Indianapolis Times, Volume 38, Number 328, Indianapolis, Marion County, 26 April 1927 — Page 3

APRIL 26, 1927

Coolidge in Tribute to United Press

Declares Organization's Growth Typically American. Bu Timet Spoccial ’ - NEW YORK, April 26.—The speech of President Coolidge at the United Press dinner here last night follows: The gathering and the distribution of news have long since ceased to be a local and individual occupation. They have become identified with great organizations having their representatives in all parts of the country and their publications in •every important penter. This service could only be performed by mutual exchange of the most inclusive nature. How rapid and complete has been the growth of these organizations is exemplified by the thp United''. Press, which is now celebrating its twentieth anniversary. In that short space of time it has spread far and wide over North and South America, and become an instrument of both national and international publicity. This growth and power of the press carries with it great obligations. It ‘s axiomatic that a free press can exist only in a free country'. One of the first efforts of all kinffs of absolutism is to control the press and the schools as the sources of information and education of the people. Wtyere the press is free, as It is in our country under the guaranties of the National and State Constitutions, it has ft reciprocal duty of .its own to perform toward thp Administration of ttne Government, of giving true reports to the people of the actiohs of public officials. To do otherwise would be to establish a petty tyranny of its'own. In America the general sources of information are so numeious and on the whole so correct that any publication which constantly misrepresents very soon becomes marked as unreliable and loses its influence both for good and for harm. Character Mirror It is natural that the press should represent the character of the government under which it lives and of the people which it serves. I have come to hav l ea profound regard for the American press because it represents America. In the accuracy of its reports, the intelligence of its comments, and the freedom of its actions, I know of no other country where it is surpassed. There ought to be a deeper realization of these conditions on the part of those who are responsible for the conduct of our press which should be reflected on their part In a more intense and genuine Americanism. If you lived under some Jurisdictions your news would be garbled and unfair, your editorial comments would be dwarfed and prejudiced, your conduct lie cramped and limited. Because America is what it is, you are what you are. Your own independent and exalted po.sn.ion fully demonstrates that this country is worthy at all times of your service and your support. Whenever any section of our A'ess turns on America and on pmerican institutions, and assumes a foreign attitude, every informed person. knows that it" has fallen from the high estate which is our comritbn heritage, and becoming no longer worthy of regard is destined to defeat and failure. No American can profit by selling his own country for foreign favor. Peace, Nations’ Purpose The policy that our nation is trying to promote throughout the world is one of peace and good will based on i better understanding through justice and fair dealing. It is perfectly apparent that there are three main elements on which we rely to advance this cause. First is the National Government as it comes into contact through its duly constituted officers with the governments and people of other countries. 1 doubt if the belief exists .in any informed quarter that this is a belligerent Government desirous of oppression or bent on conquest. Our whole history and tradition, the moderation of our Military Establishment find the general attitude of our people, would a ftogether disprove any such assumption. Another very important consideration is that of trade and commercial relations. While a certain number of foreign people come to this country to transact business witjiout intending to make this their permanent homo, their number is negligible and any difficulty arising front their presence hero is almost unknown. 'they have practically every advanftke and every protection that is BRordcd to our own citizens. Os their conduct on the whole we have had little to blame and much to praise. In the past foreign interests have had investments in this country running into several billions of dollars. Being made at a time when we had insufficient capital to develop our own resources, such' investments were most helpful in building our railroads, opening our mines and supporting our manufacturing. As we have come into the possession of. surplus capital we have shown an increasing disposition to extend this same kind of service to other countries. Our people have gone abroad with their investments, their technical skill and commercial ability, to assist in opening up undeveloped countries. The Natural Result This is the natural play of the forces of civilization. It is the result of natural and commendable enterprise which carries with it the same kind of benefits and advantages to the other people which we ourselves formerly received from abroad. It is the method by which the more prosperous and improved portions of the earth help to bring these advantages so the less fortunately circumstanced. This policy is distinctly one that is in harmony with the iaw of service. In principle it is ,the method by which stronger communities minister to weaker communities. But these operations must be carried on with ftice and humanity. They must be permitted to sink to the level mere exploitation. They do not justify a seizure, which is virutally by force, of the natural resources of foreign countries or the failure to giv fair compensation for their labor. A just attitude in these respects by Americans when they engage In enterprises abroad will do

