Indianapolis Times, Volume 33, Number 76, Indianapolis, Marion County, 7 August 1920 — Page 3

Ratification of Peace Treaty Is First Duty, Says Democratic Nominee

GOV. COX ACCEPTS PACT AND LEAGUE AS LEADING ISSUES

The complete text of Gov. James Cox’s speech accepting the democratic nomination for president and delivered at Dayton, (X, today, follows:

Chairman Robinson, and members ot the notification committee: The message hich you bring from the great conferee of progressive thought assembled (ler the formal auspices of the demoi atic party Inspires within me a pride :.dl an appreciation which I cannot t >ice. At the same time I am mindful the responsibility which this function .i>w officially places upon ine. As T insure my own limitations the task ead of us should be approached with ore than a feeling of diffidence if I v.' -re not strengthened and reassured by tiie faith that one has only to practice true fidelity to conscience. It is not the iffieult thing to know what we ought > do; the sense of right and wrong has been given with Divine equality. The mistakes of history are the result of weakness in the face of tempting interests. I thank God, therefore, that I take up the standard of democracy a free man, unfettered by promises and happy in the consciousness of untrammeled opportunity to render service in the name of government that will hold for it the confldenre which it deserves. We are in a time which calls for straight thinking, straight talking and straight acting. This is no time for wobbling. Never in all history has more been done for government. Never was sacrifice more sublime The most precious things of heart and homo were given up in a spirit vr’olch guarantees the perpetuity ot our institutions —if the faith is kept with those who served and suffered. The altar of our republic is drenched in blood and tears, and be who turns away from the tragedies and obligations of the war. not consecrated to a sense of honor and of duty which resists every base suggestion of personal or political expediency, is unworthy of the esteem of his countrymen. PAYS nvepprTS TO PLATFOBM BUILDERS. The men and women who by expressed policy at the San Francisco convention charted our course in the open seas of the futnre sensed the spirit of the hour and phrased it with clarity and courage. It is not necessary to read and reread the democratic platform to know its meaalng. It is a document clear In its analysis of conditions and plain in the pledge of service made to the public. It carries honesty of word and intent. Proud of the leadership and achievement of the party in war. democracy faces unafraid the problems of peace. Indeed, its pronouncement has but to be read along with the platform framed by republican leaders In order that both spirit and purpose as they dominate the opposing organizations may be contrasted. On the one hand we see pride expressed In the nation’s glory and a promise of service easily understood. On the other captions, unhappy spirit and the treatment of subjects vital to the present and the future, in terms that have completely confused the public mind. It was clear that the senatorial oligarchy had been given its own way in the selection of the presidential candidate, but it was surprising that it was able to fasten Into the party platform the creed of hate and bitterness and the vacillating policy that possesses it. In the midst of war the present senatorial cabal, led by Senators Lodge, Penrose and Smoot, was formed. Superficial evidence of loyalty to the president was deliberate in order that the great rank and file of their party, faithful and patriotic to the very core, might not be offended. But uuderneath this misleading exterior, conspirators planned and plotted, with bigoted zeal. With victory to our arms they delayed and obstructed the works of peace. If deemed useful to the work in hand no artifice for interfering with our constitutional peace-making authority was rejected. Before the country knew, yea, before these men themselves knew the details at the peace table, they declared their opposition to it. Before the treaty was submitted to the senate in the manner the constitution provides, they violated every custom and every consideration of decency by presenting a copy of the document, procured unblushiug]y from enemy bauds, and passed it into the printed record of senatorial proceedings. THEN BEGAN TO ATTACK FORM. From that hour dated tha enterprise of throwing the whole subject into a technical discussion, in order that the public might be confused. The plan has never changed in its objective, but the method has. At the outset there was. the careful insistence that there was uo desire to interfere with the principles evolved and formalized at Versailles. I<ater, it was the form and not the substance that professedly Inspired attack. But pretense was futile when proposals later •ime forth that clearly emasculated the basic principle of the v-hole peace plan. It Is not necessary to recall the details of the controversy in the senate. Senator Lodge finally crystallized his Ideas into what were known as the Lodge reservations, and when congress adjourned these reservations held the support of the so-called regular republican leaders. From that time the processes have been internesting. Political expediency in Its truest sense dwarfed every consideration either of the public interest ot of the maintenance of the honor of a great political party. The exclusive question was how to avoid a rupture In the republican organization. The country received with interest, to say the least, the announcement from Chicago, where the national convention was assembled, that a platform plank, dealing with tho subject of world peace, bad been drawn, leaving out the Lodge reservations, and yet remaining agreeable to all interests, meaning thereby 'the Lodge reservatlonists, the mild reservationists and the group of republican senators that openly opposed the league of nations in any form. As the platform made no definite commital of policy and was. In fact, so artfully phrased as to make almost any deduction possible, it passed through the convention with practical unanimity. Senator Johnson, however, whose position has been consistent and whose opposition to the league in any shape is well known, withheld his support of the convention's choice until the candidate had stated the meaning of the platform, and announced definitely the policy that would he his, if elected. QUOTES JOHNSONON HARDING SPEECH. The republican candidate has spoken and his utterance calls forth the following approval from Senator Johnson: "Yesterday in his speech of aoeptanee Senator Harding unequivocally took his stand upon the paramount issue in this campaign— the league of nations. The republican party stands committed by its platform. Its standard-bearer has now accentuated that platform. There can lie no misunderstanding his words.” Senator Harding, as the candidate of the party, and Senator Johnson are as one on this question, and, as the latter expresses it, the republican party is ominitted botli by platform in the abstract and by its candidate in specification. The threatened revolt among leaders of the party is averted, but the mine rity position as expressed in the senate prevails as that of the party. In short, principle as avowed In support of the Lodge reservations or of the socalled mild reservations, has been surrendered to expedieneey. Senator Harding nukes this new pledge gs policy in behalf of bis party: "I promise you formal and effective peace so quickly as a republican congress can pass its declaration for a republican executive to sign.” This means but one thing—a separate peace with Germany Th's would be the most disheartening event in civilization since the Russians made their separate peace with Germany, and infinitely more unworthy on our part than it was on that of the Russi ns They were threatened with starvation and revolution had swept their country.

