Indianapolis Times, Volume 40, Number 11, Indianapolis, Marion County, 24 May 1928 — Page 4

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Jackson, Delegate Nothing could be more fitting than the selection of Governor Ed Jackson as the delegate from Indianapolis to the Kansas City Republican convention. He completely and thoroughly represents in person and in morals the corrupt Republican party of this city. He escaped the penitentary by appealing to the statute of limitations. That is the Republican party of Indianapolis. Through George V. Coffin, now elevated to the high position of district chairman, the Republican party is represented in the State by fraud. He sits among the seats of the mighty. He went there through the use of the stub pencil. The honest Republican is not represented in the Republican party. 'Whatever honest Republicans sat in the district meeting voted in fear and terror —and they were honestly afraid. They knew the power of this man. They knew his power to punish. They fear his vengeance. What a. pitiful spectacle it was —that even so high a dignitary as the Hon. James Eli Watson did not dare to protest against sending the man whom he successfully had refused a chance to speak before the State convention, to Kansas City to cast a vote for Watson for the high position of President. The ghost of Stephenson walked through the gathering of Republican delegates and his blighting hand grasped the throat of the party of Abraham Lincoln. And so Jackson will go to Kansas City, discredited, dishonored, none so poor as to pay him honor. And why not? Friends of Herbert Hoover have cause to rejoice today. Indiana has revealed itself. Watson stands disclosed. Senator Arthur Robinson, with his Anti-Saloon League backing, is triumphant. Nothing could be more fitting. Nothing could be more revealing. Jackson at Kansas City is a warning to the Nation. It is typical of the Republican party of Indiana. It shows, as nothing else could do, the low level to which the party in this State has sunk. There remains but one thing in its hour of triumph. The national platform must contain a plank indorsing the statute of limitations as the bulwark of all liberty. It may be brazen. It may be bold, but at heart it' is sincere. The Times nominates the Hon. Ed Jackson as a candidate for Vice President with James Eli Watson at the ticket head. They Did Not Dare Governor Jackson did not speak to the Republican delegates to the State convention. That was an insult to Jacksbn. It was an insult to the delegates to the Republican convention. Flushed with a stolen victory at the polls, the vicious combination of Senator Watson, the Ku-Klux Klan, and the Anti-Saloon League brazenly announced that Jackson was to be given chief place on the program. They have heard from * the voters since that time. They knew' that this man, were he to appear, would call, most vividly, attention to the fact that he escaped the penitentiary by appeal to the statute of limitations. Jackson had announced that his speech was to be a vindication of himself. They did not trust him. They knew that the only speech that he could make would be a confession. And so they confessed for him, instead. They knew that the only speech that he could make would be to admit the mistake that he had conspired with George V. Coffin and the paymaster of the Ku-Klux Klan, to bribe Warren T. McCray, then Governor. They knew that unless he dealt in platitudes concerning an “efficient administration,” he would have to admit that the $2,500 check he received from Stephenson was not in payment for a horse, as he had claimed, but a bribe, which he took from this former Grand Dragon of the Ku-Klux Klan to bribe the party which he represented. They knew that with all his bravadfl and with all his camouflage he would reveal himself as a grafter and a crook. No wonder that Watson and Robinson and the new pilot of the Republican party held a secret conference and decided that it were far better to defend a silent Jackson than to sponsor a speaking hypocrite. This newspaper revealed the evidence and laid bare the two conspiracies. 4 This newspaper invited the Governor of this State to bring actions, criminal whereby the whole truth might be known. The horse died an ignominious death, choking his life out on a corn cob. Eleven hundred delegates to the State vention of the Republican party, assembled here, sat silent and saw their party smother under a blanket of shame. No wonder they did not let Jackson speak. What could he have said? What new revelations could he have made 1 ? The stifling of Jackson, insulting as it is to

The Indianapolis Times (A SCRIPPS-HOWARD NEWSPAPER) Owned and published daily (except Sunday) by The Indianapolis Times Publishing Cos., 214-220 W. Maryland Street, Indianapolis. Ind. Price in Marion County, 2 cents—lo cents a week; elsewhere. 3 cents—l 2 cents a week. BOYD GURLEY. ROY W. HOWARD’ FRANK G. MORRISON. Editor. President. Business Manager. PHONE—MAIN 3500. / THURSDAY. MAY 24. 1923. Member of United Press, Scrlpps-Howard Newspaper Alliance. Newspaper Enterprise Association. Newspaper Information Service and Audit Bureau of Circulations. “Give Light and the People Will Find Their Own Way.”

