very nice old lady, like Mrs. Ella Boole, would spray the town hall with a lot of saintly sophistries, and because she espoused a quasi-religious cause nobody would dare give her a stiff talk back. If some ordinary bird who worked for a living and had a family were to get up and crack, “I guess what you say about Satan and Demon Rum is right, lady, but what's the harm in a man having a glass of beer once in a while?” —if this happened he would be hissed out of the place amid cries of “Drunken sot!” But it is somewhat different when the Al Smiths and the Mrs. Sabins ana their kind start talking back to the white ribboners. It’s different because it has a splendid effect on a large percentage of the citizenry* t who might otherwise remain concerned or unpersuaded about the principle involved. No one questions for an instant that there are many sincere and intelligent opponents of liquor in this country, and I suppose it is just one of those unfortunate things that so many spokesmne of prohibition happen to be a cross between Huey Long and a chronic case of gout. I dislike to appear rude or ungallant, but Carry Nation was the only woman I ever saw who caused me to shake with fear. Asa child I listened to her start a speech in a public square in the south. She looked so formidable and fierce in her sullen black dress that I turned and fled. I wholeheartedly believe Mrs. Nation made of me an early patron of the beverage parlors. Instinctively I must have concluded that if such unpleasantness accompanied abstinence I wanted no part of it. I think I succumbed at the age of 18. But for that blighting exper- j ience I am sure I would have held! out resolutely until I was 19. anyAn how. (Copyright. 1933, bv The Times)

Wait for Me

BY MARGUERITE V. YOUNG Wait for me, oh, wait for me, Towns of France and Germany! I’ll be coming by and by, Do not let your beauty die! Cobbled, winding, climbing street, Wait for me. I still entreat; Churchly spires and colored roofs, Clattering small donkey’s hoofs L Goethe’s sweetheAts round and Washing linen in the square; Do not go, please stay awhile, I must travel many a mile! Bock of beer to look upon, Sitting, dozing in the sun; Francois Villon, let me be Os thine ancient company! Wait for me, oh, wait for me, Towns of France and Germany;.. I’ll be coming by and by, Do no let your beauty die!