Indianapolis Times, Volume 37, Number 64, Indianapolis, Marion County, 27 July 1925 — Page 7

MONDAY, J ULY ,

BRYAN REALIZED FOUR PRINCIPAL AMBITIONS OF HIS LIFE

Asa Boy, Commoner Dreamed of Being a Farmer, a Polis tician, a Lawyer and a Writer.

William Jennings Bryan, from a lad, had four ambitions —to be a farmer, to be a politician, to be a writer and to be a lawyer. He realized all of them. Bryan was born in Salem, 111., on March 19, 1860. On both his father's and his mother’s side he came of honest, right-living, God-fearing people, for both the Bryan and the Jennings families were simple, sturdy, earnest people and deeply religious. They never attained great wealth, but they always had plenty for the care and comfort of their own. Bryan’s father, Silas Hillard Bryan, was a man who backed up his high ideals with a strong character and a great capacity for work. His ancestors are said to be Irish. A certain William Bryan, a big land o.vner, who lived in Culpepper, Va., more than a hundred yeara ago, is the trsfc one of the Bryan family n hose yame is known to his descendants. William Jennings’ mother was Mariah Elizabeth Jennings, who was born pear Walnut Hill, 111., in 1834. Tho Jennings family came from English stock. Born a Democrat Bryan’s father was a Democrat of Democrats and soon after his marriage entered into public life by serving in the State Senate of Illinois for eight years. To this he added I twelve years on the circuit bench jmd then was nominated for Congress, but met with defeat. Returning from the bench he devoted his time to his law practice and to church affairs., Until he was cen years old ‘Willie” romped and played and did his share of the chores on a farm. About this time William was sent to public school. After entering Whipple Academy of Illinois College at Jacksonville, he suddenly took a deeper interest in his studies and that seriousness of purpose which loomed so strongly in his later life became manifest. If there was a contest, whether of oratory or athletics, Bryan was in it, if possible. Although not particularly fond of baseball or football, he was a good runner and jumper, but his first attempts at declaiming were not

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so successful. In the various debates and oratiorical contest at Illinois College in which he entered it required quite a number of attempts before he carried oft a first prize. He persisted, however, and when he graduated in 1881, Bryan was chosen to make the valedictory address. Enters Public Life It was while going to college at Jacksonville that Bryan met Mary Baird, the daughter of a merchant living in Perry, 111. Mary Baird also was studying at Jacksonville. There began a love affair that resulted in marriage in 1884, and gave Bryan a wife and a great helper in his political life all in one. Three years later, Bryan, called to LincolnNeb., bn business, was so impressed with the beauty of the city that he made plans for maving there. Bryan now entered into public life by becoming an active worker for the Democratic organization and going to the State convention as a delegate. Bryan was elected to Congress in the campaign of 1890. Bryan’s activity in congress won him a place on the Ways and Means Committee and then came another important event in his*’career as public speaker. This was his tariff speech, delivered !Vfc.rch 16, 1892. He now aimed higher and after refusing to be a candidate for re-elec-tion to the House in 1894 announced that he would run for the Senate. Tastes Defeat This campaign gave Biyan his first real taste of defeat, but did not dishearten him. The Republican landslide wiped away his efforts and his opponent, Thurston, was elected. In the fall of 1894, Bryan entered upon newspaper work as chief of the editorial staff of the Omaha World-Herald, giving much of his time to this work, until the national convention of 1896. ‘ At this time Bryan also branched out as a lecturer, and in addition to his speechmaking on behalf of the democratic party he took up Chautauqua work. This was the real beginning of his travels ove* the United States. Then came the presidential campaign of 1896 and the Chicago Democratic national convention. Bryan, after his second defeat for President, started “The Commoner,” a political magazine, at Lincoln, which, with his lectures, writing and newspaper work, gave him a comfortable fortune. The Baltimore Convention After Bryan’s defeat by Taft in 1908, the presidential campaign of 1912 brought Bryan into the public eye again.