Our soldiers fought side by side with the allies. So complete was the coalition of strength and purpose that Gen. Foch was given supreme command, and every soldier In the allied cause, no matter what Qag he followed, recognized him as his chief. We fought the war together, and now before the thing is through, it is proposed to enter into a separate peace with Germany! In good faith we pledged our strength with our associates for the enforcement of terms upon offending powers, and now it Is suggested that this be withdrawn. WHAT IF GERMANY PROVES STUBBORN. Suppose Germany, recognizing the first break in the allies, proposes something we can not accept. Does Senator Harding intend to send an army to Germany to press her to our terms’; Certainly the allied army could not be expected to render aid. If, on the other hand, Germany should accept the chance we offered of breaking the bond it would be for the express purpose of insuring a Gertnan-Ainerican alliance, recognizing that the allies, in fact, no nation in good standing—would have anything to do with either of us. This plan would not only be a piece of bungling diplomacy, but plain, unadultered dishonesty, ns well. No less an authority than Senator Lodge said, before the heat of recent controversy, that to make peace except in company with the allies would ‘'brand us everlastingly with dishonor and bring ruin to us.” And then after peace is made with Germany, Senator Harding woirld, he says, “hopefully approach the nations of Europe and of the earth, proposing that understanding which makes us a willing participant in the consecration of nations to anew relationship.” In short, America, refusing to enter the league of nations (now already established by twenty-nine nations) and bearing and deserving the contempt of the world, would submit an entirely new project. This act would either be regarded as arrant madness or attempted international bossism. The plain truth is, that the republican leaders, obsessed with a determination to win the presidential election, have attempted to satlsy too many divergent views. Inconsistencies, inevitable under the circumstances, rise to haunt them on every hand, and they find themselves axrajfed in public thought at least, against a great principle. More than that, their conduct is opposed to the idealism upon which their party prospered in other days.

