Indianapolis Times, Volume 40, Number 17, Indianapolis, Marion County, 31 May 1928 — Page 4

PAGE 4

SCRIPPJ-HOIV/\JtJ>

The Price of Patriotism All over the country yesterday bands [played, flags waved, and veterans marched. 'Homage was paid to tJie dead of three wars. Among memorial services was one on the battlefield of Gettysburg, at which President Coolidge spoke. respect in which the United States holds its service men is'indicated by something more substantial than lip service,”4ie said. Between six and seven billions have been paid out in pensions and “gratuities” to veterans of the Civil War, he said, and veterans of the World War already have collected fivebillions. „ “Our people do something for their service men and theiij dependents besides giving them a kind word while they liye and placing a wreath on their last resting place when they are gone,” the President said. The countries of the earth “all put together” haven’t done as much for il ir fighters as we hate in-the last fifty years, he said. We wonder if the gray old men who stood among the graves of their comrades did not marvel a bit at this speech, and recall an address made on the same spot three score years (ago by another President. This is'a materialistic age, but there are some things for which money is not the measure, some things which are not for sale. Please God, a man’s love for his country is one of them. Bootleg Money In Politics The career of Frank J. Hale, former prohibition agent, as pictured to the Senate committee investigat- , ing campaign expenditures is interesting for two reasons. First, because of the insight it gives to the inner workings of the prohibition bureau. Second, because of the indication that money derived from the liquor traffic is playing its part in national politics. During the five years he was in office, according to the testimony of Mrs. Mabel Walker Willebrandt. Asfsistant United States Attorney Hale steadily was advanced, although he was under suspicion and was being investigated by the Department of Justice. Several investigations were blocked, according to Mrs. Willebrandt, and she was able to get Hale out of the service only by appealing personally to Secretary Mellon. Soon after Brigadier General Andrew's was put in charge of enforcement, she testified, a friend wrote him from Atlantic City, saying that Hale was a “good soldier,” and adding, “Nuff said.” Thereafter the fortunes of this friend improved to such extent that he was able to bank $150,000 in a year, whereas nis income previously had been SIO,OOO. A lawyer who “connected up” with Hale was able' to increase his Income from $5,000 to $50,000 a year. Hale himself paid $123 a month rent in 1923; last year he paid S4OO a month. Other testimony concerned a mysterious safety deposit box, ana linked Hale with the collection of money from liquor runners and with alcohol manufacturers. At one time he had the title “chief of alcohol and brewery control.” The committee was trying to find out where Hale got the money to sustain a loss of $420 a week in the publication of an anti-Hoover weekly, Politics, the losses totaling SB,OOO so far this year. Hale testified that he was standing the losses personally, and this was about all the committee could get out of him. Discussing the “private fortune" to which Hale referred Mrs. Willebr ndt pointed out that he had paid vfi income taxes during four years a total of only $72.43. “Disheartening” Is Right When he describes as disheartening the silence on public questions that has prevailed in the presidential campaign, Nicholas Murray Butler touches a tender Spot in both parties. And curiously, Butler, in May, stresses the identical .point that none other than A1 Smith himself emphasized in January, and, having emphasized, failed to follow up. Says Butler now: “Despite the economic and political situation in •the world and our relation to it, and despite our pressing and insistent domestic problems, there has been almost no discussion, indeed no reference, to any of them.” Said Governor Smith last January in his message to the Jackson day dinner; .“I venture to say that the declaration of party principles well might be drafted tentatively at the earliest possible moment. I believe we have erred in the past by waiting for the national convention to undertake the entire task of preparing a platform. “In the heat and rush of a convention, the platform, when finally written, is, to my way of thinking, not sufficiently understandable to the masses of the people. , “There is too great a tendency to speak of the evils that beset us and to fail to suggest any specific remedy. Party platforms of recent years have been too general in their terms and important questions have been neglected by platform builders in the spirit of compromise with great principles. “We can not carry water on both shoulders. The Democratic party must talk out to the American \ people in no uncertain terms.” Conditions surrounding the two leading candidacies are peculiarly conducive to the strategy of ' silence. Hoover is a member of the Coolidge cabinet. That fact in itself makes for reticence. So long as he is a cabinet member, what he might say that would be in conflict with Administration policies would be spoken in poor taste. Accordingly, whatever Coolidge does implies by inference Hoover’s consent—regardless of whether the inference be correct or not. For example, if Coolidge vetoes the Muscle Shoals bill, Hoover’s approval is presumed, unless he de-