the Governor of this State, is more insulting to Senator Matson, and to Senator Robinson. It is their confession. The President’s Veto President Coolidge vetoed the McNary-Haugen bill. And that’s a mild manner of stating it. He castigated the bill. He excoriated it. He everlastingly lamho**ed it. He came mightily close to swearing at it. Indeed, he gave such an exhibition of temper as has not been seen since the day he is reputed to have kicked the White House cat. The “fallacious and dangerous aspect of the bill,” he said, afforded "ample ground for its emphatic rejection.” And he made his rejection emphatic! Listen to his language: “The very essence of price-fixing, no matter how cumbersome and crudely camouflaged it may be.” “Vicious temptations adherent in autocratic authority.”' “This is bureaucracy gone mad.” “This plague of petty officialdom would set up an intolerable tyranny.” "Swarms of inspectors, auditors, disbursers, accountants and regulatory officers would be let loose throughout the land.” “A premium upon evasion and dishonesty.” “A bewildering snarl of entangled accounting problems’.’ “Runs counter to an economic law as well settled as the law of gravitation.” “An extraordinary process of economic reasoning.” “Dragging our farmers into such folly.” “Preposterous economic and commercial fallacy.” “Futile sophistries of such a system.” Thus he spoKe and much more besides, it being a veto message of some length, before he concluded with the calm statement: “I am therefore obliged to return Senate bill 3555 . . . without my approval.” And, feeling as nc manifestly did, who will deny that he really was obliged to return the bill without his approval? • • * Os the members of Congress who voted for the McNary-Haugen bill there is no way of knowing how many did so in the confident expectation that Coolidge would do Just what he has done. It is known, however, that the number jf large, for many have frankly said their only purpose was to put Coolidge in a hole; that they wouldn't have vovted for it if they had thought he would sign it. These statesmen, if they may be called that, anticipate a great defection of Republican voters in the farming States as a result of the President’s action. It remains to be seen if their hopes are justified. Much that Coolidge says of the machinery proposed in the McNary-Haugen bill is convincing. A cumbersome and unwieldy machine it might have proved, one capable of running amuck through the country’s economic structure The President may persuade the country that he is correct as to this. But what then of his other objections, not relating merely to th’e method outlined in the bill, but to the economic theory underlying it. “The real objective of the plan,” he says, “is to raise domestic prices to artificially high levels by governmental price-fixing and to dump the surplus abroad.” Which is the precise objective of the high protective tariff, beloved of Coolidge, and precisely what it does. On the whole, this veto is likely to serve the country well. Its almost certain result will be to roll up a demand by the farmers for a reduction of the tariff sufficient to put agriculture on something approaching an equality with, other industries. And Coolidge, in this memorable message, unintentionally has provided much argument with which to support the demand. According to the law of averages, out of ten wives, three are ideal, says a club woman. But then, of course, we all can’t have ten wives. ■ David Dietz on Science They Turned South No. 58WE habitually think of the compass needle as indicating the North. The Chinese thought of it as indicating the south. One view is as good as the other, since obviously one end of the needle points north and the other south. The Chinese called the compass needle “ting-nan-ching,” which means “needle pointing to the south.” This habit probably resulted from the fact that the Chinese considered the south the “honorable

- 1 —■— i r Coating compass ‘ ~

the discovery that the compass needle was not exactly true, but that it varied in its direction. This fact today is the reason for the existence of magnetic charts and for expeditions such as that of the Carnegie to chart variations in the directions of the compass. A work of the eleventn century A. D., titled “Mung-Khi-pi-than,” says, “The soothsayers rub a needle with a magnet stone, so that it may mark the south: however, it declines constantly a little to the east. It does not indicate the south exactly.” Later, wp find the Cninese making what would correspond to the compass needle cards which are used today below the needle to indicate the points of the compass. These were decorated in various ways, one consisting, for example, of a circle of nine stars, another of sixty dragons, and so on. It would seem that at this period the Chinese had a better understanding of the compass needle than did the nations of Europe. The Chinese also seem to have had better methods of suspending the needle. • But the evidence seems to show that the Chinese used the compass only for land journeys and for the orientation of buildings. They do not seem to have used the compass foi ocean navigation until the thirteenth century. This is rather strange, for by that time the European nations had been using the compass on board ships for almost, a century.

