Indianapolis Times, Volume 33, Number 131, Indianapolis, Marion County, 11 October 1920 — Page 6

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Jtt&ana §atto INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA Daily Except Sunday, 25-29 South Meridian Street. Telephones—Main 3500, New 28-35d. MEMBER OF AUDIT BUREAU OF CIRCULATIONS. „ Chli-igo, Detroit, St. Louis, G. Logan Payne Cos. Advertislug Offices | \ (w York. Boston. Payne, Burns & Smith, Inc. WHY didn’t Jesse Eechbach call on one of the Goodrich mines to find out whether it would furnish coal to schools, etc.? HOOVER expresses beliefs exactly the opposite of Harding, but insists that he represents the attitude of the Republican party. THE SUPREME COURT appears to feel that mutilation of its records is not to be condoned even when done in the interests of a negro bootlegger. INVESTIGATION of the law violations of a man who has fled from the jurisdiction of the court is as futile as most of the grand stand plays of Prosecutor Adams. i IT IS EASY to understand why Republicans applaud Hoover but impossible to reconcile Hoover’s views with those expressed by the Republican candidate. INABILITY to obtain coal In Indianapolis is no longer chargeable to coal dealers. Jim Goodrich and his commission admit they have the power to compel coal dealers to deliver at the prices they fix.

Mr. Fester's Silence The position assumed by James K. Fesler, defeated candidate for the Republican nomination for Governor, in this campaign, is probably unique. Mr. Fesler, although defeated by a merciless double-cross in which the leaders of his party combined with a certain element of the Democratic party to nominate Warren T. McCray, yet clings to his party with great tenacity and we are constrained to believe is still debating with himself whether the State would suffer through the election of the ‘'spotted” Republican ticket Mr. Fesler had in his power the weapons with which to defeat Warren T. McCray for the Republican nomination. He refrained from making use of them in the belief that his own nomination could be effected without adding to the smirch that had already been placed on his principal opponent's public record. Fesler was double-crossed. ~~ The men whom he refrained from presenting to the public of Indiana in their true light got together behind his back and through an organized effort, ip which they were assisted by so-called Democrats, deprived him of a nomination which was rightfully his and with which the Republican party of Indiana might well have asked the support of the voters of the State. Today Mr. Fesler still has in his possession the weapons with which he could easily insure the defeat of his former opponent. He faces the question of determining whether his loyalty to the Republican party is greater than his duty to the people of Indiana. • He must chose whether he will remain silent and thereby risk the responsibility of saddling four years of a MpCray administration on the people of Indiana or whether he will tell the public of Indiana why he doubts the advisability of making McCray Governor. We do not know what Mr. Feeler’s choice will be. We do know that throughout many years been guided in. political affairs by a blind subservience to the Republican party whose present leaders betrayed him. We do know many of the reasons that have been presented to Mr. Feslo’- -o to why Mr. McCrev should not be elected Governor of Indiana. nowing these reasons as we do, we are today wr>^during how Mr. Fesler can reconcile his sense of civic duty with the ’ ’at he has so far failed to break.

The Negro Ticket The all-black ticket offered to the people of Marion County by the more enlightened negroes who have tired of Republican exploitation makes no appeal to the white voters. Therefore, we can well understand how an all-white ticket, presented to the negroes of Marion County makes no appeal to them. The truth about the political situation with reference to the negro is that neither the Democratic nor the Republican party cares for anything except his ballot on election day. For years the Republican leaders in this county have attempted to deceive the negro into believing that he was accepted on an equal footing with the white voter. Gradually the local negroes have awaked to the fact that they have Bo place in the Republican ranks, and further that their tame submission to the Republican bosses has been responsible for Republican success. In other words the negro, by trading his ballot for a mess of pottage has been making his master politically successful without in any way imp*ving the quality of the pottage. There are approximately 25,000 negro voters in Marion County, publicans and voted in primaries and elections as ar'few Republican bosses •letated. If the negroes of Marion County have at last awakfened to their political slavery and can be induced to vote their own ticket, then we have reached the end of Republican domination in Marion County, A vote for the negro ticket is, of course, equivalent to no vote at all in this election, but the Republican party cannot carry Marion County without the help of the negro voters. Democratic party will! profit by whatever strength the negro ticket gathers. This may not be wholly satisfactory to the negroes, but they must remember that the Democrats have not sought to buy their votes with a mess of pottage and have, at least, been honest in their treatment of the blacks. If the injection into this campaign of the all-black ticket means anything at all, and we believe it does, it means that the negroes have at last realized that they hold the balance of power between the two dominant parties and no longer intend to rake the chestnuts out of the fire for the Republicans.