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As the, head of the Nebraska delegation, Bryan went to the Democratic convention with instructions to support “Champ” Clarke, but when the convention deadlocked and the Tammany dellegates swung over from Underwood to Clark, Bryan swung his forces to Wilson and gained the latter’s nomination. Prior to this, in 1911, Bryan had issued a public statement in which he gave up his life’s hope, saying: “I shall never be President, but I would rather go to my grave with the consciousness that I have done right, that I have dons all in my power to give to my country the best possiblue form of government, than to be President.” After the Chicago Democratic convention in 1896, Bryan ruled his party almost absolutely. Three times he had been named for the party leadership and as many times been defeated at the polls. The story of his accession to the throne will live as the political history of the United States. The Chicago convention of 1896 was controlled by the free silver men. Silver was the issue. The gold men, however, wer6 making a\ bitter fight. "Silver Dick” Bland of Missouri was the probable nominee. As the debate grew bitter, a young man, with flowing black hair, made his way to the platform. / Bland Was Beaten “Who is he?” asked one. "Oh, just a dub Congressman from Nebraska. They’ll choke him off before long.” Half an hour later the entire convention was cheering “The Dub from Nebraska,” while the State standards were carried in parade down the aisles and grouped in front of Nebraska. David B. Hill, one of the great Democrats, was seated down in front. When Bryan started. Hill looked bored and yawned. When Bryan reached his climax and thundered: * “You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns; you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold”—and even before that never-to-be forgotten parade of standards about the hall, Hill turned to one of his friends and said: “That ends Bland’s and every other boom in the convention.” It did. Bryan was the nominee. Strange to say, the speech wasn’t new, either. Bryan had delivered it, climax and all, a dozen times, but never under such dramatic circumstances. His Issue Scorned Bryan made a wonderful campaign. He traveled 18,000 miles, spoke at every stopping place and was defeated by William McKinley by 271 electoral votes to 176 for

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( „ . . . i .

Bryan Defending His Faith

*'■ ■. . ,x- ■ A <' ; . A

William Jennings Bryan is shown here answering Biblical , questions propounded by his enemy in the field of thought, Clarence Darrow, at tile Scopes trial.

Bryan. Senator Mark Hanna of Ohio had carefully planned the campaign for McKinley. The “free silver” issue was held up to scorn as the fallacy of a Populism gone mad —an evil that combined all the weaknesses and, at the same time, all the distructive forces of Greenbackism and Populism. Bryan was derided as a second “Sockless Jerry” Simpson. “Free Silver would close the factories and the working man would starve,” was the cry of, thousands of orators and hundreds tof newspapers. “Full dinner pail” parades were organized by employers all over the nation. McKinley made a "front lawn” campaign at Canton, Ohio, the forerunner of the “front porch” campaighs of later years. McKinley was posed as the champion of conservatism, the defender of property rights. Suave, dignified, imposing, McKinley looked the part. The Republican press spoke of Bryan In terms compared with which Charles Evans Hughes’ characterization of the Bolsheviks was a compliment. To the Republican orators Bryan was a wild-eyed

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torch-bearer, ready to wreck the United States. Killed by Free Silver Free silver killed Bryan politically, insofaf as elective office holding was concerned, . as dead as oil killed others; gold some, and free trade others. Although the 1896 campaign was thb only one that Bryan made on a strictly free silver platform, the mass of the voting public could never be Convinced that Bryan was not a hair-brained theorist, whose >ult was ruin. Long after the body of Mark Hanna had justed to dust in a Cleveland cemetery, the effect of the bitter campaign of 1896 kept Its veto on Bryan's elective ambitions. In many ways, Eryan was a statesman in advance of his times. He was accustomed to 'say that economic progress, while it had made legal establishment of Free Silver, 16 to 1, unnecessary, had proved the soundness of its theory. He lived to see four of his pet ideas become the law of the land. Prohibition, Woman Suffrage, Direct Election of United

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States Senators, and Direct Primaries. In the convention of 1920, when James M. Cox of Ohio was selected as the Democratic standard bearer, Bryan held a proxy and made the fight for a dry plank in the national platter m. With Bourke Cockran, he st< ged one of the greatest debates of a career full of oratory. The erect young form that had electrified the 1896 convention had grown somewhat paunchy, the long, jet black hair of yesteryear had begun to turn and was much thinner. But Bryan had the same force, the same magnetism, the same fire, the same easy flow of thought and language, the same eloquence. Cockran, the great Irish orator of Tammany Hall, was cool, keen, logical and incisive. And when It was over the convention rose and cheered Its old hero to the echo. For perhaps the last time, Bryan saw the standards of the States plucked from sockets and carried in parade—for him. It was a tribute to the great party leader who was passing—had just passed. Voted Against Bryan Then the delegates calmly reutrned to their seats and voted against Bryan’s eloquence and for his opponent’s logic and their own personal presences. It was the party’s parting salute to a peerless but stricken political gladiator. Four years later —a little less — Bryan attended the meeting of the Democjatic national committee at Washington and was barely noticedGone alike were his friends and foes. Many were dead, Including the brilliant Cockran, his San Francisco adversary. Others were retired from politics. Still others had been violently retired by the voters. It was as if Napoleon had returned to the field of Waterloo. “Champ” Clark, on whose ambition Bryan had trampled at Baltimore, had passed on. Woodrow Wilson, estranged, had death's seal already on his bowed head. What Bryan thought as he passed through the throng, no man knows. Bryan never wore his heart on his sleeve -and had killed more than one fair young political boom with his own hands. He knew that in politics the man who wields tho sword must also perish by the sword. But he made no sign. The Break With Wilson Although Bryan had broken years before with the party leaders, he always retained a large following among the masses of his party, in the South and West especially. He never had been strong in the East. His break with the Wilson forces, when he resigned his office as Secretary of State in 1915, had alienated him from the bulk of the new men who led the party for eight years under Wilson. Bryan was named to head the Wilson Cabinet in 1913, partly because of the part that he took In