The Indianapolis Times (A SCRfPPS-HOWARD NEWSPAPER) Owned and published dally (except Sunday) by The Indianapolis Times Publishing Cos.. 214-220 W. Maryland Street. Indianapolis, Ind. Price in Marion County. 2 cents —lo cents a week; elsewhere, 3 cents —l 2 cents a week. BOYD GURLEY. „ ROY W. HOWARD. FRANK G. MORRISON. Editor. President. Business Manager. PHONE—MAIN 3500. . THURSDAY, MAY 31, 1928."" Member of United Press, Scrlpps-Howard Newspaper Alliance, Newspaper Enterprise Association. Newspaper Information Service and Audit Bureau of Circulations. “Give Light and the People'Will Find Their Own Way.”

dares.himself to the contrary. Hoover in fact is in a Hdamned if he does and damned if he doesn’t” position. Failing to speak, he subjects himself to just such criticism as Butler now advances. Speaking, he throws himself open to the charge of bad faith from his Administration associates. Hence the expedient course for Hoover is to say nothing. Governor Smith had the impulse, but didn’t obey it. Having expressed himself as believing a declaration of principles should be made, he has been lured by later developments to let well enough alone. He is winning anyway. Things couldn’t be better. The nomination is inevitable unless somebody spills the beans. So why go forth with a lot of pronouncements about prohibition and farm relief and this and that? Any one might be dynamite. Whatever is said can’t do any good and might do harm. Thus does the siren voife of expediency whisper into the ample ear of At. The public in the meantime is left to its own speculations as to the position of both Hoover and Smith on most of the problems that one of the two will have to face, as President. The term disheartening therefore is none too strong. The unfortunate fact 'is that politics breeds evasiveness. We like to think our statesmen as courageous, militant, outspoken leaders. But they are not. If they are going to win. they have to play the game. And that means an electorate left in the dark. It would indeed be thrilling to see both Hoover and Smith come forth and proclaim themselves. But, much as we hate to say it about two men whom we regard as the best available presidential material, we don’t believe they will. That sort of thrill doesn’t come In modern-day politics—not even once in a lifetime. Filene’s Idea When you find a rich man who has the inclination and ability to think for himself, watch out for him. He is apt to influence the nation rather deeply. Edward A. Filene, Boston merchant, is such a man. He now is putting forward anew idea. He wants every employe in his big store who cares to, to take a trip to Europe. Employes of ten years standing will be given six weeks’ vacation with full pay; employes of five years will get five weeks with full pay. “We have found that European travel increases the value of an executive to the business. Now we propose to make such trips possible to all grades of employes,” says Mr. Filene. “But it is not solely to benefit our employes and the business that we encourage European trips. It is my belief that if the United States is to hold its own in international trade, if we are to develop markets to which we can export our surpluses, if worldwide economic conditions are to be stabilized and if international relations are to be established on the basis of good will, the voters and workers of the United States must know at first hand something of what other nations actually are like and as much as possible of what they are doing and thinking.” Mr. Filene has ideas and likes to put them into practice. Watch out for him. A Tribute to Juries It remained for the magazine Life to- make the final comment on the oil trials. Messrs. Sinclair, Doheny and / Fall, Life says, ought to be fervent supporters of the United States Constitution. For where, it asks, would these gentlemen be without a great institution of trial by jury? * With which we now can consider the case closed.

r>a yin Dietz on Science ■ Magnetic Needle Dips

- No. 64-

AN intensive study of the behavior of the compass was one of the results of Columbus’ discovery of the New World in 1492. For on that journey Columbus had made the dis c overy that that the compass varied from the true north and that the variation was different in different places. / Magnetic declination is the term now in technical use for this variation of the compass. Methods for calculating the declination by comparing the compass to the position of the north star

J TVu f Haiti [jy firs dip circle. (Tommy's-/S7(J

were worked out from about l!j38 on. The next great discovery about the compass was made in 1576 by Robert Norman, a navigator and instrument maker, in England. He discovered the dip of inclination, as it is technically called. * Norman found that if a needle was suspended by means of an axle, so provided that the needle could swing in a C ircle in a vertical plane, it would come tc rest in an inclined rather than a horizontal position. ' ’ I A needle mounted in this way is known as a dip needle. Sometimes it is equipped with a graduated circle. It then is known as a dip circle. The accompanying illustration shows the first dip circle which Norman constructed. Norman made the discovery that the amount of dip of the needle depended upon the way in whi c h the needle was placed and cautioned users of the dip circle to place it so that the circle was in the same plane as that indicated by the position of the ordinary compass needle for the locality. From his discovery of the dip needle, Norman drew the correct inference that the c ompass was responding to some influence in the earth and not, as previous thinkers had supposed, to the attraction of the north star. Norman also wrote of what he called the “virtue” of the magnet, using the word in the sense of power or nature, and hazarded the guess that if this “virtue” could be made visible to the eye it would be found surrounding the magnot in a circular form. Today we know that tjtie magnetic field of force does surruond the magnet in much the fashion which Norman surmised.

