Indianapolis Times, Volume 36, Number 96, Indianapolis, Marion County, 29 August 1924 — Page 7

FRIDAY, ATTG. 29, 1924

FOOTBALL HUSKIES PREVENT RIOT AT STATE CONVENTION

-MY OWN STORY" is an exclusive newspaper version of one of the great autobiographies of modem times: La Follette s own story of adventures in politics as written by himself in 1912 together with an auhtorized narrative sos his experiences in the years since then. SYNOPSIS OF PREVIOUS INSTALLMENTS After two defeats as Progressive candidate for Governor of Wisconsin. La Follette i overwhelmingly nominated and elected in 1900. The political bosses buck the administration program at every turn. Under La Follette's administration there is passed a railroad taxation bill, a direct primary law. a workmen's compensation law. a law creatingr an Industrial Commission, and other progressive labor legislation. In the campaign of 1904. the bosses try to work fake delegates onto the convention floor. This plan is thwarted by fencing off the delegates' entrance and guarding it with twelve or fifteen husky football players. It was only by placing initials on the genuine badges and tickets at a late hour that our men stationed at the gymnasium entrance were able to distinguish the genuine from the spurious. When this army appeared at the gymnasium they discovered that provisions had been made against a rush and that they had to enter in single file. Whenever a man presented a counterfeit credential he was promptly

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HAAG'S PRICES ARE LOWER The Stores That REALLY Cut Price#

MY OWN STORT

—By ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE — A*fc>~-****>-* x MRS. LA FOLLETTE IN 1900 set outside of the wire fence. All these men, however, came in later with the spectators at the front entrance and found seats in that portion of the hall which had been separated by roping off from the portion occupied by delegates; and along

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that roping they found another sturdy lot of husky men. So well was all this preliminary work arranged that the convention organized regularly and in the best of order. The critical moment in this 1904 convention came when Mr. Rosenberry, a machine member of the State central committee, arose to make his minority report regarding the election contests. The State committee, which was composed partly of our men and partly of their men, had tried out all of these contests before the convention and they had unanimously seated enough of our delegates to give the progressives a comfortable majority. Rush Forestalled After the meeting of the committee and before the convention was called to order the machine leaders evidently planned to repudiate the report of the State committee, to Ignore the roll of delegates entitled to seats, and to seat -their “delegates.” and thus get control of the convention —which they knew would probably result in a row. Aa I say, Rosenberry came for-

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THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

ward to make a speech. It had leaked out that the conclusion of his speech was to be the signal for action; that Rosenberry would then be in a good position to seize the gavel and take possession of the chair, with the fellows down on the floor all primed to have hhn declared elected chairman. They were simply going to gavel it through, no matter how much protest there might be. The convention was crowded, but we reserved three or four seats close to the front of the platform and near the speaker’s chair, where we planted some more university football players. The result of all this precaution was that they dared make no move, and the convention went forward in the most orderly way. Not an unparliamentary thing was done. They voted upon the contests and even upon the nominations and, of course, were beaten. After the convention adjourtied that day the machine men were so desperate that they immediately organized a bolt and called a convention at the Madison Opera House, which, we learned afterward, they had rented weeks before the caucuses, and county conventions were held, no doubt with Just this contingency in mind. Addresses were made by Spooner, Quarles, Babcock and others, and they nominated a full State ticket of their own. It was the last stand. They then proceeded to carry the validity of the regular convention into the Supreme Court, which supported us at every point, and left so little for the bolters to stand upon that the candidate for Governor nominated at their convention withdrew his name from their ticket and much of their following deserted them Indeed, their leaders soon began advising machine men everywhere to vote the I>emocrat!c ticket as the only way of beating me. In the election the bolters’ candidate received only 12.000 votes. One other bitter contest was to grow out of these conventions. It being a presidential year, we elected four delegates at large to the national convention —Senator Stout. Isaac Stephenson, W. D. Connor and myself. Contest at Convention The bolters’ convention also elected four delegates—John C. Spooner, J. V. Quarles, J. W Babcock and Emil Baensoh. We therefore made ready to meet the contest in the convention. Exhaustive briefs were prepared, but when we reached Chicago and the case came before the National Committee, they not only would not look at our briefs, but they paid no serious attention to the oral arguments. Os course, with Payne of Wisconsin serving as chairman of the National Committee, and Spooner and Babcock strongly influential with the ’ Federal crowd,’’ there was small chance for us, no matter what our claims might be. The hearing before the committee was a grotesque farce. Payne made a pretense of fairness by withdrawing as presiding officer and called Senntor Scott of West Virginia to the chair. While the arguments were being

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made, the members of the committee strolled about the ropm or chatted with each other in their seats. The few who gave attention interrupted our counsel so constantly with questions manifestly designed to prevent them from submitting a succinct and intelligible statement of the case, that neither had an opportunity to finish hi sargument in the time allotted. As soon aa that time had expired, without even looking at the documents which had been presented, including the printed briefs, the verifie dstatement of the case, the printed ease and the affidavits, the committee refused to permit us to be seated as delegates in the convention. There still remained for us the privilege of submitting our case to the committee on credentials, appointed by the convention after it was organized. Such a committee is made up of one representative from each State. Spooner, Babcock. Payne and their associates on the national committee and in the Senate and House of Representatives promptly set at work with the various delegations to secure th£ right men from each delegation for the committee on credentials. I have been told since by men who were in that national convention that they were approached and urged lo see to It that the committeeman on credentials from their delegation was warned that under no circumstances should this Wisconsin movement be allowed to spread; that La Follette was a dangerous man, and that unless he could be stopped right there, he would ultimately break up the Republican jiarty in the Nation as he had broken it up in Wisconsin. Under these circumstances we decided not to submit our case to the committeo on credentials, but Instead to file with the committee a statement setting forth the reason for our decision. I drafted such a statement: the four of us signed it, filed it with the committee —and went back to Wisconsin to take up the campaign for the fall election. In all my campaigning, covering a period of twenty years, it had been a rigid rule with me never to engage In persona! controversy. I assailed abuses, attacked bad practices with all the power I could command, and though the newspa per files of that day will record the

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fact, that I was subjected to every forms of abuse and misrepresentation, I had not been diverted from my course. Attacked Personally I saw clearly that if I gave heed to personal attack and retaliated in kind that the principles would be lost sight of and the contest degenerate into one of mere abuse and recrimination. But after my legislative experiences of 1901 I had seen many men returned to the Legislature of 1903 who had made conspicuolsly bad records and yet were abje so to ocnfuse the issues that they could and did secure their re-election. It was plain lo me that the people needed to be educated on men as well as measures. I therefore formulated my plan so to conduct the discussion with respect to men that it would be impersonal in its charade: and would go directly to the record of the Representative and deal with concrete facts. It seemed to me logical and unanswerable that the people were entitled to know exactly how they were represented, and that no man had a

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right to complain It his constituents were fully informed as to his record on every bijl of public interest. I am free to confess that it had been my great ambition to be Governor of Wisconsin, not just to be Governor (for that seemed to me in Itself an empty honor), but to be in reality the chief executive of the State; to be a strong factor in securing legislation that should build into the life of the people anew order of things—laws that should be a recognition of human rights, that shoujd

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make safe the vital principles of representative government. To aid in achieving such results was the realization of my highest ambition. I had gone through two sessions of the Legislature, through three hard campaigns prior to that time; I had given to the work some of the best years of my life, and here I was at the end of my second term as Governor with almost nothing of a lasting nature accomplished. (Copyright, 1924, NEA Service, Inc.) (Continued in Our Next Issue)

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