KEEPING UP With THE NEWS

BY LUDWELL DENNY A MIGHTY push to topple the Republican high tariff wall next year is exp„.ted to result from President Coolidge's second bitter veto of the McNary-Haugen farm relief bill. The farm relief bill is an attempt to close the breach between the price of products sold by the farmer and the manufactured articles which he buys. Having failed to raise farm prices through the McNary equalization fee, which the President rejected as "unconstitutional,” farmers are expected to seek the same result by the opposite method of reducing living costs by lowering protective tariffs on manufactured goods. In the drive against the tariff, the farm bloc will be supported by many who objected to the indirect and “fallacious” McNary-Haugen method, but who consider a reconciliation of agricultural and industrial prices vital to national prosperity. This drive also will have support of New York international bankers, or of financial capital, in contradistinction to industrial capital. While industry insists on high tariff protection, the international bankers’ loans and investments abroad will be jeopardised unless the present tariff wall is lowered to permit trade from other countries upon which foreign reconstruction : and prosperity depends. tt tt tt THERE is little question that tariff reduction is the only way out now for the farmer, and that the Coolidge veto this time has effectively and probably finally disposed of McNary-Haugenism. An attempt to pass the bill over the veto is not probable, and success of such an effort would be very doubtful. Paradoxically, it is the administration which hopes another vote will be taken by this Congress, and some of the McNary-Haugen group ' which desire to let the matter rest. : The reasons are political. If another vote were taken, the ! anticipated failure to pass the bill over the veto would be interpreted as partial vindication of the President’s opposition and would tend to rob the anti-administration group of its major campaign issue. The bill now probably will be sent to committee to die. Ex-Governor Lowden and Vice President Dawes are staking their twin candidacies for the Republican presidential nomination almost wholly on what they believe to be widespread Midwest farm revolt against Coolidge-Hoover opposition to the farm relief bill. tt tt a THEY now argue that Coolidge has not only turned a deaf ear to the farmer's’ cry for help, but has blocked the large congressional majority which was rushing to the aid of agriculture. Lowden says he does not want the nomination, which he contends would mean defeat unless his party declares for farm relief. The issue will be fought out at the Kansas City convention three weeks hence It seems hardly possible that the Republican convention can or would denounce a major Coolidge policy on the eve of an election. In the final analysis the party must win or lose by "pointing with pride” to the Coolidge administration. and ward off Democratic attacks on the Republican record in office. While it is barely possible that the farm States may hold the balance of power in choice of a presidential candidate and thus defeat Hoover, it is almost inconceivable that eastern industrial interests dominating the party will permit a McNary-Haugeii plank in the platform. tt a tt WHILE Robert W. Stewart continues in office as chairman of Standard Oil of Indiana, despite Rockefeller’s demand that he resign for complicity in the oil scandals, the Sinclair Consolidated Oil Corporation yesterday reelected Harry F. Sinclair chairman of its board. Though Sinclair got a jury acquittal on a criminal conspiracy charge in the Teapot Dome case, the United States Supreme Court in the civil case found that Sinclair and Fall “conspired” to “defraud the Government.” Both Stewart and Sinclair arc out on appeal from jail sentences for Senate contempt. tt tt tt Anticipated return to power oi Venfzelcs, Greek premier before and during the World War, is reported to be causing already an uneasy effect on the nervous Balkans.

quarter.” The emperor at ceremonies always took his position facing the south and important buildings were always placed so as to face the south. To distinguish the south end of the compass needle from the north end, it was painted red by the Chinese. The Chinese, furthermore made

Daily Thought

Unto the pure all things are pure,—Titus 1:15. GOD be thanked that there are some ih the world to whose hearts the barnacles will not cling. —J. G. Holland. Can you tell me something concerning Langley who designed one of the rst airplanes? Prof. Samuel P. Langley, secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, designed and constructed a motor driven aeroplane, which flew in 1896, but the model did not carry a man. He was employed by the Board of Ordinance and Fortification of the United States Army to construct an aerodome, which he had invented, and Congress appropriated $50,000 for expenses. The aerodome was a tandem monoplane equipped with a 50-horsepower engine. The attempts to launch the aerodome Oct. 7 and Dec. 8, 1903 were unsuccessful on account of defective launching apparatus and the machine was thrown into the Potomac River. On the second attempt it was wrecked and Congress refused to appropriate money for further experiments. Ten years later the Langley aerodome was repaired and equipped with a Curtiss motor and Curtiss controls and successful flights were made in 1913 and 1914, proving that Langley had constructed a practical machine.