✓ M. E. TRACY SAYS: “The Most Spectacular Failure of Congress to Do What Was Expected of It Came in Connection With Its Failure to Authorize the Seventy-One Ships and $740,000,000 for the Navy.”

SOME thirty years ago, Speaker Reed waved aside complaints at what was then looked upon as the wildest kind of extravagance with the remark that “we have a billion dollar Congress because this has become a billion dollar country." By the same rule, this has nor become a four billion six hundred million dollar country, -nice that is! the amount appropriated by the session of Congress just adjourned. | There are some who think the rule is not to be trusted on the | ground that Federal Rjcpenditures j have increased faster than the | growth of population and the country's earning capacity. In one sense of the word they are right. Government expenses have grown somewhat out of line, but it is only fair to say that much of this is due to the fact that we have grown to expect more of the! Government. Thirty years ago, we had no World War debts to pay, no, Eighteenth Amendment to enforce, no flood control, and no revolving fund for the Merchant Marine. When one recalls that more than one-third of the congressional appropriation is for fixed charges and i interest, and that something like; 10 per cent is for the Mississippi and ships, the total loss not seem so alarming. a y a Economical Congress By and large, this has not been a particuuarly extravagant session of Congress, even though it would have raised the ante to more than five billion dollars but for President Ccclidge’s veto of the McNary-Hau-gen bill. Its approval of Government. operation of Muscle Shoals and its partial approval of Boulder Dam were matters of policy rather than money. These two measures probably will be adppted in th.e end, even though the President may veto th(? former, while the latter must wait for future consideration-. Both these measures have to do with the power problem and with the more general question of whether the American people are prepared to abandon great projects and give up valuable resources for the sake of letting private enterprises reign supreme. nun Navy Program Lost The most spectacular failure of Congress to do what was expected of it, came in connection with the naval program. It not only failed to authorize the seventy-one ships and $740,000,000 for which Secretary' Wilbur first applied, but shelved the bill after it had been reduced by more than one-half. The true nature of this slip-up becomes apparent only when it is recalled how insistent the administration was for a big and immediate increase in the Navy and how professional patriots flocked to its support. Scores of perfectly good citizens were reviled, blacklisted and humiliated in other ways for no better reason that that they disapproved the naval program as unwise and impractical. More than one critic was pillored | by such societies as the D. A. R. artti The Key Men of America because he dared raise his voice against the construction of twenty-five light cruisers all in a lump, not to mention thirty submarines, which stood a good chance of becoming obsolete before half of them could be put in commission. The joke of it is that Congress killed the naval program not because of/ any well considered opinion regarding it, but because it got lost in the usual last minute rush. a tt a Produced One Issue Such effect as Congress may have produced on the political situation results from the one important measure which President Coolidge prevented it from writing into law. Veto of the McNary-Haugen bill appears to have furnished an issue not only for .the campaign, but for his party. Others are not so sure. The industrial East has been heeded at the risk; of alienating the agricultural West. Administration supporters profess to believe that the risk was not serious and that the noise means little, while again others are not so sure. Everybody will be a little wiser after the Kansas City convention, and a little wiser still after the election. a tt tt Plagues Republicans What the farmers are entitled to by way of relief, or whether the McNary-Haugen bill was the best measure that might have been proposed, is not the immediate question. The immediate question is what the farmers wanted, how sore they are, and how far they are prepared to go. If Lowden were an aggressive campaigner, or if he had any considerable following in other sections of the country, one would be fairly safe in predicting serious trouble. The -weakness of the farm movement lies in the lack of commanding leadership. There is no Theodore Roosevelt to take charge of this incipient revolt which means that it is likely to remain incipieht. But President Coolidge hhs made the Republican party take a long chance, a chance so long that it will continue *to plague v the Republican party, until that party does something definite and constructive for farm relief. What is the value of a United States quarter dated 1857? With “S” mint mark it is valued at from $1 to $2; without mint mark, 25 to 30 cents.

