Indianapolis Times, Volume 40, Number 21, Indianapolis, Marion County, 5 June 1928 — Page 4

PAGE 4

S C RIP PJ- HOW AM.D

And In November? The decisions and ihe conduct of the Democratic State convention to be held here tomorrow will determine very largely whether the independent voter, who wants to see Indiana redeemed and rescued from forces which have disgraced and humiliated her, will have a chance in the November election to cast, a ballot which means something. The vicious interests and influences which have controlled the Republican party and still control it, have been able to win very largely because they created a situation where the thinking citizen could find little enthusiasm for either party. They have won in the past by disgusting the independent voter and the thinking voter and creating in the mind of the decent citizen the fixed idea that politics is too rotten to be touched and that nothing was to be gained by taking an active interest in government. Groups and blocs have controlled Republican conventions. When fraud has failed at the primaries, there has been an appeal to trickery and jugglery in conventions, secret deals, purchased proxies, and the control of delegates by sinister methods. It would be very unfortunate if the Democratic State convention should exhibit signs of harboring the same influences which have secured so firm a grip in the opposite party or of being controlled by the same methods and means which were successful in drowning the protest of decent Republicans. The primary vote showed beyond dispute that Ihe majority of Republicans revolted against the control of their party and really wanted decency. Despite every effort to bewilder the voter, to divert ballots by appeals to sectional pride, by the lavish use of money and in this city by fraudulent votes from vacant lots cast by repeaters, the total vote of Adams and Landis was greater than the combined votes of the forces which finally nominated Leslie. The only manner in which it is conceivable that Frank Dailey can be denied the nomination on the first ballot is by a repetition of the same methods and forces which submerged the will and wish of the Republican voters in the Republican State convention. The vote of Dailey in the primary was so outstanding and compelling, both as to number and to territory, as to make his nomination imperative if there is any regard for the wishes of the voters of his party. That there is any opposition at all to his nomination in the convention suggests that there are sinister influences at work to seduce and betray the Democratic party just as tha Republican party has long been shackled and kidnaped by vicious forces. The public career of Frank Dailey is the only platform which the Democratic party needs to win in November. He prosecuted the crook in office when he had the power. He was selected by President Wilson to prosecute Newberry of Michigan, the first of the men of wealth to attempt to purchase a seat in the United States Senate. His nomination would be blazoned to the Nation as evidence of the sincerity of Indiana in planning to get back to honest ways and decent methods of government. He would be more than the candidate of a, political party. He would be, by the very virtue of his reputation and his known attitude toward public office, the standard bearer of all those who believe in a real cleanup. His candidacy, would offer an opportunity to the voters of all political faiths, who want to see the State turned back into hands of the honest influences and decent citizenship. If the delegates to this convention have no higher motive than a desire to win, they should ask themselves what would happen in November were the word to go out that the Democratic partyhad turned down the man who had prosecuted frauds and crooks, who stands for clean government and honesty in office, who received almost a majority of the votes in the primary. They .should ask themselves what appeal a party which had refused a nomination to Dailey under these conditions would have to the majority of Republican voters who were tricked and defrauded by the Republican convention. Ordinarily the independent voter has little interest in the success of either party organization. Party appeal grows less and less. But this is something different. A majority of the citizens of Indiana, regardless of party, are asking for a chance to save their State. They want a chance to rebuke their betrayers. They want to elean house and clean it in a manner which will be impressive and emphatic. That is why they are watching to see what happens to Dailey. A New Yorker who married one of the "pony ballet” girls now wants a divorce, claiming he thought she was a blond and she’s a brunet. That’s a pony of a different color. Whoever said women are poor losers actually wasn’t talking about weight.

The Times (A SCREPPS-HOWARD NEWSPAPER) Owned and published daily (except Sunday) by The Indianapolis Times Publishing Cos., 214-220 W. Maryland Street, Indianapolis, Ind. Price in Marlon County, 2 cents—lo cents a week; ) y elsewhere, 3 cents—l 2 cents a week. BOYD GURLEY, ROY W. HOWARD. FRANK G. MORRISON. Editor. President. Business Manager. PHONE—MAIN 3500. TUESDAY, JUNE 5, 1928. Member of United Press, Scripps-Howard Newspaper Alliance. Newspaper Enterprise Association. Newspaper Information Service and Audit Bureau of Circulations. “Give Light and the People Will Find Their Own Way.”

