Indianapolis Times, Volume 44, Number 34, Indianapolis, Marion County, 20 June 1932 — Page 12

PAGE 12

ASK CITIZENS' CONSIDERATION IN TAX FIGHT Legislature Group Cites Efforts to Slash Expenses. Apps?l for "pptriotic, nonpartisan consideration, by intelligent citizens to the vital questions facing the legislature’’ at, th" special session July 7 ras made today in the name of ih" senate and house co-opcra-li-e corirnlUec'. The appeal accompanied an anno,nee 'T.TD . uorr a subcommittee hr" circl by Senator .lor Rand Beckett which declared that bills for taxation economy, based on the fourteen-point program of the joint committee, are prepared, and being studied by the subcommittee. Bills Will Be Ready ■ The bills embody changes touching all governmental spending agencies within the state, designed to open -the way for a $45,000,000 to $50,000,000 reduction in public expenditures,” Beckett asserted. These bills will be in final form ready for passage when the legislature convenes, he said. Other members of the sub-com-mittee to which they have been assigned for review are Senator J. Francis Lochard, Milan, and Replcsentatlvcs Delph McKesson, Plymouth. and William C. Babcock Jr., Rcn3selaer. McKesson and Lochard are Democrats end Beckett and Babcock, Republicans. Two Other Steps Needed “This is the first step in any tax remedial effort,” Beckett explained. “As the senate-house co-operative committee visions the emergency tax relief needed by the people at this time, there are two other stejis. “Second, the active interest of the mass of citizens in actual tax reduction, as opposed to continuance of the present inflated level of governmental costs, and third, the active. wholehearted co-cperation of public officials who must take advent? ge of present opportunities to cut costs and capitalize the new' a’ cr.ucs of reduction, which will be opened if the general assembly carries cut the fourteen-point co-oper-ative program. 'The program does not touch upon the important subject of poor relief, which is a matter of administration of almost equal prominence with the subject of taxation relief. Ask for Consideration “This subject best can be. approached by those organizations which have had experience in and have made a particular study of this large and distressing problem. "We appeal for patriotic, nonpartisan approach by intelligent citizens to the vital questions facing the legislature in this special session and for calm and unbiased considciation of the proposals in this joint legislative program, which comes from men of experience in legislative matters and from a well-defined sentiment throughout the state." MISHAP CAUSES ARREST Boat Overturns; Swimmer Goes Home in Cab; No Cash; Call Cops. By United Prrsa NEW YORK, June 20. Robert Wheeler went to jail because his motor boat overturned. Wheeler was swimming in Long Island sound when It happened. He swam to shore and took a taxicab to his home. Nobody was home. His keys and money were in his suit in the overturned boat. The taxi driver turned Wheeler over to the police for not paying his fare.

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SUCCESS, F AIL U R E—W HIC HIS HOOVER? i Great Leader, Republicans Contend; Weak, Unfit, Rivals Say

Thli I* lb. flr*t three itarln be Fodner Duteher. Waibinrton eorreapondent for The Tfmei and NEA Serelee. nrr.rntlne an impartial review f Herbert Hoover'a reeord aa nreaident and •ntlininc the iaanea ui>n which he aeeks re-election. BY RODNEY DUTCHER Washington Correspondent of The Times and NEA Service. HERBERT Hoover, whose renomination by the Republicans makes him a candidate for re-elec-tion. has had worse luck than any President who ever got out of the House alive. The depression has over-shadowed everything else in his administration. It has made impossible many of the things he hat} hoped to do any tended to minimize many of the things he actually has done. Hoover ran plop into a slump of unprecedented depth and duration, in which values have been decimated, factories closed, business slowed to a crawl, banks gone bust, farm prices shot below pre-war figures and seven or eight million persons thrown out of work. Incidentally, the depression and j its worries have thatched the Presi- ! dent’s hair with white. He will be re-elected this year if the voters, believe, as his friends insist, that he has given an inspiring example of wise and courageous leadership, hfilding the ship of state on an even keel and, by the use of every sound measure possible, saving us from a panic that might have j been far worse than the one we have had. n * n npHE other extreme picture of Hoover is that he has been weak,( vacillating, unfit, moving only when frightened into action, a detrimental force through his failure. to understand the situation and his attempts to minimize it, stolidly indifferent to widespread suffering, utterly reactionary and violently partisan though politically inept. If the voters accept that picture, j |as painted by the Democrats, this ! will be Hoover's last term. The going has been especially painful for Hoover and the Republicans, because in 1928 they sold j themselves to the country as per- { petual guarantors of prosperity. Hoover was sure prosperity had come to stay; he was the “superman” who would lead us to new heights and abolish poverty. But Hoover’s political stock is now well above its lowest point desipte the continued business rei cession. Once there was real doubt that he could be renominated. At times, but not for several months, Republican leaders have believed that only a miracle could re-elect him—that deadly, blind resentiment would cause voters to bury him in November . Now, however, there is hope. The Democrats and their presidential possibilities haven’t been setting the country bn fire. Hoover’s encounters with congress have increased his popular prestige —such encounters always do. No one knows whether the electorate really is sore enough to effect a change at all costs. u n n HERE is a brief sketch of Hoover’s record in regard to the great depression; When the stock market crashed late in October, 1929, neither Hoover nor any one else foresaw what was yet to come. Temporary palliatives were applied as a business decline followed, but for many months Hoover and his subordinates in government 'along with most industrialists and | financiers —poured out a stream of ] “bedtime stories” to the effect that | the country was about to turn, was I turning, or actually had turned the i corner of prosperity. Innumerable J devices were used to revive confidence. i Hoover had acted quickly and impressively at the outset. The nation cheered at his vigorous, unprecedented action. He summoned leaders of industry, labor, finance, state and municipal government. He urged “business as usual,” the maintenance of planned construcj tion, expansion of public works and i a policy of no wage cuts and no 1 strikes. The leaders promised cooperation. At Hoover’s behest congress promptly passed a $160,000,000 tax ; cut measure as a business restora- ; live. Later, also on his recommendation. it expanded appropriations for public works which ran into added hundreds of millions before it was decided that the nation could no longer afford that method of relief. The net effect of Hoover's early measures can not be computed. Republicans say they were extremely effective. m * * SUBSEQUENTLY a great number of committees, boards and conferences have been created in connection with various of the depression’s phases—too numerous to count or mention, including two on unemployment relief, others on hoarding, drought relief, unemployI ment statistics and so on. Every one eventually began to get the point that this was a real depression of uncertain duration, but Hoover for a long time continued to hold out for preservation of wage scales and relief through public works. He held conference after conference, personally and by telephone, with men most closely in touch with the situation. His administration continued to effect such measures as that of executive restriction of immigration, which he estimated last December 11 had kept out about 300.000 aliens who otherwise would have entered to add to the employment problem.