or the sun were worked out. But it was not until the end of the sixteenth century that it was realized that the declination of the compass was a natural phenomenon and not the result of faulty construction o f the compass. Tables giving the magnetic declination for yarious localities

f the Indianapolis times _

' WOUNJJED • M §§§,

.Jubilee Brings Thousands to Rome

LUTHER ON Oct. 31, 1517, a young German professor of theology in the University of Wittenberg, by the name of Martin Luther, posted on tlje door of the town church, ninetylive theses denouncing practices and doctrines that had developed in the Catholic religion. It was a shot heard round the world. The Germans felt themselves especially exploited by the taxes levied throughout Europe by the church. It was not only that the pope appointed the incumbents who filled ecclesiastical offices in Germany, choses Italian favorites, and exacted fat fees for each appointment. * Added to this were the taxes raised to fight the Crusades, in 1453 and again in 1517; German merchants protested that “it is the Florentines” business that is at stake, not Christ’s,” referring to the Italian traders and bankers who were anxious to reopen the commercial routes of the Near East. In one case the tax called for a tenth of the receipts of all ecclesiastical benefices, in the other it called for a tenth of all clerical, and a twentieth of all lay, incomes. The Diet of Frankfort said that the Pope was trying to “pull the German sheep’s fleece over its ears;” and a German prince complained, “The Pope treats us like slaves, and wishes to take for his own pleasure all that we and our ancestors have accumulated by honest labor.” tt tt tt THE money was paid; but on top of it all came anew burden. Boniface VIII had discovered a gold mine—the idea of a jubilee; Christians would celebrate the hundredth anniversaries of Christ's birth by pilgrimages to Rome, and contributed to the collection baskets that were everywhere . strategically placed; to every one who came a plenary indulgence would be granted; that is, he would be dispensed from all the suffering that his sins had laid up for him in Purgatory, said Carlyle; but it was also a brilliant one. So many people came to Rome for the first jubilee that many were crushed to death in the streets; and at the churches attendants were kept busy from morn till night literally raking in the contributions of the faithful. Clement Y T improved on the plan by decreeing a jubilee every fifty years rather than every century; Urban VI, not to be left out, changed this to a jubilee every thirty-three years, to give a chance to every generation, both outside and inside the Vatican. / When Leo X came to the chair he added to the convenience of the plan by ordaining that those who could not come to Rome might secure the same indulgence through prayer and contributions. To help the archbishop of Mainz, who owed considerable back pay to the Fuggers for collecting the taxes levied in Germany by the church, the good natured Leo arranged that half the proceeds from the new indulgence in Germany should go to the archbishop. With the rest, Leo would finance the building of St. Peter’s. i t a a STRICTLY, the indulgence could be granted to anyone who said the requisite prayers, and was too poor to make any contribution; but as each penitent was required to contribute in proportion to his means the arrangement was hard on the prospering Germans. An agent of the banicing firm of the Fuggers went about with each priest, and kept the strong box. One of the priests, Tetzel, was especially zealous; all sins were blotted out, he assured the people; “as soon as the money clinks in the box;” whatever the crime one had committed, there was a price at which it would be forgiven, even “if one had violated the mother of God.” The finer spirits in the church would never have tolerated this sale of God’s mercy like trinkets in a peddler’s bag; and doubtless himself, with all his imperturbable suavity, would have been scandalized could he have heard Tetzel cry his wares. But Leo was far off, and Luther was near; Leo did not hear, Luther

Seem ’ Red!

THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION

- Written for The Times by Will Durant

neard; heard, and flared up in wrath, and almost alone opposed himself to the most powerful institution the world has ever seen. Who had given this right of selling divine forgiveness to the pope? And if he had it, why did he not empty Purgatory forthwith for Christ’s sake, instead of cautiously for gold? The theses were written in Latin, but soon they were translated into powerful German, and sent across the country. Leo protested to Frederick, Elector of Saxony, and spoke of Luther as “child of the devil,” forgetting that in an earlier communication he had called him “Deal son.” Luther countered with an “Ad-