Three More Days Congress voted overwhelmingly for retention of Muscle Shoals and its operation by the Government. Few Congressmen desired to face their constituents this year with a record of having voted to give this great enterprise over to the private utilities. Most of them foresaw that Muscle Shoals would be a major issue, if not the major issue, in case the question were not disposed of. It certainly will be such an issue if it is not signed by the President. Three days remain in which to sign it. Wire-Tapping t Whenever governments have violated the rights of free men they have sought to sanctify their tyranny by the doctrine that the end justifies the means. Such oppression always has brought its own retribution. No institution, no government has survived which continued to disobey the ethical code or legal statute it imposed upon its people. That respect for law upon which ordered society rests is turned to popular contempt when the government becomes the lawbreaker. To escape such tyranny of Church and State, our Government was founded, and our Constitution raised as a barrier against future encroachments by any officialdom which might forget the people's liberty from which its power derived. Our land, except during war excesses, usually has been free from those governmental transgressions of civil rights. But this American heritage of civil liberty now is endangered. In the enforcement of one unpopular statute, officers of the law now find it necessary without warrant and without evidence of guilt to shoot citizens, to invade tTTeir homes—to tap their telephone wires. The United States Supreme Court by a bare majority has ruled that it was constitutional for Federal prohibition agents at Seattle to tap wires to obtain evidence against persons suspected of violating the Volstead act. This decision was rendered despite the fourth and fifth amendments to the Constitution protecting citizens from giving evidence against themselves and from unlawful search by officials, and despite the State law making wire-tapping a misdemeanor. Justices Brandeis, Holmes, Butler and Stone dissented. "Asa means of espionage, writs of assistance and general warrants are but puny instruments of tyranny and oppression when compared with wire-tapping,” said Brandeis. "Men born to freedom naturally are alert to repel invasion of their liberty by evil-minded rulers. The greatest dangers to liberty lurk in insidious encroachment by men of zeal, well-meaning, but \yithout understanding. “The terms of appointment of Federal prohibition agents do not purport to confer upon them authority to violate any criminal law. "Decency, security and liberty alike demand that government officials shall be subjected to the same rules of conduct as the citizen. "Crime is contagious. If the Government becomes a lawbreaker, it breeds contempt for law; it invites every man to become a lav/ unto himself; it invites anarchy.” If anything will bring this country back to sane laws and lawful enforcement, this unrestrained shooting and wire-tapping by prohibition officers should do it. Americans, whether wet or dry, should awaken to this peril to our freedom and our decency. Some singers make pretty good salaries, but still isue a false note here and there. Speaking of the political conventions, you can’t always open up a deadlock with a keynote. Who remembers the old days when a candidate feared that his campaign fund would be too small?

——— ..David Dietz on Science Earth s Spin Is to Blame No. 6 tr

THE rotation of the earth may be responsible for the magnetic field. This theory has been advanced in recent years and many scientists have performed experiments seeking to establish it. Gilbert in his monumental work on the compass in 1600 attempted to explain the action of the compass needle by teaming the earth a great magnet. It is now

' | MAGNETISM •WASrtINGTON -PC,. . 1

rent through it, the coil of wire, as long as the current flows, will exhibit the same attraction for a piece of iron that a magnet does. In addition, such a coil of wire, if properly constructed and suspended, will indicate directions in precisely the same way that the compass needle does. Such a coil of wire is known as an electro-magnet. Therefore, when It became apparent that the hypothesis of the earth as a magnet could no longer be sustained, it was suggested that the earth might be a great electro-magnet. Two suggestions were put forward. One was that there were electric currents circulating in the atmosphere above the earth. The other was that there were electric currents flowing in the earth itself. It is a known fact that atmospheric electricity exists, the air about us being at a high electrical But further experiments have inclined most scientists to believe that the earth’s magnetism originates in the earth itself. The suggestion was next brought forward that the rotation of the earth caused its magnetism. This suggestion is based upon the assumption that the earth possesses an .electrical charge. Rotation of such a charge should create a magnetic field. Experiments have been performed at the department of terrestrial magnetism of the Carnegie Institution of Washington and at other laboratories to test out this and similar theories. It is also thought by many observers that there is a direct connection between the magnetism of the earth and the magnetic fields of the sun and other heavenly bodies.