very jnuch to determine whether our country is able to maintain >the respect and friendship of foreign peoples. Unless this course is pursued, unless this attitude is maintained,, all the support which our Government could give would fail to make these foreign enterprises successful. Unless they rest fn justice and fair dealing they are bound to fail. Reason for War A third factor exists which is in the long run more important than any other, A condition of understanding and good will among the people of the earth is very largely a state of the public mind. It Is almost inconceivable that nations which have maintained friendly relations should all at once find themselves at war with each other. Armed conflict arises from a long series of misunderstandings and abuses which suddenly flare up on some unexpected provocation. Open hostility does not break out unannounced. It is a growth of long and assidious cultivation. It. can not he doubted that people as a whole desire peace. They can not long secure it if they are constantly harboring feelings of hostility. It Is for these reasons that the public press, especially the daily newspapers and weekly periodicals, has such an ormous Influence In creating a situation that brings the blessings of peace or is fraught with the perils of war. There are two attitudes that the press may take which distinctly endanger our friendly relations. If they do not bring us to the verge of conflict, they are injurious to our trade. One is the constant criticism and misrepresentation of foreign people. Human nature provides sufficient distrust of all that is alien so that there is no need of any artificial supply. The w T orld is in far more danger from rations not trusting each other enough than from their trusting each other too much. A press which is given over to a narrow and bigoted nationalism, accompanied by misrepresentations of other countries, not only misinforms and misleads the people at home but produces the reaction of a rankling bitterness abroad. An almost equally harmful attitude is the other extreme. It usually consists of malicious and misleading partisan attacks on the conduct of our own Government In its efforts to defend American rights when they are threatened or invaded in foreign countries. ■— Too Easy Going Our Government has usually been too remiss, rather than too active, in supporting the lawful rights of its citizens abroad. That has been so long our established policy that it is rather difficult to conceive IF assuming a truculent and arrogant attitudy. But when it is proceeding with moderation, attempting by peaceful negotiation to adjust differences, defending the rights of Its citizens, ad maintaining national dignity, great care is necessary to give the public the exact facts and avoid the appearance of seeming to support the position of foreign governments. When sucli an attitude becomes known in the offending country, it is widely quoted there and, when all other arguments have been answered, becomes their chief reliance for maintaining their position. It not only furnishes ammunition for our adversaries, but attacks our own forces In the rear. An American press which has all the privileges which it enjoys under our institutions, and which derives its support from the progress and well-being of our people, ought to be first of all thoroughly American. Progress and civilization have always depended upon effort and sacrifice. We have set up our institutions, established our ideals, and adopted our social standards. We believe that they are consistent with right and truth and justice. We live under a system that guarantees the sanctity of life and liberty through public order and protects the rights of private property under the principle of due process of law. We have thrown every possible safeguard around the individual in order to protect tym from any invasion of his rights even by the Government itself. It is peculiarly an American doctrine, now usually accepted In principle If not adopted in practice by all civilized countries, t lint these are inalienable rights, that they ought to belong to all persons everywhere, and that it Is the chief function of government to provide instrumentalities by which these rights can bo secured and protected. We have adopted these ideals because we believe that they are of universal application and square with the eternal principles of right. But we may as well realize that they will continue to prevail unless we are prepared constantly to put forth great efforts and make large sacrifices for their support. Backers of Freedom 1 While we have not been willing to assume any general attitude of crusading toward other nations, and realizing that institutions can not be bestowed but must be adopted have left them for the moot part secure in their right to work out their own destiny, yet we have always been filing to encourage and assist, in so ■far as we could in harmony with international law and custom, other people in securing for themselves the benefit of these principles and ideals. I In that conflict between freedom and depotism, which-is as old as humanity, and which constantly recurs in one form or another, both among ourselves and among other people, it has always been the policy of this Government to extend its sympathy and, iu so far as it lawfully could. Its support to the side of freedom. These are some of the standards which it has been the policy of our Government to support among Its people at home and in its dealings with other nations. While it is wellestablished international law that we have no right to interfere in the purely domestic affairs of other nations in their dealings with their own citizens, it is equally well established that our Government has certain rights over and certain duties toward our own citizens and their property wherever they may be located. The person and property pf a citizen are a part of the general domain of the nation, even when abroad. On the other is a and binding obligation on the part of self-respecting govern-