Issues Defined Gradually, but steadily, the haze thrown over the sham and hypocrisy of the Republican party is being dissipated in Indiana. Last week the position of three of the Republican candidates was made clear to the voters of this State. Senator Harding took his stand with the irreconcilable enemies of the League of Nations when he said of Governor Cox, “he favors going in and I favor staying out.” Senator Watson made it clear that he, too, favored staying out of the league and in addition favored the declaration that we never were at war with Germany an‘d were “lugged into the fight by the scruff of the neck.” Warren T. McCray, candidate for Governor, declared at Columbus that the Goodrich tax law “has my hearty indorsement as amended,” and that he is in favor of the Goodrich $212,000,000 highway scheme with all Us waste and profligacy. There is today apparently no dispute about the principles involved in the campaign. A Republican can not vote his ticket without voting to stay out of the league, cause a separate and dishonorable surrender to the Germans and stand by the Goodrich tax law that has boosted his taxes to from . one to three times as much as he ever paid before. In Marion County there still remains some doubt as to the position of the county candidates. . v William P. Evans, the Republican candidate for prosecutor, has not yet declared that he is in favor of permitting a man who has confessed assaulting more girls than he can remember to go free, but, on the other hand, he has not yet expressed dissatisfaction with such a procedure. Just as James M. Cox declared weeks ago, this is a campaign between the reactionaries as represented by the Republican nominees and the progressives, as represented by the Democratic nominees. The only point that has not yet been established is whether the reactionary disposition of the Republican candidates will carry them so far back as the days when little girls were the usual prey of beasts.

TO WILLIAM H. TAFT , GEORGE W. WICkERSHAM AND HERBERT HOOVER: You are eminent members of the Republican party. You are also Americans whose opinions and example carry weight with your fellow citizens irrespective of party. You each and all declared for the League of Nations. You have discussed it as an issue transcending party politics, an issue in which national honor and the forwkrd movement of civilization are both involved. You, Mr. Taft, have said to your fellow Americans: “What I urge you to do is to purge your minds and souls from unworthy considerations in reference to the Issue. Take it upon its merits. If, because you do not like Mr. Wilson or don't like that administration, or don’t like the Democratic party —any more than Ido —and think It may redound to the credit of that party and so oppose the league, then you are acting from unworthy motives, irrelevant and incompetent to any such issue.” Last year, when the league wreckers in the United States Senate were at their work, you, Mr. Wickersbam, wrote: / “ATTENTION, REPUBLICANS! “The question before the Republican party today is whether it shall allow a few Senators, blinded by passion and resentment of the President and his administration, to commit the party of great national and international ideals to the reversal of its principles, the abandonment of its high mission and a position of opposition to the only practicable, attainable plan before the world to avert from posterity the recurrence of the horror, the misery and the tragedy of further wars.” You, Mr. Hoover, have said: “To form a League of Nations for this purpose has been proposed by the leader? of both our great parties time and again. It has been proposed by leading spirits in all civilized nations. It belongs to no one man. It comes from the heart and mind of the world. “The hope which I, as an independent observer, have placed in the league is that it will forever relieve the United States of the necessity to again send a single soldier outside of our boundaries.” These were your principles. Are they your principles still? The candidate nominated by the dominant faction in your party declares that he is against going into the League of Nations. He puts the seal of his approval upon the speeches of a Republican Senator who is a rabid and avowed league hater, “opposed to any association, combination, society or League of Nations.” Can a candidate with this attitude toward the League of Nations have your conscientious support either during the campaign or at the poll?.? Has Senator Harding satisfied you, Mr. Taft, that be has “purged his mind and soul from unworthy considerations In reference to the issue?” Do you hold his motives to be worthy, relevant and competent? Are you now content, Mr. Wickersbam, to let the Republican candidate “commit the party of great national and international ideals to the reversal of its principles?” Does your newly adopted Republicanism reconcile you, Mr. Hoover, to seeing the great purpose—which you have said “comes from the heart and mind of the w-orld”—spurned by the United States? If you repudiate your earlier professions, if you contend now that to elect a Republican President is more important than to Join in the peace program you once rated so high, you are not as big Americans as you were a year ago. On the other hand, if you were to reaffirm your principles and uphold earlier ideals of Republican honor against the influences which control the Republican candidate, you would be an example and an inspiration to a country in sore need of both. History will have a high place for the kind of Republicanism it is now In your power to proclaim.—New York World.

PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS 18. The Cleveland-Harrison-Weaver Race of 1892 By FREDERIC J. HASKIN

WASHINGTON, D. C—The Democratic landslide of 1898 which placed Grover Cleveland for the se'-ond time in the presidential chair marked the failure of the most extraordinary efforts ever ? de by any party to perpetuate Itself 'n power. When the Republicans eanne back Into their own after the end of the first Cleveland administration, they left no stone unturned, so far as legislation was eoncerped. to make their power absolute and to prevent the possibility of another Democratic President. The first thins the Republicans did under the Harrison administration was to admit six States to the Union, therebyssfu f themselves to the charge that 1 ought to assure their party of twelve additional Republican Senators and twenty additional votes In the electoral college. The House of Representatives was Republican by a very narrow margin. The Democratic members were unseated by wholesale to give their places to Republican contestants, without regard to the merits of their claims. Then followed the attempt to enact the Force bill. Its authors and proponents called It the Federal election bill, but it was so odious to the majority of the people of both parties that the namo apple of both parties that tho name applied by the Demoernts stuck to It longest. This bill provided that all elections for Federal offices, that is, representatives and presidential electors, should be under tho direct control of the Federal Government. That meant “carpet-bag" returning boards in the South, supported by bayonets of Federal soldiers and pistols of Federal deputy marshals, and a “solid South” which would have been solidly Republican. The fact that the negroes wore not permitted to vote freely, or - that their votes were not counted, was the principal argument used Cor the bill, and the only argument which gave tho cause a shadow of Justification. DEMISE OF AN UNPOPULAR DILL. The Force bill was passed by tho House and went to a Republican Senate.

THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS AN INTERPRETATION

Nix. The secret treaty, the hidden alliance, has been the curse of European diplomacy. It sprend tp the Orient where Japan profited largely by the system. It is the greatest war-breeder known to chancelleries, itds the depot's typical Instrument and It Involves the most profound abrogation of the rights of man. The coveuant of the League of Nations, recognizing this fact, abolished the secret treaty with article 18, as follows:

BRINGING UP FATHER.

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INDIANA DAILY TIMES, MONDAY, OCTOBER 11,1920.