M. E. TRACY SAYS: “Though Disturbing Some Republican Leaders Right Now, and Though It May Do Worse Next November, the Farm Rumpus Promises to Cut Less of a Figure at Kansas City Than Most People Think.”

WITH Republican delegates practically all selected and ready to start for Kansas City, we are almost as much in the dark as ever. Though Mr. Hoover stands well out in front, he lacks the necessary 545 votes to nominate, and that, too, by the admission of his own supporters. Only 531 Vs delegates are claimed for him, and 181 of those are in dispute. He is certain of 350 Vi, and reasonably certain of perhaps 100 more. If he gets 450 on the first ballot, hi/backers will be delighted and his opponents disappointed. a a tt Besides President Coolidge, there is one man who has it within his power to say whether Herbert Hoover shall be the Republican nominee. That man is Andrew W. Mellon. The seventy-nine uninstructed delegates from Pennsylvania not only represent a clear balance of power, but look to Mr. Mellon for guidance. When the time comes, they will go where he says. If one knew what was in Mr. Mellon’s mind, it would be easy to forecast the result, ’though it is possible that his mind has not been made up as yet, and that, like many another Republican leader, he is waiting to hear from President Coolidge. a a a Balance of Power TWere are two possible theories as to why the Pennsylvania delegates were not instructed. In the first place, Mr. Mellon might have wished to hold them in reserve, so he could strike a telling blow* for Hoover at the psychological moment. In the second place he might have wished to hold them in reserve for quite an opposite purpose. Both he and President Coolidge have taken a peculiar attitude toward the Hoover campaign. Hoover backers have counted on their support as virtually assured, and what Mr. Mellon said at the Pennsylvania convention seems to confirm this, but that is all. Neither the close-mouthed President of the United States nor his equally close-mouthed secretary of the treasury has said or done anything that binds them to the Hoover campaign. With the former it is still a case of “I do not choose,” and with the latter it is a case of not even having gone that far. an m No Fear of Farmers One hears much talk about the strategy this faction or that will pursue, but it is all talk. The real strategy continues veiled. The prevailing supposition is that President Coolidge will make some kind of a statement when he gets ready, but what kind no one knows. It is also reasonable to infer that when Secretry Mellon makes up his mind he will deliver the Pennsylvania delegation with a resounding whack, but when, or to whom, is still a mystery. Though disturbing some Republican leaders right now, and though it may do worse next November, the faffn rumpus promises to cut less of a figure at Kansas City than most people think.

Coolidge showed what he thought of it when he vetoed the McNaryHaugen bill, and Secretary Mellon has given no indication of being worried. Rightly or wrongly, both men seem more anxious about the industrial East than the agricultural West, possibly because they regard Governor Smith as the one great obstacle standing between the Republican party and its retention of power. a a a Horse Buying, Trading One hates to think that the question of whether a man like Herbert Hoover is nominated depends on whether two individuals are willing. It would be much more satisfying to believe that such a question hinged on untrammeled public opinion, that the rank and file exercised a deciding voice and that night caucusing and horse trading 1 played no part in the picture. But what is the use? In 1920, did not Wood, Lowden, Johnson and ! the rest troupe down to Chicago with the soothing illusionment that it wouljt be a .matter of votes, whether bought, or otherwise obtained, only to find that it was a matter of conferences at three in the morning? Have not the Platts, the Conklins, the Quays and the Hannas shown us how the thing was done, and set ample precedence for doing it? Why should we suppose that the Republican party has revolutionized its tactics, except for that sense of illusionment which forever inspires us to believe that good is about to triumph? a a a Back Room Nomination The Senate investigating committee has merly scratched the surface in revealing some sources of cash. Cash, even though fully uncovered, fails to tell the story. Wood spent vastly more than Harding in 1920, but did not get the nomination, and so did Lowden. What w’as bought, and presumably paid for with a mill.on dollars and more spread over many months of hard work, evaporated with the cigar smoke in a room at the Blackstone Hotel. The great and successful deal by which the Republican party was “saved” eight years ago cost little or nothing, but that does not mean that it was free from dirt, ..., rr

known that the irregularities in the earth’s magnetic field are such that no such simple explanation will do. Within recent years it has been suggested that the earth might be a great elec-tro-magnet. If you will take a coil of wire and pass an electric cur-