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

CELLINI THE chief gunman for the Pope in defending Sant Angelo in the attack of 1527 was named Benvenuto Cellini. “I went on firing under the eyes of several cardinals and lords, who kept blessing me. . . I was perhaps more inclined by nature to the profession of arms than to the one I had adopted, and I took such pleasure in its duties that I discharged them better than those of my art.” Nevertheless his gun exploded amateurishly enough, nearly killing Cardinal ‘Farnese; it did not disturb the artist, who writes: “Os Farnese I shall say nothing here because it will appear in its proper place how well it would have been if I had killed him.” In the midst of the slaughter Cellini thought it a providential opportunity to ask of the Pope forgiveness for the various murders which he had committed during his twenty-seven years. “Thereat the Pope, making a large open sign of the cross upon my face, told me that he blessed me, and gave me pardon for all murders I had ever perpetrated, or should ever perpetrate, in the service of the Apostolic Church.” Let us dally a while with this man; for not only does he blazon forth that audacious individualism which made Italian art and ruined Italian politics, but he is himself one of the heroes of the Renaissance an irresistible combination of artist and buccaneer, genius and murderer, pious adulterer and (in Michelangelo’s judgment) “the greatest goldsmith the world has ever known.” All the better that we can tell his story in his own words, from one of the most vivid and revealing autobiographies in literature; one of the master books of modern times, a book as kbsorbing as if d'Artagnan, laying down his sword now and then, has taken up the quill and written, with that same fire and thrust with which he had fought, the tale of how, between duels, he had wrought masterpieces in silver and gold for the princes of the world. tt it tt EVEN in his birth Benvenuto was slightly contrary; his parents had had a long succession of girls; and “inasmuch as those longings to which pregnant woman are subject . . . were now exactly the same as f hose of my mother’s former pregnancy, they made their minds up that she would give birth to a female as before, and agreed to call the child Reparata. So Ben came; and his father, in grateful astonishment, called him Welcome-Benve-nuto. The father of Benvenuto Celliifl was a man in his own right—a musician, an ivory worker, and an engineer. He taught Ben the fife and cornet, and prated him, seeing his rapid p*sgress, to devote his career to music; whereupon Ben announced his intention of becoming an artist. The wise fatter yielded, feeling that flo man can learn through another’s experience, but oniv through his own mistakes. Benvenuto began resolutely with anatomy: “the important point in the art of drawing,” he tells us, “is to draw well a naked man or a naked ivoman.” \ Perhaps his immortality, like that of so many artists, was part of the price he paid for his artistic inclinations and tem’perament; one must know and love passionately that which one would fender well. He was Cellini fro mthe beginning: obstinate, proud, and without fear. When his brother was attacked by ruffians, and fell to the earth half dead, “I ran up at once, seized his sword, and stood in front of him, bearing the brunt of several rapiers and a shower of stones. I never left his side until some brave soldiers came from the gate San k Gallo and rescued me from the raging crowd. They marveled much, the while, to find such valor in so young a boy.” It i. evident that Benvenuto admires Cellini, and does not propose to minimize his exploits: we shall have to take him with a grain of salt, for he gets the better of too many arguments, and wins too many duels, to be quite trustworthy;

STOP-

THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION Cellini Instills Romance Into Italy Written for The Times by Will Durant

Old Kill-Joy

we shall believe him though we know he lies. He had been born at Florence in 1500; by 1519 he felt that it was time to run away to Rome. Giovan Tasso went with him; but by the time they reached the city gates Giovan faltered, and wished he might go home. “What?” said Cellini, “we are already half way to Rome and you want to turn back?” They continued, and soon found that Ben had spoken metaphorically; they entered Rome limping, but unconquered. a tt tt v THE young goMsmith remained there, with intermissions, till 1537, prospering in his art, and supporting with his earnings his father and sisters in Florence. Very little of his work remains, for precious metal is tempting, and is melted down into lucre as often asbeauty yields to villainy. Every one of his creations had adventurer; it is impossible to say, for examp'e, what varied vicissitudes brought the lovely Cellini cup into the Morgan collection at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. Take as example the vase made for the cardinal of Salamanca. Cellini took long with it because of “that accursed music” which he continued to practice to please his father (for some time he played in the papal orchestra.) When the vase was at last delivered the cardinal said, “I swear by God that I will take as long in paying him as he has lagged in mak-

