Indianapolis Times, Volume 36, Number 116, Indianapolis, Marion County, 22 September 1924 — Page 5

MONDAY, SEPT. 22, 1924.

LA FOLLETTE SUPPORTS WAR MEASURES BEFORE SENATE By ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE

This is the fourth o? a series of t-n articles dealing with the outstanding events in the life of Senator La Foilette in the last twelve years. March 4, 191?, I opposed in the Senate a bill for arming of American merchant ships. April 6, 1917. I voted against the declaration of war. April 28, 1917, I voted against the draft. On every subsequent occasion until the end of the war I supported Administration measures for carrying on the war, including, of course, every appropriation bill-—save that (n many instances 1 endeavored to put a greater share of the financial burden upon the people who were taking great financial profit out or the war. The above. I believe.- gives in i nutshell, my “war record." It does not include my peace resolution ot April 11, 1917. nor the months of abuse to which I was subjected as the result of a misquotation by the Associated Press of a speech made by me in St. Paul. Minn. (I said in that speech that wc had grievances against Germany. I was uoted as saying we had no grievances against Germany.) Months afterward tho Associated Press corrected its error; and months later -still the Senate voted down a resolution to expel me for saying the thing I had not said. Throughout the*, two first years ,f the European war the President

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of the L 7 nited States consistently : counseled an attitude of neutrality | on the part of the American peoi pie. I supported him In this. He i sought re-election in November, 1916. 1 on the basis of this policy, and no was re-elected. I sought re-election !to the Senate in that same camaign. I made speeches throughout the Sta*:e and freely and fully expressed my views with regard to i the war and these views were over

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whelmingly indorsed, despite the bitterest possible campaign on the p>art of the war-seekers. My vote was 251,303, against my opponent's 135,144—a majority of 115.159. It was up to that time a record-breaking majority for the' State of Wisconsin. Six years later I was re-elected for a fourth term by a majority of 301,000. Submarine War Renewed February, 1917, Germany renewed her submarine campaign, which had been suspended temporarily as the result of American protests. The German position, as stated in official communications to this country, had been that she would abandon Illegal submarine warfare if England would agree to abandon her illegal blockade. including the mining of the North Sea. My belief was then and is now that in failing to insist upon England's compliance with internaj tior.al law as well as Germany’s com- | pliance, our Government was disj tinctly un-neutral. Not only that, but j we were protecting our own rights as neutrals only as against one of the belligerents, not against the other. Resentment against the resumption of submarine warfare led the President to ask Congress authorI ity to place guns upon American ! merchant ships. Twelve members lof the Senate opposed such action. I I was one. The proposal was placed I before Congress a few days before | March 4, when the session autnmatij cally came to an end. I was preI pared to speak against the measure, | but was allowed no opportunity, the j presiding officer refusing to recognize | me each time I sought the floor. Ad- | ministration Senators were talking in j behalf of the bill, and had been for I some hours, when noon of March 4 I arrived and Congress adjourned. This was the incident which resuited in the characterization, “a lit- ! tie band of wilful men,” being applied to myself and the eleven others. The President, of course, spoke at a time when his temper was uncontrolled. His epithet took in men who had long been his friends: Senator Stone of Missouri, for instance, whom it frequently was said the President loved as brother. The other ten were: Kenyon and Cummins of (lowa, Lane of Oregon, Vardanian of; j Mississippi, Clapp of Minnesota, [ Works of California. Kirby of Arkansas. Norris of Nebraska. O'Gorman of New Tork and Gronna of North Dakota. One month later, on April 2, President Wilson, addressing Congress ini ! extra session, said: "It is impossible to defend ships, against their (submarine) attacks as I the law of nations has assumed that j merchf.ntmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers.