EQUALLY LOUD IN BLISTER IN 1811. Illustrating these observations by concrete faetg, let it be remembered that those now inveighing against an Interest in affairs outside of America, criticised X’resident Wilson in unmeasured terms for not resenting the invasion of Belgium In 1914. They term the league of nations a military alliance, which, except for their opposition, would envelop our country, when, as a matter of truth, the subject of a league of nations has claimed the best thought of America for years, and the League to Enforce Peace waa presided over by so distinguished a republican as ex-Presideat Taft, who, before audiences in every section advocated the principle and the plan of the present league. They charge experimentation, when we have ns historical precedent the Monroe doctrine, which is the very essence of Article X of the Versailles covenant. Skeptics viewed Monroe's mandate with alarm, predicting recurrent wars in defense of Central and South American states, whose guardians they alleged tie need r.ot be. And yet not a shot has been fired in almost one hundred year* in preserving sovereign rights on this hemisphere. They hypocritically claim that the league of nations will result in our boys being drawn Into military service, but they fail to realize that every high school youngster in the land knows that no treaty can override our Constitution. which reserves to congress, and to congress alone, the power to declare war. They preach Americanism with a meaning of their own Invention, and artfully appeal to a selfish and provincial spirit, forgetting that Lincoln fought a war over the purely moral question of slavery, and that McKinley broke the fetters ot our boundary lines, spoke the freedo.e of Cuba, and carried the torch of Atneiican idealism to the benighted Philip- ! pines. They lose memory of Garfield . 1 prophecy that America, under the bles- ' stubs of God-given opportunity, would by her moral leadership and co-operation t ecome a Messiah among the nations of the earth.

CIVILIZATION MUST PUT HER HOUSE IN ORDER. These are fateful times. Organized government has a definite duty ail over the world. Tho house of civilization is to be put in order. The supreme issue of the century Is before us and the nation that halts and delays ’* playing with Cre. The finest impulses of humanity, rising above national lines, merely seek to make another horrible war impossible. Under the old order of international anarchy war came overnight, and the world was on fire before we knew It. It sickens our senses to think of another. We saw one conflict into which modern science brought new forms of destruction jn great guns, submarines, airships and boison gates. It is no soci-et that our chemists had perfected, when tin* contest came to a precipitate close, gases so deadly that whole cities could tie wiped out, armies destroyed, nnd the crews of battleship* smothered. Tho public prints are filled with the opinions of military tnen that in future wars the method, more effective than gases or bombs, will he the employment of the germs of disease, carrying pestilence and destruction. Any nation prepared under these conditions, as Germany was equipped in 1914, could conquer t lie world in a year. It is planned non- to make this impossible. A definite plan has been agreed upon. The league of nations is in operation.

Avery important work, under its control, jUBt completed, was participated in by tne Hon. Elihtt Root, secretary of state under tho Roosevelt administration. At a meeting of the council of the league of nßtions, Feb. 11, an or ganizing committee of twelve of the movt eminent jurists in the world was selected. The duty of this group was to devise a plan for the establishment of a permanent court of International justice, as a branch of the league. This assignment has been concluded by unanimous action. This augurs well for world progress. The question is whether we shall or shall not join in this practical anu human movement. President Wilson, ns our representative at the peace table, entered the league in our name, in su far as the executive authority permitted. Senator Harding, as the republican candidate, proposes in plain words that we remain out of it. As the democratic candidate, I favor going in. Let us analyze Senator Harding’s plan of making a Gerinan-Aruorican peace, anq then calling for a “new relationship among nations,” assuming for the purpose of argument only, that the perfidious hand that dealt with Germany would possess the power or Influence to draw twenty-nine nations away from a plan already at work, and induce them to retrace every step and make a newbeginning.