Questions and Answers

You can get an answer to any answerable question oi fact or Information by writing to Frederick M. Kerby, Question Editor. The Indianapolis Times, Washington Bureau. 1322 New York Ave., Washington. D. C.. enclosing two cents In stamps for reply. Medical and legal advice cannot be given, nor can extended research be made. All other questions will receive a personal reply. Unsigned requests cannot bo answered. All Icters are confidential. You are cordially Invited to make use of this free service as often as vou please. EDITOR. What is quicksilver? A popular name for mercury. How many life insurance policies are in force in the United States? Figures for 1925, the latest vailable, give a total of 90,330,019 life insurance policies in force in the United States, amounting to $50,585,164.140. This includes both ordinary life policies and industrial insurance policies. What is the record drive in golf? The longest authenticated drive is 445 yards, made by E. C. Bliss, in August, 113, at Herne Bay, England. There is an unofficial record of one James Gullane, who claims to have driven 470 yards at Colorado Springs, Colo. Can you give me some information about geysers in the Yellowstone National Park? Yellow’stone Park has at least seventy eruptive geysers and nearly 3.000 vents of mud volcanoes, fumaroles and hot springs, most of which occur in four basins. Among

Amateur Photography ( Spring is here; summer is coming; and the amateur photographers are getting their kits ready for the pictures ahead. The Times Washington Bureau has just put into print one of its interesting bulletins covering elementary instructions in photography for beginners. It tells about types of cameras for various purposes, lenses, proper exposures, developing, printing, enlarging and mounting. If you have never done anything but take snapshots and carry the film to a photographer to be developed, this bulletin will tell you interesting things about how you may carry on all the processes of photography yourself. Fill out the coupon below and send for it. CLIP COUPON HERE AMATEUR PHOTOGRAPHY EDITOR, Washington Bureau, Indianapolis Times. 1322 New York Avenue. Washington, D. C. I want a copy of the bulletin AMATEUR PHOTOGRAPHY and inclose herewith five cents in loose, uncanceled, United States postage stamps, or coin to cover postage and handling costs. NAME STREET AND NUMBER CITY STATE I am a reader of The Indianapolis Times.

ing it.” A little later a visitor injured the vase, and the cardinal sent it to Cellini to be repaired; the artist rejoiced to see the vase, and told the messenger to inform the cardinal that he w’ould never see the vase again till it was paid for in full. The Cardinal, being a child of this world, engaged a gang of ruffians to go and take the vase by force. The leader of the gang informed Cellini that unless he yielded, the largest piece left of him would be his ears. But Ben met them cheerfully with musket and sword; and when they saw that he knew the weapons otherwise than as ornaments, they took their heels. The Cardinal paid in full. Another patron was a physician, Giacomo da Carpi, who had made a fortune by being the first to cure the “French disease” that was ravaging Italy; he was, so to speak, an alchemist who had turned mercury into gold. Having bought some vases of Cellini’s he went" to Ferrara and sold them as antiques. Cellini, visiting Ferrara, laughed when these vases were shown him as the work of an ancient artist; laughed most loudly when their new owner told him that “during the last thousand years there had not been born a man so much as capable of copying them.” Benvenuto, like a gentleman, kept silent, not wishing to deprive the vases “of so eminent a reputation.” (Copyright. 1928, by Will Durant) (To Be Continued)

the most remarkable are the Giant, which throws a column of water five feet in diameter to a height of 200 feet, playing continuously for an hour and a half; Old Faithful, which spouts with regularity every sixty-five minutes, sending water to a height of 125 feet; Castle Geyser, issuing from a chimney twelve feet high; Excelsior, which has a basin 200 feet in diameter and spouts at intervals of eight years; the Giantess, which is said to throw a column twenty feet in diameter; the Beehive, and the Grand Geyser. How does the membership of the Grand Army of the Republic today compare with that of ten years ago? The membership in 1916 was 135,931. The present membership is 47,199. What is the meaning of the terms proletariat and bourgeoisie? Proletariat is a modem socialistic term for wage workers usually applied collectively and having the deeper significance that they are the producers of capital and creators of wealth; the laboring classes. “Bourgeoisie” refers to the middle class of society, those who employ others to toil for them to create wealth. This term is also used collectively.