hours, to travel in comfort and to enjoy on the way some of the most beautiful scenery in the State. . . Beaut if uI Spot ;• Yet the scenery along the, way is only a hint of the beauty of French Lick. Here, in the heart of a lovely, tree-shaded valley, the great hotel is set among formal gardens, trees, wide lawns and fountains. .A beautifu'ly appointed metropolitan hotel has every convenience—shops, excellent meals, superior service, all combined with the restfulness and scenic beauty of a country resort. After two days there one returns refreshed in body and spirit, ready to take up work with added vigor and enthusiasm. An inn sign painted on the bladebone of a whale is one of the curiosities of Hiughton, Suffolk.

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Wilson’s nomination and as a graceful recognition *on Wilson's part, but more because Wilson needed the help of the Bryan Congressman and Senators from the West and Bouth to carry his polices into legislation. There never was any real friendship between Bryan and Wilson. Both were men accustomed to giving orders, not to taking them. There was too much Iron In both constitutions to bend. The result was forecast by friends of both men. When the World War broke both Wilson and Bryan were pacifists. As it progressed. Bryan adhered more and more to the idea that the United States should withdraw from all European Interests and not under any condition allow the United States to be dragged into the conflict. Wilson, at the start, as pacific as Bryan, found himself gravitating the other way. Wilson and his Secretary of State were getting farther and farther apart on the foreign policy of the United State*. Differed in Lusitania Then came the Lusjtania disaster. Just what happened will remain a secret, unless Bryan divulged It in his memoirs—if he wrote any. The story current in Washington at the time and told by Senator Lodge on the public platform waa that the ultimatum to Germany, calling her to account, was written by Bryan and Wilson, and that Bryan includ-' ed a confidential note, the effect that Germany could regard this as a matter of form and not worry about It —that It was only a diplomatic gesture. Wilson objected to the confidential section. Certain members of the Cabinet threatened to resign if any "kicker” appeared In the ultimatum. Garrison was one. Wilson then eliminated‘the confidential section and Bryan resigned. Bryan believed the unsoftened, ultimatum meant war and he was against war. Wilson Issued a categorical denial of the story of a confidential note, So did Secretary Tumulty. Bryan and Garrison refused to talk. Lodge later Issued a statement which, In effect, said: "The President denies. The President Is always right. Therefore this version Is an error.” It is said that the hitter feud between Wilson and Lodge dated from that statement. Wilson regarded the apparent evasion as an insult. He believed an absolute withdrawal was the least apology Lodge could have made. Be that as It may, the Lusitania ultimatum marked the retirement of Bryan from official life. It was sent, minus any confidential note. Denounced Davis Though he attended the Democratic 1924 convention as a delegute from Florida, for the first time In his long political career Bryan failed to play an Important part In a national convention of his party.

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He supported the canadidscy of William G. McAdoo and opposed the adoption of a resolution denouncing the Ku Klux Klan. His Influence however, was not sufficient to break the long deadlock between McAdoo and Governor Al Smith of New York and In the end the convention nominated John W. Davis, whose candidacy Bryan hart denouncedHe took little lutrt in the succeeding campaign despite the fact his brother, Charles W- Bryun, was on the ticket. Bryan's last great light, In the midst of which he died, was the battle between fundamentalists and modernists centering in the Scopes trial at Dayton, Tenn. "Duel to IV-ath” Arriving in Dayton with the declaration that he had corfle to make the evolution issue a “duel to the death with the enemies of religion.” Bryan put ills soul into the prosecution of the young school teacher. Through the trial Bryan was the fiery lender of the case for fundamentalism. It was a keen disappointment to him that the trial ended without giving him the privilege of summing up the State's case. He planned therefore, to make his plea to the people of the State and the country. Death Interrupted him In the midst of a speaking campaign during which he intended to impress upon the people of Tennessee with the spirited oratory for which he was filinuuH, what he considered the necessity of protecting the children of the land from the dangers pf scientific teaching when the latter seemed to vary from tho Bible.

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