WOULD REOPEN OLD QUESTIONS. This would entail our appointing another commission to assemble with those selected by the other powers. With the Versailles instrument discarded, the whole subject of partitions and divisions of territory on new lines would be reopened. The difficulties in this regard, as any fair mind appreciates, would be greater than they were at the peace session, and we must not attempt to convince ourselves that they did not try tns

genius, patience and diplomacy of statesmen at that time. History will say that great as was the allied triumph in war, no less a victory was achieved at the peace table. The republican proposal means dishonor, world confusion and delay. \ It would keep us in permanent company with Germany, Russia, Turkey and Meixco. It would entail, In the ultimate, more real injury than the war itself. The democratic position on the question. as expressed in the platform, is: “We advocate immediate ratification of the treaty without reservations which would impair its essential integrity, but do not oppose the acceptance of any reservation making clearer or more specific the obligations of the United States to tho league associates.” The first duty of tho now administration clearly will bo the ratification of the treaty. The matter should be approached without thought of the bitterness of the past. The public verdict will have been rendered, and I am confident that the friends of world peace as it will be promoted by the league, will have in numbers the constitutional requisite to favorable senatorial action. The captions may say that our platform reference to reservations Is vague and Indefinite, its meaning, in brief, is that we shall state our interpretation of the covenant as a matter of good faith to our associates and as a precaution against any misunderstanding in the future. The point is, that after the people shall have spoken, the league will be in the hands of its friends in the senate, and a safe Index as to what they will do Is supplied by what reservations they have proposed In the past.

REFERS TO ARTICLE WRITTEN FOR TIMES. Some months ago, in a contributed article to the New York Times, I expressed my own opinion of the situation as it then was. I reproduce It here: “There can be no doubt but that some senators have been conscientious in their desire to clarify the provisions of the treaty. Two things apparently have disturbed them: First, they wanted to make sure that the league was not to be an alliance, and that Its basic purpose was peace and not controversy. Second, they wanted the other powers signing the instrument to understand our constitutional limitations beyond which the treaty-making power can not go. Dealing with these two questions In order, it has always seemed to me that the interpretation of the function of the leagtn might have been stated in these words: " Tn giving its asseut to this treaty the senate has in mind the fact that the league of nations which it embodies was devised for the sole purpose of maintaining peace and comity among the nations of the earth and preventing the recurrence of such destructive conflicts as that through which the world has Just passed. The co-oreration of the United States with the league and its continuance as a member thereof will naturally depend upon the adherence of the league to thal fundamental purpose.’ "Such a declaration would at least express the view of the United States and justify the course which our nation would unquestionably follow If the basic purpose of the league were at any time distorted. It would also provide against any misunderstanding in the future and at the same time to meet the objections of those who believe that we might lie inviting a controversy over our constitutional rights, by making a senatorial addition in words something like these: •* Tt will, of course, be understood that in carrying out the purpose of the league the government of the United States must at all times act in strict harmony with the terms and inteut of the United State* constitution which can not in any way be altered by the treaty-making power.’

VITAL PRINCIPLE* STAND UNCHANGED. Unquestioned friends of the league have made other proposals Our platform clearly lays no bar against any additions that will be helpful, but it speaks in a firm resolution to stund against anything thut disturbs the vital principle. We hear it said that interpretations arc unnecessary. That may be true, but they will at least be resss iring to many of our citizens, who feel that in signing the treaty, there should be uo mental reservations that are not expressed in plain words, as a matter of good faith to our associates. Such interpretations possess the further virtue of supplying u base upon which agreement can tie reached, and agreement, without Injury to the covenant, 1 now of pressing importance. It was the desire to get things started, that prompted some members of the senate to vote for the Lodge reservations. Those who conscientiously voted for them In the final roll calls realized, however, that they acted under duress. In that a politically bigoted mluority was exercising the artbtrary jpower of its position to enforce drastic conditions. Happily the voters of the republic, under our system of- government, can remedy that situation, and i have the faith tint they will, at the election this fall. Then organized government will be enabled to combine impulse nnd facility in the making of better world conditions. The agencies of exchange will automatically ad Just themselves to the opportunities at commercial freedom. 'New life arid renewed hope will take hold of every na tlon. Mankind will press h resolute shoulder to the task of readjustment and anew era will have dawned upon the earth. We have domestic problems to be settied. They art most pressing. Many conditions growing out of the war will not and ebould not continue. The work of readjustment will call for our best energy. Ingenuity, unselfishness and devotion to tho idea that it is the general welfare wo must promote.