Muncie Press (Republican)

it is a matter of regret to those seeking the redemption of the Republican party in Indiana that Thomas Adams, the doughty Vincennes warrior who was responsible for the exposures that have resulted in a partial cleaning-up of political conditions in Indiana (and when “partial” is said, that did net receive more consideration is the very most that can be said) at the hands of the delegates in the Republican State convention. Adams sowed the seed of better things; others will reap the benefit, if any benefit is to be reaped by the Republican State ticket in Indiana, this year, which is open to debate. The ticket as named is better than might have been expected with political conditions as they are, but it is not yet of that highest type throughout that the people of Indiana who are striving for relief from the old order, had a right to expect. —- The party can not get away from the fact that when it came to a show-down while the corrupt bosses of the party were not always able to name their first choice, they were able to say who should be nominated among the others. It took several years and several elections for Illinois Republicans to clean up their party. Maybe it was too much to expect Indiana to do a complete job this year. So, perhaps, those Republicans who are in earnest about this matter of restoring Indiana’s good name shall have to content themselves with having made some gains and with looking forward to other years and other elections for the complete vindication of their position. Ft. Wayne Journal-Gazette (Democratic) While Governor Ed Jackson was obliged to add to his devious accomplishments by turning porchclimber that he might force his way into the Republican national convention as a delegate and is likely to sit in that body a pitiable creature rather isolated anti despised, that lifts no degree of the reproach which has fallen upon the men who reduced him to this contemptible posture. The way taken to keep Governor Jackson from appearing before the Republican State convention with his astounding speech of “vindicatin’’ was coarse, brutal. The conspiracy to keep him off the slate of delegates-at-large to the national convention was gross and cowardly. But in both these deliberately contrived insults there was more than brutality, nastiness, cowardice and insult. There was ingratitude—ingratitude that was black and indefensible. The outrages put upon Governor Jackson are given accent of great sharpness by all the facts of persons engaged in and all the circumstances attending the infliction of them upon him. Governor Jackson was booted from the convention and was denied his right to honor as one of the “big seven” because it was felt he was palpably unclean and his presence as a speaker in the one place and his attendance rs a delegate in the other place would

dress to Christian Nobility of the German Nation.” appealing directly to the electors and the princes. He described the plundering of Germany by ecclesiastical taxation, and the immorality of that papal court which Germany helped to support by sending three hundred thousand gulden a year to Rome. “How long, ye noble princes a id lords, will ye leave your land open to such ravening wolves? . . . I£ Rome is not a brothel above all other brothels imaginable, I know not what a brothel is.” (The last phrase rather remarkable for a Dominican monk.) (Copyright. 1928. Will Durant) (To Be Continued)

With Other Editors

eihbarrass and shame the Republican party. There is no doubt that this would have been the fact if coming about as it was arranged to come about. But who were they that feared embarrassment and shrunk from the reproach of recognition of and fellowship with Ed Jackson? One of them was Arthur R. Robinson, by grace of Ed Jackson now a Senator of the United States. Os all the men who bore a hand in the dirty business of insulting aand outraging Governor Jackson Robinson stands confessed the most unworthy and contemptible. While Senator Robinson wao conspiring with Senator Watson, State Chairman Rogers and others to rebuke and defraud Governor Jackson, his excellency was preparing the latterly suppressed speech in which he paid Senator Robinson as high a tribute as though that creature had been a paragon of statesmanship and the most effulgent character of man Then Robinson abated his own right to similar honors. And in all this which was wrought in the false appeal to rectitude of behavior and fraudulent pretense of concern for appearance of virtue, there was nowhere throughout the transactions of the party conclave so little as a solitary word In uttered speech or written declaration admitting the truth and denouncing the fact of those things for which Governor Jackson was condemned and punished. There were no confession, no repentance, no plea for remission, no pledge that the scarlet sinners no more would sin. And of all men in the human race that one \vho should have been last to heap insult and inflict injury upon Ed Jackson was among the first to lay effort against him and lend a hand to crucify him. Art Robinson is despicable for many things, but so despicable for nothing as for that.

This Date in U. S. History

May 31 1778—Ethan Allen was returned to the American Army after 30 months’ imprisonment. 1319—Birthday of Walt Whitman, Poet. * 1832—First Democratic convention at Baltimore nominated Jackson and Van Buren. 1889—Johnstown, Pa., flooded; 2,142 drowned; $2,912,000 contributed for relief. 1892—Chicago corn “corner” broke; price dropped from $1 to 49 cents a bushel.

Daily Thought

He that i$ not with me is against me.—Luke 11:23. a a a THERE’S not so much danger in a known foe as a suspected friend.—Nabb.

