Indianapolis Times, Volume 36, Number 90, Indianapolis, Marion County, 22 August 1924 — Page 7

FRIDAY. AT7G. 22,1924

HOW POLITICIANS CORRUPTED MEMBERS OF LEGISLA TURE

“MY OWN STORY” is an exclusive newspaper version of one of the great autobiographies of modern times. La Foilette 6 own story of adventures in politics as written by himself in 191*-. together with an, auhtorized narrative of his experiences in the years since then. SYNOPSIS OF PREVIOUS INSTALLMENTS "fter two defeats as Progressive candidate for Governor of Wisconsin. La FoHette is overwhelmingly nominated and elected in 1900. The political bosses buck the administration program at every turn. La Foilette gives in person his message to the Legislature- advocating direct primaries and railroad taxation. The “machine" politicians ram control of the Milwaukee Sentinel. th "political bible" of the State, and attack La Foilette. The machine musters every power to defeat the railroad taxation and direct primary bills the free use of money, the influence ot anxious Federal office-holders, misrepresentation tnroug'n the corporation newspapers. and the "lobby." Honest men bee-n to fall before these insidious forces. How did the lobby get them. \ furious ways. There was Senator \- He was a poor fellow from a northern district; a lawyer without much practice—rather a weak fellow. I j can't remember on just what bill it was, but they got him. When he returned to his district, after tho session, he built an expensive home, to the amazement of all his friends, and then came down to Washington to a Federal position. We depended on Senator B. He made a statement that he could be relied upon to support the direct primary bill. We figured him on our list until about the time that ; pooner visited Madison and he got j . ay. C. was another man wiffd counted upon as one of the oil ! reliables in the movement. He was j an Irishman and a good talker and debater. They finally got him. too. j I remember he came to me one night and said: "Well, I don’t know biTt what. I’m going to disappoint you in my vote on the direct primary bill.” I could not at first think of a word to sav—it was a staggering blow. “Why, C.” I said finally, “if you were to go over to the other side on these measures it would seem to me like the end of everything. You couldn’t, do a thing like that. You j have been one of the pillars of the j movement.” I don't believe I tried to reason i with him. It simply was not a case j for argument. There was only one J side to It. for he himself had been j one of our ablest speakers on thej stump In favor of the direct pri j mary. Got Federal Office Well, he voted against us. and it Is significant that a few months ! after the Legislature adjourned he i was appointed to a Federal office. Another instance was that of Assemblyman D.. who had been for some time quite an active supporter of the reform movement. He was a small business man and came to the Legislature from a county in which I was personally very strong. He stood with us in the vote on direct primaries, hut some little time after that Assemblyman E., who was one of our leaders in the j Assembly, came into my • office one Burning. E. was a fine young fel- j--79vr and regarded as thoroughly re- j liable. He was often in the ! executive office and I trusted him j absolutely. Upon the occasion to j which I refer he said; “Governor, I have changed my j boarding place"—he had been board- j ing with some private family, I think —“I have moved over to the | Park Hotel.” The Park Hotel was the principal hotel in Madison, and the headquarters of all the lobbyists. I was

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MY OWN STORY

’By ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE

j MRS. LA FOLLETTE IS AN INVETERATE READER. somewhat surprised and asked him why he had moved. ’•Well," he said, "I propose to be where I can watci* the game that these lobbyists are playing. I am satisfied that they are working on some of our weak members, and I am going right into their camp to see what they are doing.” I have said that we trusted E. implicitly. He was one of the most enthusiastic men we had, and being a high-spirited, energetic young fellow. he was of great assistance in our fights. Whenever we gathered a little group of the members in the executive office to talk over any critical situation In the Legislature. E. was always with us. He was an active young manufacturer. HE often talked with us about his business. I think he had some special machine which enabled him to make his product more cheaply than other manufacturers. One day E. Ray Stevens came Into my office and said, “Governor, I wish you would send up and ask E. to come down here. I don’t just like the way he talks.” “Why,” I said, “Ray," there can’t be anything wrong with E.” Then I began to think that he had not been in to see me for three or four days. "Well,” I said, "I will send up.” When he came through the door he did not meet me with his characteristic frankness. But I greeted him ‘ exactly as usual and said, ”E., I want to have a little talk with you.” I moved my chair right up to his, placed my hands on his knees and looked him in the eye a moment before I spoke. Then I asked, ”E., J what's the matter?" The tears started in his eyes and the response came at once. “Governor, I can’t help It. I’ve got to vote against the railroad taxation bill.” After a moment he added. “I haven’t slept any for two or three nights. I have walked the floor. I have thought of resigning and going home.” “Tell me all about It. E,” I said. “Well,” he replied, “you know that