THE INDIAIn APOLIS TIMES

OTHERS had ridiculed the tales of chivalry before him: Rabelais, for example, and Chaucer; and it must be admitted that Cervantes had himself thought of writing a serious imitation of "Amadis de Gaul.” Perhaps it was his own poverty that at least gave point to his purpose; he resented the airy perfection of imagination in the face of life’s grimness and bathos; he wrote to exercise romance from his own soul; and he does not so much mock romance for being unlike life, as he satirizes life for being unlike romance. His own career had begun like Don Quixote’s, and was ending litce Sancho Panza’s. Let us look at the hero and his valet. The Don is a country gentleman drunk with romantic literature; he rises suddenly from his gallant books and swears that he will be a knight; he arms himself from head to foot; gets himself a horse, aged and thin, but he redeems her with the name of Rosinante, because he wants a good big word, "such a one as should fill the mouth.” He takes to the road, filling the air with language; meets some workmen laden vith tools, and mistakes them for arned knights, halts them with a haughty "Hold!” and challenges them: "Let all mankind acknowledge and confess that there is not In the universe a more beautiful damsel than the peerless Dulcinea del Tobosi.” It is true that Dulcinea does not exist; nevertheless she is beautiful, and at least as indispensable as Rosinante. “A knight-errant,” says Don, “can;** be without a mistress: ’tis not more essential for the skies to have stars, than ’tis to be in love.” Somewhere there must be a woman waiting for him; and until he meets here he will hold her beautiful. As he never meets her, her beauty and his love increases; and in her name, if luck is with him, he will split every skull in Christendom.

HE has a servant whom he has bound to him with the promise of a dukedom over an entire island when he comes at last into the kingdom which he is certain to conquer; and every knightly encounter Sancho prays that this time at last he may get his island. Quixote is as thin as a saint, Sanchoas fat as an archbishop: it is a mystery not explained by their creator, how it is that Sanoho remains as stout as ever, though he and his master starve in every chapter. But “there is no sauce in the world like hunger,” says Cervantes; “and as the poor never lack that, they alw'ays eat with good stomach.” Cervantes had begun with the idea of writing a short satire: but he fell in love with his subject and his creatures, and ran on in,to 1,600 pages. We need not read more than 300, unless we have a long life and a long wind; we are convinced of the author’s theorem and will be content with one-fifth of the proof.

But for those who can meander (and would that we might all!), there will be a healing pleasure in following this merry inventor, as “undulant and diverse” as Montaigne, and as reckless as Quixote’s horse—“He rode on, leaving it to his horse’s discretion to go which way he pleased.” PerhapS this horse sense does not suffice to make a work of art; and it is easy to see, from the loosely episodic structure of the structurelessness of this book that it was i written with gay irrelevence, and in! an ambling spirit tfcat loved the road more than the journey’s end. There is no architecture here, no tying threads together, no cementing unity; indeed, the story often •enough retraces its own track, and in every other chapter the Don is kicked, beaten, wounded and left half dead. The humor is of the sort that Shakespeare’s groundlings would have relished; simple burlesque humor, less erotic than excretory, redeemed with the laughter of the gods and the sympathy which philosophers can give to every human error. How shall we cavil at it when -if; i

Tif * V" * A\ / IKHOW . J MYRIQHTS- | iy CHILDREN 111 UMtea, !’i§% IpniilPl skM§(‘ ii}wmjm'-. , ,\, il | ’ 1 . .MI •-^~-.

THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION . Wit Cloaks Philosophy of Nonel Written for The Times by Will Durant

Killing A Good Thing

Heine, that expert in wit and humor, ranked the tale with “Hamlet/* and “Faust” as one of the supreme achievements of modern literature? It was first book that Heine read (he tells us); and he wept and laughed at every fall of the Don. “I was a child, and knew not the irony which God had put into the world.” tt tt tt WHAT lifts the book to eminence is not its story, nor its humor, but its philosophy. For philosophy will have its finger in every pie; ard unless a novel, or a poem, or a picture, or a statue, or even a pie6e of music, reveals under the symbolic particular some large and elemental thought, some vast perspective illuminating life, it remains a little thing, pleasant to stay with for a while, but not kept forever as a bright stone in the mosaic of our understanding. We go back every generation to “Don Quixote” because in the Knight and his servant we recognize the fundamental and eternal types and problems of mankind. Turgeniev divided all the world between Quixotes and Hamlets—precipitate doers who never stop to think, and careful thinkers who never stop thinking; the one class (he might have added) makes “history,” the other class, literature; the rest make money and children, and are too sensible to be famous. But the profounder division of human types is not into Quixotes and Hamlets, but into Quixotes and Sanchos; for it is a distinction that divides the heart of every man. We too, like Cervantes, begin our worldly ministry as idealists, and end as realists; in every one of us is a