ments to afford protection to the persons and property of their citizens, wherever they may be. This is both because it has an interest in them and because it has an obligation toward them. It would seem to be perfectly obvious that if it is wrong to murder and pillage within the confines of the United States, it is equally wrong outside our borders. The fundamental laws of justice are universal In their application. These rights go with the citizen. Wherever he goes these duties of our Government must follow him. Reasonable Regulation It is all right to say that when our citizens enter a foreign country they should do so with the understanding that they are to abide by the laws of that „ country. They should, and they do, and our Government would be the last to Interfere In the just application of the law of his domicile to our citizens. But this is only a partial statement of the case. The admission of our citizens within their territory is a voluntary act of foreign governments. It Is a tacit invitation. When ve permit foreigners to come here, and when other countries admit our citizens, we know and they know that such aliens come and go not only under the rights and duties Imposed by domestic law, but also under the rights and duties Imposed by International law. There is nothing unfair, nothing imperialistic, in this principle. It has been universally adopted and recognized as right and just and is the only reasonable method by which enlightened humanity can safeguard friendly intercourse among the citizens of different nations. This policy has been adopted in furtherance of the humanitarian desire for a universal reign of law. These principles are Involved in some of the difficulties that we have recently been trying to work out with foreign nations, especially with Mexico. We have had claims against that country running over a long series of years, growing out of the death of many of our citizens and the loss of their property, running irfto hundreds of millions of dollars. Avery considerable portion of these cases has been due to revolutionary activities and other forms of public violence. Public order has never been entirely complete in that country. But lately our difficulties have been Increased by the enactment of laws by the Government itself, which wo feci threaten the virtual ccdiflscation of the property of our citizens, even where their holdings are ,under titles which have been established for scores of years. Mexican Invitation In 1857 Mexico adopted a constitfttion. In its relation to the protection of acquired property it provided ample security. Under Its terms, many of our people acquired holdings both through individual and corporate ownership. During the more than thirty years of President Diaz we were especially encouraged to make investments, to promote all kinds of development of the natural resources, transportation and Industries. After he was driven from office by revolution much disorder existed, with Presidents following one another in rapid succession. In 1917 anew constitution was adopted with provisions affecting agricultural, mining and oil lands, which we thought threatened the holdings of our nationals with confiscation. Their constitution is not self-entorcing, but requires the- pvomulgation of lavs to put it lmq/effect. While this was In process of being brought about a government was established which we )did not recognize. In 1920 General Obregon was chosen president and sought recognition. In negotiations for that purpose it was repeatedly pointed out that we feared that the new constitution, although one of its provisions expressly prohibited the enactment of retroactive laws, might bo interpreted as retroactive in its effect upon the holdings of real estate which our people had secured prior to its adoption. We sought assurances from the Mexican government that such was not the case. In order to prevent misunderstanding we sent two commissioners to Mexico City in 1923 to confer upon this subject, and also on the question of our claims with two Mexican commissioners. Charles Beecher Warren and John Barton Payne represented our Government. They had a series of conferences and kept written records of their proceedings, In which are set out the recommendation for the appointment of two claims commissions and the understanding that the constitution of 1917 was not to be given retroactive or confiscatory application. These •ecords were duly signed and attested by the comityssioners and were submitted to the President of Mexico and the President of the United, States for their mutual approval, which was given. It was Solely because of our understanding secured in this formal way that our property rights would be respected, that recognition of the government of President Obregon was granted on Sept. 3, 1923. Calles’ Threat During the winter of 1924 revolutionary activities started in Mexico which is seems probable would have succeeded in displacing President Obregon had not our Government furnishecj him with arms and ammunition largely on credit and given him the advantage of our moral support. Our help maintained his position. Soon after President Calles came into power he and the Mexican congress proposed laws and regulations which we deemed threatened confiscation of American property. To prevent the appearance of acquiescence we so notified Mexico prior to the passage of such laws. Nevertheless they were passed. We have made further protest against their being put into effect, as they are contrary to our understanding of the conference as a result st which we granted recognition. In the notes which have been received the government of President Calles refuses to be bound by what we thought was the understanding arrived at with President Obregon. We closed the correspondence by notifying the Mexican government that we stood squarely on the made with Presi-