—MAY -ni. 1028

KEEPING UP With THE NEWS

BY LUDWELL DENNY ROBERT W. STEWART, the Standard Oil of Indiana chairman who participated in “a contemptible private steal” and then successfully defied the United States Senate and John D. Rockefeller, Jr., was to test his strength today with the District of Columbia Supreme Court. The charge is contempt of the Senate. The maximum penalty is SI,OOO fine and one year in prison. Harry F. Sinclair, partner with Stewart in the Continental Trading Company’s $3,080,000 deal, recently was convicted by a Washington jury for similar contempt, but is out on appeal. As Stewart goes to trial, the Senate Teapot Dome committee will meet to reconcile majority and minonty reports on the Continental case, and to prepare for investigation of the “new” oil scandal involving charges of illegal leases ob‘™etl from the Government In 1 /2?„ lin the ric h Salt Creek field of Wyoming. Gs the two committee reports on the Continental deal, submitted to the Senate this week, that of the majority characerized it as a “private steal.” While the minority report, of Chairman Nye stated the tiansaction probably was for a slush fund to corrupt political officials. * tt a “'T'HE purpose with which the I X Continent&l Trading Company was organized remains a mystery,” said the majority report, written by Senator Walsh, Democrat, Montana. I. seems now, however, to have been the ill-gotten gains of a contemptible private steal, the the speculations of trusted officers of, great industrial houses, pilfern?./r °m their own companies, robbing their own stockholders, the/ .share of the boodle coming to one of the freebooters, serving in part as the price of the perfidy of a member of the President’s cabinet.” This latter reference is to the part of Sinclair’s share of the “boodle” gi Ven to Secretary of the Interior Fail of Teapot Dome ill fame, in addition to his $160,000 net concealed contribution to the Harding campaign deficit fund. The minority report, which Nye said supplemented rather than disagreed with the Walsh report, stated.”

“It must be borne in mind that (he inauguration of these investiga(ions in 1922 was at the time that distribution of the (Continental) profits was taking place, and the participants in the profits immediately became cautious in the use of the Liberty loan bonds into the purchase of which the profits of the company were turned. “In fact, the testimony received by the committee discloses such caution on the part of at least one participant, namely, Robert W. Stewart. “There is, under the circum stances, ample ground upon which to base the belief that the entire profit was intended for propaganda, corrupt and slush purposes.” But the chief difference of opinion between Walsh, Democrat, and Nye, Republican, concerns the latter’s statement that the oil men's political conti'ibutions were “non-partisan.” In the sense that “contributions are not made because of enthusiasm for any one party, but for the sake of. such returns as might be won through the winning party.” The Walsh report made no mention of the fact pointed out by Nye that Doheny, a Democrat, and Sinclair, a Republican, each had made contributions to both parties. a a a BUT none of these questions concerning the purposes of the Continental deal, and the guilt of the four Sinclair and Standard officials involved, is to enter the trial of Stewart, which was to open today. This jury case .has to do solely with the charge of Senate contempt. From its strictly legal aspect, a verdict of guilty like that in the almost identical Sinclair contempt case, would seem assured. The legal question simply is whether Stewart refused to answer certain Senate questions, and the committee record proves indisputably that he did refuse. The jury may be influenced, however, by the fact that Stewart on a later appearance before the committee answered some questions he declined to answer before. But. the judge already has ruled that Stewart’s second testimony to the committee did not cancel the contempt charge. Actually. Stewart in his second Senate testimony told the committee only what it had already discovered for itself—that he received approximately a quarter share of the $3,080,000 profits. On his first appearance he denied all knowledge of the apportionment of the “boodle.” Despite these revelations. Stewart this spring was re-elected chairman of the Standard Oil of Indiana, with Rochefeller interests refraining from voting. On April 21, however, Rochegellcr asked for his resignation, which h? refused. At the same time the United States Chamber of Commerce condemned those involved in the oiU scandals, without actually naming Stewart and Sinclair. Siriclair last week also was re-elected head of his company. a a a ONE of the three Chinese Nationalist armies closing in on Dictator Chang Tso-Lin at Pekin is reported to have taken Paoting-K:. 85 miles south of the capital. Chang holds only the narrow Pekin-Tient-sin strip and Is threatened with capture unless he retreats to his Manchurian provinces, north of the Great Wall. But even in Manchuria he Is a shadow and .Japan the real ruler.

Who was the wife of Rudolph, crown prince of Austria?.. How did he die? Archduke Rudolph, crown prince of Austria, was the only son of Francis Joseph I. He was found dead with his mistress at his hunting lodge at Meyerling, near Baden, in 1889 and the cause and manner of his death has never been officially declared. He married Stephanie, daughter of Leopold II of Belgium in 1881.