There tho absolute freedom of unlimited debate gave the Democrats a chance to fight the mfrtorlty. The Republican Senators from the Far West were not heartily In sympathy with the Force bill advocates. The Western Republicans had long since ceased to wave the “bloody shirt” In campaign*, and the Westerners had not known the bitterness of armed conflict. The Democrats held caucus after caucus and decided upon their plan* with the greatest care. It was a matter of life and death to them, and they knew It. . Southern Senators of the old “rebel brigadier" tyjve men of culture and polish—were assigued, man for man. to pay court to the rough diamonds of the W,est who were their colleagues on the side of that chasm marked by the center aisle oof the Senate chamber. The talk went on unceasingly for days and nights. The whole country was discussing the probability of the Senate’s adopting a cloture rule to limit debate. Finally, about 3 o'clock one morning. Senator Daniel of Virginia left his crutches In the cloakroom and shufTled on the floor Senator Vest of Missouri was speaking. He had been speaking for hours and hours Daniel whispered to him, “It’s all right, we have enough votes to beat It. Senator Stratford of California is with us." “Let me finish my speech.” said Vest And he went on to put a proper rhetorical and oratorical finish on the speech that was meant for nothing but to gain time. The Force bill was dead, its advocates knew It and did not pres* for a vote. SENATOR QUAY DISGRUNTLED—HI. A INK DIES OF BROKEN HEART. In that fight the Democrats were aided and abetted by two eastern Republicans, and their victory was due In great part to Matthew S. Quay and Don Cameron, Senator from the rock-ribbed Republican State of Pennsylvania. Quay was to figure greatly in the coming events. He had elected Harrison over great difficulties, and he naturally supposed that he was to be rewarded for his efforts In the manner that politicians are ever rewarded. He found to his surprise that Harrison credited Providence

"Every convention or international engagement entered Into henceforward by nny member of the league shall be forthwith registered with the necretnriat and shall as soon ns possible be published with It. No such treaty or\ptcrnational engagement shall he bonding until so registered.” “Open covenants, openly arrived at,” was one of the fourteen points which article 18 carries out In letter and spirit.

QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

THE BOOK OF ESTHER. Q. Is there a book in the Bible that does not contain the word God? F. H. B. A. In the King James version of the Bible, the word God does not appear in the book of Esther. ODD SIMILARITY OF-NAMEB. Q. Is there a town in the United States named O. K? W. K. L. A. There is an O. K. in Kentucky, an Okay in Arkansas, an Okey in Ohio, and Oka in both Montana aud West Virginia. HlGtil SPEED—LESS GAS. Q. Does a car consume more gasoline at thirty miles or at fifteen miles an hour? E. C. A. The American Automobile Association says that other conditions being the same, a car would use less gas when going fast, because it would be possible ;o use a leaner mixture. DEPTH OF INLAND SEA. Q. What Is the greatest depth that has been located in the Great Lakes? c. b. n. A. The geological survey says that the greatest depth is 1,012 feet, according to the lake survey. This is found lu Lake Superior. SETTLES ARGUMENT. Q. To settle an argument please tell me whether Grover Cleveland mad© an active campaign for his election as Governor of New York? O. I. T. A. Cleveland’s gubernatorial campaign could scarcely be called active In the modern acceptance of the term, since he made no speeches whatever. His only appeal to the voters of the State, if it might be called such, was contained in bis letter formally accepting the nomination.