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES N> - i *

dent Obregon and we expected it not to take any action that would deprive American citizens of their property or their property rights. Agricultural lands have apparently been seized from time to time for , which no compensation has yet been j made. While there have been threats ■ to seize oil property, no such seiz- ! ures have lately been made, and suits are now pending in Mexican | courts to restrain such seizures. For- i mer decisions of their courts are relied on to support these suits. Ask Fair Compensation Stripped of 'all technicalities and | involved legal discussions, -this Is the main difference which our Government has wRh the Mexican government. We do not question their right to take any property, provided j they pay fair compensation. With their efforts to secure a division of great estates, so that more of their people may be land owners, we have every sympathy. We have even agreed that our Government would accept the bonds of the Mexican government in payment for damages awarded by the commission for land taken for this purpose. Os course, we do not want any controversy with Mexico. We feel every sympathy with her people in their distress and have every desire to assist them. That they welcome conditions under which life and property are secure is shown by the hundreds of thousands of them who are coming to the United States, where, through their Industry, they thrive and prosper. Under these conditions small land holdings would develop In Mexico as they have developed here. Those of her citizens who preferred to seek employment in industry, like many of our own people, would have an abundant opportunity in their own country. Instead of'desiring to pursue any aggression or to take part in any oppression, we are endeavoring through the most friendly offices to demonstrate to their government that their attitude in relation to property will not only result in tl>e economic disadvantage of their own people, by preventing the investment of outside capital so necessary for their development, but will greatly impair their friendly relations with other intei'ested nations. Fears Retroaction It is a cardinal principal of law that private property should not be taken without fair compensation. This principle is declared in our national Constitution and in those of all our States. I know of no written constitution thatr dees not contain a similar provision. Under the constitution of 1917, and by-laws and regulations for carrying it into effect, we feel that Mexico is threatening to disregard this great elementary principle by undertaking a retroactive application of their constitution to property of our citizens acquired long before their constitution was adopted. The Senate recently passed a resolution supporting the protection of American life and property and suggesting resort to arbitration. We have at present two commissions of arbitration wjth Mexico, and the principle of arbitration has always been strongly advocated by our Government. Every bo arbitration when the question at issue Is arbitrable. Under the present circumstances I can see grave difficulties In formulating a question which the two Governments would agree to submit to such ~a tribunal. The principle that property is not to be confiscated and the duty of our Government to protect It are so well established that it is doubtful if they should be permitted to be questioned. V?Vy likely Mexico would Teel that the right make a constitution and pass laws is a privilege of her sovereignity which she etfuld not permit to be brought into question. It has therefore seemed that we are more likely to secure an adjustment through negotiation. I am glad to report that the Mexican ambassador has recently declared to me that she docs not intend to confiscate our property, that she has shown diligence In capturing and punishing those who have murdered our citizens. and expressed the wish, which we so thoroughly entertain, of keeping cordial and * friendly relations. With a strong sentiment of this nature, which, I am convinced, animates the people of both countries, it will surely be possible to reach an amicable adjustment. Our two peoples ought so to condfiet themselves? that, there will never be any interference with our anefent ties of friendship. Situation in Nicaragua Our relationship to Nicaragua I have set out in detail in a message to the Congress. For a dozen years we kept a force of Marines in that country at tlie earnest solicication of its government. During ttys time the people were peaceful, orderly, and prosperous ,and their national debt was greatly reduced. Almost at once after I withdrew the Marines (Turn to Page II)

Discouraged? Skin still rough, pimply, clogged, after trying so many remedies? Then hegin today to use Resinol Ointment. You won’t have to wait to know that it is healing your trouble. The first application usually stops all smarting ?nd itching and majies the skin look healthier, its continued use for a reasonable time rarely fails to clear away the disorder entirely. Free May we send you a free smaple each pf Resinol Soap and Ointment? Write Dept. 60, Resinol, Baltimore, Md.

PETTIS DRY GOODS CO.

THE NEW YORK. STORE

Wednesday A Day of Many Astounding Values

2i/ 2 Yds. Suiting 50c 39c to 79c a yard Cotton Suiting, 36 inches wide. Fast colors in stripes, plaids, fancies, plain colors. iy 2 Yds. Crepe 50c 49c Silk and Cotton Lingerie Crepe; 36 inches wide. Fast colors in plain green, lavender, white, fancies. 31/2 Yds. Prints 50c 29c Dress Prints; 36 inches wide. Many different colors in figures and stripes. 3y 2 Yds. Percale 50c 25c Dress Pe-reales; 36 inches wide. Light and medium colors. iy 2 Yds. Damask 50c 59c snow white, mercerized finish Table Damask, in assorted floral designs; 58-inch. iy 2 Yds. Dot Swiss 50c 39c Embroidered Dot Swiss: 36 inches wide. Very sheer in light blue, navy, gray, black, red. orange. 3 Yds. Linene 50c 39c plain Linene; 36 inches wide in light blue, pink, green, yellow. For dresses, smocks, draperies. 21/2 Yds. Gingham 50c 39q Imported Ginghams; 32 iiVches wide in red, orange, green, brown. 21/2 Yds. Imp. Crepe 50c 39c Imported Crepe; 36 inches wide. Dasket weave in plain brown, green, yellow, red. 3 Yds. Curtaining 50c 29c Curtain material; 36 inches wide: Snow white; wide selvage; many different weaves. 2 Yds. Gingham 50c 39c / Tissue Ginghams; 32 inches wide. Very sheer; plaids, checks, yellow, navy, green, tan, black. 31/2 Yds. Shirting 50c 19c Shirting; 28 inches wide in stripes and checks. Blue only. 21/2 Yds. Sateen 50c 29c Mercerized finish Black Sateen; 36 inches wide. Medium weight. iy 2 Yds. Cretonnes 50c 29c heavy Cretonnes; 36 inches wide in red and gray backgrounds and stripes; flower and bird designs. 3 Yds. Zephyrs 50c 25c Zephyr Ginghams in fancies, checks, plaids, pink, red, gold, tan, blue, black, green; 32-fl^ph.

and 5 HATS yNS0 C ance for ✓ 50c Day ■/y\ r' These have all been higher priced hats, silks and straws, banded and trimmed in many different styles. Here is your chance to have a neatj classy little hat to match every dress.