MAY 24, 1928

M. E. TRACY SAYS: “All Agree That Farm Relief as Represented by the McNary-Haugen Bill Has Become an Issue.”

Has the McNary-Haugen bill been killed in May to reapear as a ghost in November, or will thq farm bloc content Itself with making more or less of a disturbance at Kansas City anjl then vote the Republican ticket, as usual? The weatherwise disagree. Some look for a bolt, some for the elim* ination of Hoover, and some for ai Democratic victory. No matter how the weatherwise differ in these respects, all agree that farm relief, as represented by the McNary-Haugen bill, has become an issue. If the issue was raised by political farmers, as some believe, it may evaporate in hot air, but if it rests on what the majority of dirt farmers want and think they should have, it may result in anything. No one seems to know exactly what the dirt farmers want, how many of them want it or how far they will go to get it. Granted that they want relief and that the McNary-Haugen bill satisfied them, it is still debatable whether they are disappointed enough to break away from the Republican party. tt tt tt ■ Gain and Loss If the Democrats had presented a united front on this measure, or if they had proved their capacity to relieve the farm situation while fri power, one could forecast the affect of its veto with more certainty. What confuses the situation is the fact that though President Coolidge has spoiled the farmers’ program, if the McNary-Haugen bill can be described as such, the Democrats have done little and promised little to justify the hope that they would do any better. It is far more likely that th< farm bloc will exhaust itself in trying to defeat Secretary Hoover than that it will bolt the Republican ticket. Not only his record, but his commitment to the Coolidge policies makes him the logical target. If he is nominated, this issua probably will be picked up by tha Democrats, but while it may attract \otes in the Middlewest, it is likely to alienate them in the East. Alignment on farm relief as represented by the McNary-Haugen bill is sectional, rather than partisan. Eastern Democrats are as little inclined to favor it as eastern Republicans. If its veto could be used to gain Democratic votes in lowa and Kansas, it might lose them in New York and New Jersey. tt tt tt What of It? Those opposed to his nomination, | continue to charge Herbert Hoover with responsibility for fixing the war price of wheat at $2.20 the bushel. The charge cannot be sustained, except by influence. Even if it could, it would not be altogether harmful. Though the farmers may bo sorry and resentful because they got no more, one hundred million consumers are rather glad. Most of the housewives in this country think they paid quite enough for flour during the war. Besides, the price was sufficient to boost the value of wheat land out of all reason, stimulate speculation and cause an unwise amount of buying on credit. If wheat had gone to $3, as soma say it ought, the chances are that the grain growers would have found themselves victimized by the same kind of foolish expansion as nearly ruined the cattle men. Secretary Hoover could admit that he was responsible for $2.20 wheat, without hurting himself in the eyes of millions of people, some farmers included. tt u tt Just Plain Bunk The great weakness of this campaign, and Secretary Hoover is no exception, consists in the silence and pussyfooting of the leading candidates. As Nicholas Murray Butler says, “we have had an exhibition, through the press and the mails, of an application to politics of the most obnoxious development of modern business, to-wit, salesmanship,” a statement which would call forth heartier applause were it not put forward as the basis for extolling ex-Governor Lowden. Ex-Governor Lowden, according to the president of Columbia University, is the one and only candidate who has made himself clear with regard to “these vast problems so important to the prosperity, to the honor, and to the influence of the American people.” That, of course, is just plain ,bunk, for while ex-Governor Lowden has made himself perfectly clear with regard to farm relief, which is peculiarly popular in the section from whiqh he comes, he has pussyfooted with regard to some other things. tt tt a Talk Is Cheap Ex-Governor Lowden did not reply to the prohibition questionnaire' sent out by Senator Borah for which Butler now glorifies him. though the same Butler was howling for everyone to take a stand on that issue not so long ago. The great advance of American politics, is that you can glorify most anything when it suits your purpose. Asa matter of record, no candidate in either party has offered anything like a clean cut constructive program. One has talked about this issue and another about that, but none has taken up and discussed the major problems and policies with which a President would deal in a comprehensive manner. From the standpoint of manship, this campaign has proved absolutely barren thus far. The principal contenders either are afraid, or lack conviction. (