MRS. M. D. DAVIS, 1642 W. Market St., says: “My back ached from morning until night. I had such pains across my kidneys I had to send my washing out. I was nervous and awful headaches and dizzy spells, too. My kidneys were disor. dered. I got Doan's Pills at Hook's Drug Store, and they cured me.’’

all I have in the world I have put into that factory of mine. I have told you about how proud I was of the thing. Faces Ruin “Now,” he said, "this railroad lobby tells me that if I vote for that railroad taxation bill they will ruin me in business. They can take away everything I’ve got. They have threatened to give my competitors advantages over me in railroad rates that will offset any advantages I have with my new machinery. Now, I can’t beggar my family. I have a wife and babies.” I said. “E., you can’t do this wrong. You can't violate your conscience.” I talked to him quite a bit. He got up and walked the floor. He said he would always be for our measures, but he could not risk being driven to the wall. And then he left the office. A few minutes before the roll call on the bill, E., who sat next to LeYiroot, turned to him and said, “Lenroot, in five minutes I am going to violate my path of office." Lenroot was shocked and said.

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THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

“What do you mean?” He replied: “It is a question between my honor and my bread and butter, and I propose to vote for my bread and butter.” And he voted against the bill. Assemblymen F. was nominated by a convention that was overwhelmingly for the direct primary. It adopted a platform specifically pledging the nominee to support the direct primary bill, and F., the candidate, formally accepted and agreed faithfully to carry out the instructions of the convention. During the all-night sesion in the Assembly on the primary bill. F. was called from the floor into the clerk’s room by a member of the Senate who offered him SSOO to vote against the bill. F. told the lobbyist that he would not dare to go back to his constituents if he voted against the bill, as he had solemnly promised them when nominated to vote for it. F. said he would like to do anything the SenatoV wanted him to and he would like the SSOO, hut he did not dare to violate his pledge. After more of this talk they left the clerk’s room. The room was not lighted. At the time there was lying on a lounge in that room Assemblyman G., who was ill and had been brought from a sick room to attend upon this Important session. He recognized F.'s voice and also

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the name of the Senator, which F. repeatedly used during the negotiations. Assemblyman G. reported the whole matter to Lenroot, who informed me. We agreed that here was a £ase that we could take into court if G. would swear to the facts as reported to Lenroot. It was hoped that a successful prosecution might vcheck the bribers in their raid on our legislation. I sent for G. In Lenroot's presence he repeated the conversation between F. and the Senator ust as he had given it to Lenroot. I then called F. *0 the executive chamber. He admit the conversation as detailed by G., but tvas slow about confirming G. as to the name of the Senator which he had used again and again in discussing the SSOO proposal while in the clerk's room. Another interview was arranged, at which time he promised to tell everything. Before that interview the lobby did such effective work with bdth F. and G. that their memories utterly failed them as to every important detail of the whole event, and without these two witnesses there was no case. Such was the opposition we-'had to meet on all of our measures, the lobby standing together as one man against both the taxation and the direct primary bills. It was about the middle of March,

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after inconceivable delays, before the direct primary bill could be brought up in the Assembly for consideration, and it was then bitterly opposed. When the debate was finally ex hausted there was an all-night ses sion so managed in a parliamentary 55'ay as to prevent a vote being taken. Members Drunk In the meantime lobbyists were calling members of the Assembly outside of the chamber; liquor was brought into the Capitol apd into the committee rooms. Members-.were made drunk and brought back in such a condition of intoxication that they had to be supported to their seats. And yet, in spite of all this, we retained the support of enough members to pass the bill. When it reached the Senate, though the members were hostile to it, they dared not kill it outright. The sentiment in the State, they knew, was too strong. Accordthgly, they pursued the usual indilect means of accomplishing the same end—by passing a substitute measure called the Hagemeister bill, "-iich defeated the real purpose of the reform. h ’DV I ight, 1924. NEA Service, Inc.) 1 or, tinued in Our Next Issue)

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Silver Dollar Coming Back B)/ Times Special WASHINGTON, Aug. 22.—The Treasury embaxked today on a campaign to restore the silver dollar—the "cart wheel”—which was so widely used twenty years ago, to general circulation. The initial step was taken when one of the coins was placed in the pay envelope of each of 5,000 Treasury employes. Similar action will be suggested to other government bureaus.

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Seven Million New Voters By Times Special WASHINGTON, Aug. 22.—Over .• 000,000 new voters, who have become of age since 1920, will be eligible to vote their first time for President in 1924, according to the statistical report of Simon Michelet, Washington lawyer and political writer. The basis for this estimate is the census of 1920. Eight of every ten children start life thoroughly healthy.

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