THRIFT BASEMENT

\msm\ i fIDH I ( jp |

5 Yds. Voile 50c 24c Sheer Voile; 36 inches wide, gray with white block checks. 5 Yds. Outing 50c 19c snow white, fleecy Outing Flannel; 27 inches wide. 2y 2 Yds. Ticking 50c 35c Amoskeag striped Feather Ticking; 32 inches wide. 3 Pillow Cases 50c 25c Pillowcases, 42x36. Made of good smooth finish sheeting; 3-inch hem. 2 Yds. Tubing 50c 39c bleached Pepperell Tubing, 40 inched wide. P/2 Yds. Sheeting 50c 59c Pelzer Bleached Sheeting; 'SI inch width. Good standard weight. iy 2 Yds. Sheeting 50c 49c Pelzer Unbleached Sheeting; 81 inches wide; good standard weight. 5 Yds. Muslin 50c 17c Bleached Muslin; medium weight; soft finish. Free from dressing. 8 Yds. Muslin 50c 10c Unbleached Muslin; medium weight, smooth finish, fine thread. Has no specks ; 36-ineh. 2 Bath Towels 50c 39c snow white Bath Towels, 23x 44. Extra heavy. 2 Bath Towels 50c 39c fancy plaid Bath Towels, 17x 33. Combinations of gold, white, blue and pink. 3 Bath Towels 50c 29c Extra heavy double thread Bath Towels, 20x35. Pink, blue and gold eomhination stripes. 5 Yds.. Toweling 50c 19c natural color, part linen Toweling Crash ;.17 inches wide. Absorbs water. 10 Wash Cloths 50c 10c-plain and fancy Wash Cloths, liy 2 xlH/ 2 . Pink, blue, gold and lavender. 6 Huck Towels 50c Huck Towels, 15x26. Free from starch, with red borders.

Silk DRESfES

Newest Styles, Newest Materials! For This Bargain • It Should Have Been Named “50% Day” Two full racks of these attractive bargains, exceptionally pretty colorings and patterns of all-over figured and flowered georgettes, ■plain tailored styles in a good quality of radium silk in the light painty colors and a few dark ones. v Some very clever models in the popular black and white. Plenty of the different sizes in lustrous, flat crepe in two-* color combinations. These are dresses that have been made of remaining short lengths of manufacturer’s yard goods; therefor the unusually fine qualify of the materials.

sfli A6 ®y%P

SINCE 1853

A Half Dollar Does Wonders in Pettis Thrift Basement

Rayon Hose 50c Women’s first quality Rayon Hose, 81/2 to 10. 2 Pr. Sport Hose 50c Children's 39c anti-darn Sport Hose, three-quarter length. Smocks 50c Good quality smocks in blue, tan, lavender. Bungalow Aprons 5Qc Bungalow’ Aprons, made of first quality Scout Percale in many pretty patterns. Rayon Vests 50c Extra good quality, flesh, maise, orchid, Nile. Rayon Step-Ins 50c > Nile, orchid, maise, flesh in extra good quality. Chemise 50c Voile Envelope Chemise in white and colors. Union Suits 50c Women's knit Union Suits, builtup shoulder. Crepe Step-Ins 50c La'*o trimmed and iu peach only. Surprises 50c Each One long table of odds and cuds of real bargains. Housewares Specials 50c Bread Board and Knife, 50c Decorated, round style, 10 inclie3 la diameter. Oil M0p,500 Triangular shape. 6 Rolls Toilet Paper, 50<? "Sterling - ’ brand: 1.200 sheet, tissue. Clothes Line and G Dcz. Pins, 50c 50-Ft. Cotton Braided Clothesline and 6 dozen clothes pins. Furniture Polish, 50c Pettis Special: guaranteed; pint bottle. Shopping Basket, 50jp Medium size, smooth wovcu imported wallow. Betts Cleaner, 50C Betts Sanitary Paint Gleaner -for cleaning enameled and painted surfaces. glassware, linoleum, etc.

I

PAGE 3