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THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

visible craft giving chase on the open sea.” And he said further: “It (arming merchant ships) is practically certain to draw' us into w'ar without either the rights or es fectiveness of belligerents.” This was almost exactly the position I had taken in March when I refused to support the bill for the arming of merchantmen. Got 15,000 Telegrams The speech by the President April 2 was the speech jn which he asked Congress to declare war URon Germany. The question was debated by the Senate and I spoke against the declaration of war. In my office were 15,000 telegrams, received from forty-four of the forty-eight Slates. Nine out of ten of them indorsed my course In opposing war on the issue presented. Os the attitude of my own people of Wisconsin there could be no doubt. Referendums had been taken in many' cities and counties. All showed an overwhelming opposition to war. In Sheboygan, for example, the vote was 4,082 to 17. In the county of Sheboygan, outside the city, the vote was 2,051 against war and not a single vote in favor. I was informed that 20,000 postal cards had been sent out in Massachusetts asking the views of voters and that the return showed 66 per cent against declaring war. With this knowledge I should have been a traitor to the people, in my opinion, had I not voiced and voted my own opposition to a declaration of war. Despite the vast war propaganda with which the country had been flooded, not only by sinister interests with selfish purposes to serve, but by zealous patriots whose motives were not open to question, the American people were in their hearts at that time opposed to war, and I believed the instinct of the people was sound. I declared then that the course of this country could not be clear until we had demanded of both Germany and England complete observance of our rights as neutrals upon the high seas, until we had served notice that we would enforce those rights against both belligerents and until we had sincerely attempted to live up to that notice. April 6 Congress voted to declare war. I was one of six Senators who voted in opposition. that same day—war having 1 been declared—l voted to make 8100. 000,000 immediately available to the President for any war purposes he might elect. Notwithstanding my opposition to entering the war. it was my belief that being in I should support measures to equip our Army for the successful conduct of the war. Five days later I voted for an appropriation of $273,046,322 for the Army. Within another dozen days I had voted for a five billion dollar bond Issue, three billions of which were to be available as loans to our allies, and for an issue of $2,000,000.000 in certificates of indebtedness oi temporary bins to the Government. I supported an act increasing the number of midshipmen at the Nava! Academy, an act raising the age limit of naval reserve off! oers from 35 to 50 years, an act duthorizing the issuance of rifles and equipment to home guards and generally such other acts of Congress as essential to carrying on our share of the war.

Opposed Draft And then the draft nr conscription bill was placed before Congress. 1 could not support It. It seemed to me to violate the very spirit of the Americaji form of Government and to be unwise as a practical method of raising troops, as well. Canada was making a glorious record with her volunteer armies in France. 80 was Australia —Australia where a. conscription proposal had been voted down by the people and where the same people had continued loyally sending, half way round the world, their full share of the finest soldiers that fought for the British Empire. Ireland had escaped conscription and yet, in the face of misrepresentation as to her loyalty, had provided her full proportion of willing troops. These, it seemed to me. were our kind of people; there could be no question that Americans would respond to any just call and that our young men did not have to be lashed into service. Before the date of the draft bill's introduction the fact that it had been prepared by the general staff was widely known. Governor Emanuel L. Phillip of Wisconsin wired me urging that I oppose the enactment of a draft law. Wisconsin, lie said, stood ready to furnish its full quota of troops and recruits could be obtained much faster than (hey could he equipped and given supplies. He wanted conscription deferred until military’ necessity for it could bo>shown and that was pueciseiy’ my own position. Congress adopted the general staff's conscription plan and I immediately counseled full compliance with the law. This notwithstanding the evidences on every hand that seemed as the months wore on to make the wisdom of the draft more and more questionable—the calling of men from necessary industries into idleness, the lack of cantonments to house them, the lack of guns, of clothes, of shoes and the inefficiency and sickness and death that followed. May 15 I supported an approproation of $3,281,094,541 for war expenses, the largest appropriation ever made at one time by any government in the history of the world. Without continuing in long detail, I supported the Administration’s war measures throughout the war. Fought Tax Methods When we came to the mehod of raising the revenues to meet the enormous war appropriations I made a serious effort to increase the share to be taken from the war profiteers and those generally best able to pay’. I was a member of the Senate Finance Committee and endeavored to obtain amendments in committee materially increasing the excess profits tax, bu without success. On the floor a number of us, sometimes as many as twenty-six, sometimes only seventeen, supported one amendment to the bill after another designed to Increase the proportion of the taxation that was to be borne by the rich and by the war profittakers. In most Instances we were voted down, but the net effect of our efforts was an increase of $600,000.000 in the amount so raised. (Copyright, 1924, NEA Service, Inc.) The fifth article by Senator La Follette will appear in The Times tomorow

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5