Questions and Answers ‘

You can Ret an answer to any answerable question of fact or information bv writing to Frederick M. Kerby. Question Editor. The Indianapolis Times. Washington Bureau. 1322 New York Ave.. Washington. D. C.. enclosing two cents in stamps for reply. Medical , and legal advice cannot be given, nor can extended research be made. All other ouestions will receive a personal reply Unsigned requests cannot be answered. All letters are confidential. You arc cordially invited to make use of this free service as often as you Has A sixteen-inch disc a greater rim speed than a twelve-inch disc, at the same number of revolutions per minute? • A sixteen-inch disc has the greater rim spqed. The circumference of the sixteen-inch is 50.26 inches compared to 37.75 inches for the twelveinch disc. Consequently at ihe same number of revolutions the 'peed of the larger disc is greater, since it covers a greater distance. What is the frequently quoted statement by Abraham Lincoln with respect to the importance o? capital and labor? The Republican Workingmen’s Association of New York formed in 1863 voted Lincoln an honorary member, and sent a committee to Washington to notify him. He received them on March 21, 1864, and in his address of acceptance he said:

This Date in U. S. History

June 5 1781—Americans captured Augusta, Ga.. from the English. 1846—Telegraph line constructed between Philadelphia and Baltimore. 1851—First chapter of "Uncle Tom’s C abin” published. 1854-—U. S. and Canada signed 10year reciprocity treaty.

Daily Thought

For the fashion of this world passeth away.—l Cor. 7:31. tt tt St WE are taught to clothe our minds, as we do our bodies, after, the fashion in vogue.—Locke.

buried Quixote, and in most of us a triumphant Sancho. The Don dreams of a communistic golden age in some distant past. O happy age, which our first parents called the age of gold; not because gold, so much adored in this iron age, was then easily to be bought, but because these two fatal words, thine and mine, were distinctions unknown to the people of those fortunate times. All things were in common in that holy age; .... all then was union, all peace, all love and friendship in the world . . . Innocent beautiful young shepherdesses went tripping over the hills and vales .... There were neither judges, nor causes to be judged. To bring backthis age the Don will give battle at whatever cost, and against whatever odds. “You see,” says Sancho, “they are above twenty, and we are but two.” “I alone am worth a hundred,” answers, Quixote; and he draws his sword and rushes into the fray. Sancho has an eye for facts, limitations, and necessities; he had rather have an island in the Mediterranean than a continent in Utopia; he is the ballasting prose of the world. The Don is what he is because he has no sense of humor; he cannot get out of his skin to look at himself; he is all idea, enthusiasm and great expectations. Hamlet is a philosopher, with the defects of philosophy—that if we wait to be quite sure, we shall arrive too late; Don Quixote is a saint, with the defects of religion, that it may take a man out of the world of effort Into the slothful Nirvana of imagined victories. (Coprlght, 1928, by Will Durant) (To Be Continued)

“Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital and deserves much the higher consideration.” Does the former Kaiser of Germany have to stay at Doom, Holland, now? Could he visit the United States? He is not compelled to stay at Doom, but it is a question whether he would be admitted to the United States, since that is a matter for the United States Department of State to decide. What is a mirage? An optical effect produced on an extended plain or on the ocean when the lower strata of air are at a very different temperature from the higher strata, so that the sky is seen as by reflection from the plain, looking like a sheet of water in the desert. Ships and other distant objects are seen, usually inverted, in the air. What Is the population and area of the Japanese empire? Japan proper has an area of 148,756 square miles, but the total area of the Japanese empire is 260,738 square miles. The population of Japan proper, according to the census of 1925, was 59,738,704 and the total population of the Japanese empire was 83.4547371. What was the amount of the tax that year? Total license fees collected was $1,545,329. How much was the license fee for 1927? Fees collected for the period ended Sept. 30, 1927, totaled $5,362,658.36. What was the name of the plane in which Byrd flew over the North Pole? The Josephine Ford. What was the estimated population of the United States in 1926? The estimate of July 1, 1926, was A Ift. mi m ■