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A few years make a big difference—in the life of a President. “The hardest job in the world” wrecked the health of Wilson and killed Harding, but Herbert Hoover seems to fare well under the strain, except that he has a few more gray hairs and deeper lines in his face. The President has kept in physical trim by daily morning exercise with his "medicine ball cabinet” and by frequent week-end trips to his camp on the Rapidan in nearby Virginia.

About a year ago, after Hoover's prospects of re-election had reached perhaps their lowest ebb, it seemed as if a break might come, when he announced his moratorium plan for war debts arid reparations. The whole world cheered then. Hoover was its hero. Stocks and other prices moved up. Republicans shrieked with delight. Democrats despaired. Hoover, in advance, carefully had lined up most of their leaders in support of the debt-reparations holiday. But in about a month the "recovery” had turned out to be a false alarm and we were sliding downhill again, although it seemed as if the moratorium had averted some extremely serious events. HUM WHEN the present congress assembled last December with the Democrats in control of the house, the President was ready with an extensive program of “reconstruction.” Already he had assembled tankers who agreed to form a credit pool to support banks and theoretically in turn enable them to extend credit to commerce and industry. The President’s program as presented to congress called for anew finance corporation designed to bolster banks, railroad companies, insurance companies and other corporations which appeared to be threatened by frozen assets, credit stringency or both; for changes in the federal reserve law, which would give still further liquidity to bank assets and help remove threats against the gold standard caused by foreign gold withdrawals and additional capital for the Federal Land Bank system. Despite Democratic control, both parties generally co-operated on the Hoover program and we have anew credit structure of which the main pillars are the Reconstruction Finance Corporation and the GlassSteagall act. The chief obvious effect has been a sharp drop in the number of bank failures, of which there already had been thousands and which had been on the increase.

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But here again Hoover and others may be credited with bolstering the economic structure at a critical moment. u * \ S early as in his message to congress last December, Hoover was urging that the budget be balanced. He even opposed increasing the billion-dollar veterans’ appropriations while the depression was on. He had gone to the American Legion convention at Detroit to throw his influence against a demand for cashing bonus certificates, and has vetoed veteran and pension bills with strong messages. His messages to congress urging economies and speed on the tax bill have attracted much support over the country, as have his requests for authority -for government reorganization, although Democrats have charged that he would not be specific and tell just what he wanted. He appeared before the senate just as it was about to pass the tax bill, urging prompt budget-balanc-ing and suggesting the sales tax be adopted, but the bill was passed without a sales tax. Farm relief was one of the very first problems to which Hoover turned his attention. Inaugurated in March, 1929, he called a. special session of congress, beginning in April, to provide farm relief and “limited tariff revision.” Congress passed his farm program—the agricultural marketing act creating the federal farm board, with its $500,000,000 revolving fund and instructions to build up an effective marketing system. HOOVER consistently has opposed and vetoed such advanced measures as the equalization fee and export debenture plans, designed to handle drop surpluses and give farmers the benefit of the tariff by artificial methods. The farm board, judging by present prices, has lost a couple of hundred million dollars through loans and by buying up wheat and cotton to stabilize the markets. Farm prices have tobogganed to their lowest levels. Yet it is widely believed that the

farm board saved many co-opera-tives and farmers from bankruptcy when it temporarily held prices above world levels until crops were disposed of. Demands for unemployment relief have been constant for the last two years and Mr. Hoover was consistent in his oposition to direct federal aid and insistent on preservation of “The “American system of individual initiative and individual and community responsibility.” He denounced “the dole.” He vetoed the Wagner bill for federal aid employment agencies. After the first increase of federal

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public works, Hoover created the Arthur Woods unemployment committee to serve as a clearing house for information and advice on un- ( employment relief. m n m THAT was succeeded by the more ambition committee headed by Walter S. Gifford, which put on a j high pressure campaign last year ito stimulate private charity and other private effort. Cahrity relief undoubtedly would have been much smaller had it not been for the efforts of Gifford, Owen D. Young and others recruited for | tha ttask. More recently, after the Democrats had come forth wit han unemployment relief program and it appeared that neither private charity, local effort or a business upturn, could be depended upon full, the President relented somewhat in the face of greater emergency. Denouncing proposals for federal construction bond issues as “pork barrel” legislation, he supported the proposals to allot $300,000,000 of Reconstruction Finance funds 2 to guarantee direct relief loans to states and $1,500,000,000 of such funds for income-producing construction projects. Those administration proposals now can be cited by Republican orators in the campaign. (Copyright. 1932. NEA Service. Inc.) NEXT: Hoover and Foreign Re- ; lations, Tariff, Debts and other , issues.

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JUNE 20, 1932