' anil not Quay with the victory of 1888. Harrison mortally offended Quay oii his : first visit to the White House after the inauguration. Harrison also forgot to reply to a telegram of congratulation sent to him on the day after bis election by Gen. W. W. Dudley of Indiana, treasurer of the national committee, who, In 1880, bad organized the famous “blocks of five" system. The Republicans believed that they bad been returned to power on the great lssuo of protection. The promise was redeemed and the McKinley bill, the tariff of 1800, was passed. Major McKinley was chairman of the house com mittee on ways and means and thereby gave his name to the bill, but many of the schedules went in over bis protest. Rightly or wrongly, the whole country rose up In protest and in IMK) the House of representatives was turned over to the Democrats once more, giving them the largest majority that any party had ever had in that body. That tremendous yictory, which swept over states that bad never elected a Democrat to any office, disheartened the Republicans and gave courage to the Democratic bosts. Then came the great fight for nominations. Harrison was renominated a( Minneapolis by an overwhelming vote The Federal officeholders' machinery was loyal to him aud the opposition was divided. Blaine bad made the great blunder of resigning bla position as Secretary of State to make the race. It was as hopeless, as was Clay's candidacy for the Whig nomination in 1848. William McKinley was made permanent chairman of the convention, and at the last moment the wavering opposition settled on him. But Harrison was u-uned on the first ballot. Blaine's and McKinley’s vote being equal. The blow was too much for Blaine and lie died toon, broken In heart and apirlt. Cleveland'* third nomination waa ac compllsbed only after one of the hardest ante-convention fights ever knowc. lie was opposed by the solid NewSYorlt delegation. Governor UIU and the Albany machine joining hands with Tammany t Wij> their common enemy. Hill had held a convention very early in the year, a “snap" contention as It was called, and It bad instructed the New York delegation for him., In the convention Bourko Coekran leaped Into fame as an orator, by hi* famous speech denouncing Cleveland. General Bragg of Wisconsin voiced the sentiments of the Democratic voters with his shout “Wo love b 1 in for the enemies he has made:” The matchless skill of that arch-politlelan, William C. Whitney, accomplished the apparently Impossible, and Cleveland was named as the Democratic st niilard bearer for the third time. When the convention adjourned there were knives In the bootlegs of a majority of the Democratic leaders, and It seemed that Republican success was absolutely assured.

Roth parties had “at ruddled” the money question. The silver issue was becoming mofre and more persistent, but as both parties were divided ou it, neither had tho courage to take either able of tho controversy. It was exactly as lu the ante helium days when slavery was the only real issue, but when neither 'Vhlgs not Democrats dared to touch the question. The tide of the election turned from Harrison to Cleveland after the great Homestead strike at the Carnegie Steel Works. The McKinley bill had not given tho laborers the Increased wages they expected and there was, serious labor trouble all over the country. The use of troops at Homestead and the employment of Pinkertons In the far West enraged the laboring people against the Administration. Until the last the Republicans had confidence, all of them except a few leaders like Quay, and the Cleveland landslide was not expected. The Democrats were hopeful, but when they found they had carried states like Illinois and Wisconsin they were tremendously surprised. Cleveland had 277 votes, Harrison 145 and Weaver 22. , Cleveland’s popular plurality waR over 380,000. He was the only man to duplicate Andrew Jackson's record of winning a popular plurality for President three times in succession, and each time increasing the majority. He was also the only President ever re-elected to Office after a retirement. He and Harrison are the only Presidents who succeeded each other. They are the only two who twice rode down Pennsylvania avenue at the head of the inaugural procession togethef. It lias been said that in 18U2 was the first time that a party had been retired from power during prosperous times, but ns the panic of 181)3 was already approaching the statement is hardly fair. The election of Cleveland by such a great majority was a forewarning of the great radical unrest which was to reach the flood-tide at the next election.

LINKENFELTER OUTRAGE Roy Linkenfelter, who has admitted assaulting so many little glrlß that he can not remember them all, and who has been identified by at least seven of

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DAVIS TALKS on DECENCY Democratic candidate for Prosecuting Attorney tells why and under what conditions he seeks the support of Marion County voters.

these little girls, has been freed by the Marlon County grand Jury because of the inexcusable 'failure of the Republican prosecuting attorney to bring before the grand Jury witnesses, who, it has long been publicly known, claim to have suffi-

cient information to’ compel big indictment. The doors of the Jail have been opened to this man who Is reported as having said he could not overcome this perverted passion. The action of the prosecutor In permitting the release of this man under these circumstances is a public outrage, which should meet with the condemnation of every father and mother in Marion County. The public demands that aU of the facts available be presented by the prosecutor to the grand Jury. We want no “dilly-dallying.” In the facts which have been publicly charged are true, the young girls of this city are not safe with this man at large. The citizens of Marion County demand that the Republican prosecuting attorney Immediately correct his indefensible conduct in this, case and I, for one, denounce the release of Linkenfelter as public outrage. PAUL G. DAVI3.

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MAGGIE SPOILS IT AGAIN.