.JUNE 5, 1928

KEEPING UP With THE NEWS

BY LUDWELL DENNY JN the midst of its dispute over the President’s alleged interference with Congress through “misuse” of the veto, Washington was thrown into a bitter discussion today by the Supreme Court’s alleged violation of the Constitution in the Seattle prohibition wire-tapping decision. The court ruled yesterday in tha case of Roy Olmstead and ninety others that Federal agents were not violating the Constitution in secretly tapping for five months the telephone wires of the defendants to obtain evidence of breaking tha prohibition law. Justices Brandies, Holmes, Butler and Stone dissented under the fourth and fifth amendments to the Constitution protecting citizens from unlawful search and from giving evidence against themselves, and under the State law making wiretapping illegal. Describing wire-tapping as an instrument “of tyranny and oppression” and pointing out that Federal agents have no authority to violate law, Brandeis said: "If the Government becomes a law breaker, it breeds contempt for law; it invites every man to become a law unto himself; it invites anarchy.” The majority opinion of the court was praised generally by professional drys, but condemned by others. Asa result of the decision, the Treasury department is instructing enforcement officers to resume wiretapping methods. Persons attacking this method linked it with the recent coast guard shootings in New York, Colorado, Maryland and elsewhere of innocent persons suspected of being rum runners. tt a a SOME critics compared yesterday's decision with the widespread “misuse” by American courts of anti-labor injunctions as proof that the judiciary is becoming a "usurping” governing body of the country. Such court practices were investigated and condemned by Senators before the recent adjournment of Congress, and a committee now is drafting a law to curb alleged excesses. It was learned today that there are vigorous efforts to obtain planks in the Republican and Democratic platforms deploring encroachments by the courts on constitutionally guaranteed civil liberties. The Supreme Court since the days of John Marshall steadily has been taking unto itself powers which were not given It by the Constituion and which righly belong to the legislative branch of Government, it is said. a a a OTHER critics see in this alleged encroachment by the judiciary on the powers of Congress a grave danger to the American system of government parelleling a similar "usurping” of legislative functions by the President. They cite the dozens of vetoes made by Coolidge and recent Presidents compared with the two or three cases in which Washington and Lincoln felt justified in thwarting the action of the body elected for he purpose of making the lav'. The second Coolidge veto of the McNary-Haugen fi.rm relief bill and the possibility of veto of the hardwon Muscle Shoals bill are arousing protest, and in the case of farm relief becoming a major political Issue. a a a FURTHER evidence that the President is “robbing” Congress of its constitutional powers is seen by these critics in the action of the Senate committee last week recommending that the right to fix rates under the flexible tariff provision be taken away from the President and restored to Congress. That Senate report stated: “The committee recommends that the flexible provisions of the tariff act of 1922, particularly section 315, be repealed. "Tariff making and revision under our Constitution are legislative duties, and to Impose such responsibilities on the President as are carried in the flexible provision confuses iegislative and executive responsibility. "It is believed that the tariff commission should be made a congressional agency; and should report direct to the two houses of Congress.” a a a SOME observers profess to see in these “excesses” of the Supreme Court and the injunction courts and of the resident, their own remedy. yesterday’s wire-tapping decision and the shooting of innocent persons by coast guard and other prohibition officials will do more to force revision of the Volstead act and curb "lawless” activities of dry agents than all the wet propaganda combined, it is said. Similarly, the Middle West protest, making the farm relief veto an issue at the Republican convention and in the November election, will direct public attention to “misuse” of the presidential veto power, according to some. And this protest will be provoked further if the Muscle Shoals bill ia vetoed after the seven-year flghti to pass it over the “power trust” lobby, they add. a , a a SENATOR JIM REED' of Missouri is carrying out his threat! to stay in the Democratic presidential fight against A1 Smith to th end, and make it bitter. In combining with the other antiSmith minority afetions, Reed ia trying to frighten Democrats away from Smith as a Tammany "danger” from which the party must be “preserved.” "Reed did not ask us to name delegates pledged to him, but to select trustworthy Democrats who would save the party from the Av' ger that threatens it,” says Clyde Johnson, anti-Smith chief in tha lastditc-h West Virginia primary struggle. “It was obvious that Reed wanted to preserve t.he party from the nomination of a Tammany-