On* of the first things to bo done is the repeal of war taxes. The entry of America Into the world war projected our peoplo Into an unparalleled flancial emergency, which was raced with a determination to tuako every sacrifice necessary to victory. Billions In Liberty loans subscribed by patriots regardless of their financial condition were instantly placed at the disposal of the government, and other billions were glai-ly paid Into the treasury through many forms of taxation. To have paid by current taxes more than one-third of the expense of tho greatest war in the hlitory of mankind, is a reflection on the high sense of national duty with which we of America view the obligations of this generation. Immediately following the armistice, measures to modify onerous and annoying taxation should have been taken and the republican congress in which ail tax laws must originate, and which for almost two years has exclusively held tho power to ameliorate this condition, has not made a single effort or passed a single taw to lift from the American peoplo a load of war taxation that can not be tolerated in a time of peace. Federal taxation must be heavily reduced, nnd it will be douo at once, If a democratic administration is chosen in November.

TWO BILLION CUT HELD POSSIBLE. Without hampering essential national administrative departments, by the elimination of all others and strict economy everywhere, national taxes can be reduced in excess of two billion dollars yearly. Annoying consumption tuxes, once willingly borne, now unjustified, should be repealed. The incomes from war-made fortunes, those of non-producers, and those derived from industries that may exist by unfair privilege may be able to carry their present load, but taxes on the earnings of tbo wage-earner, of the salaried and professional man, of the agricultural producer and of tho small tradesman should be sharply modified. I believe that a better form of taxation than the so-called excess profits tax may be found and I suggest a small tax, probably Ito 1 per cent on the total business of every going concern. It is to be understood that tlie term ‘‘business’' as used does not Include income received by wage-earners, salaried men, agriculturalists and the small business man \}ho should be exempted from this tax. The profiteer and some of the highly capitalized units have used the excess profits tax as a favorite excuse for loading on the,consumer by means of highly inflated selling prices many times the amtfunt actually paid tho government. A necessary condition to the uational contentment and sound business is a just proportion between fair profits to business and fair prices to the consumer. It is unquestioned that the enormous expansion of public and private credit made necessary as a part of war flnau. cing, the diversion of the products of

IN DIANA DAILY TIMES, SATURDAY, AUGUST 7, . "20.

High Spots in Cox’s Speech of Acceptance “I thank Go l I take up the standard of democracy a free man, unfettered by promises and happy in the consciousness of untrammeled opportunity to render a service.” ‘‘He who turns away from the tragedies and obligations of the war, not consecrated to a sense of honor and of duty which resists every base suggestion of personal or political expediency, Is unworthy of the esteem of his countrymen.” “Seilator Harding’s pledge of ‘formal and effective peace so soon as a republican congress can pass its declaration’ means but one thing—a separate peace with Germany.” “This would be the most disheartening event In civilization since the Russians made their separate peace with Germany and infinitely more unworthy." “This plan would not only be a piece of bungling diplomacy but plain, unadulterated dishonesty as well.” “No less an authority than Senator Lodge said that to make peace except in company with the allies, ‘would brand us everlastingly with dishonor and bring ruin to us.‘ ” “To attempt, after peace is declared with Germany, to approach Europe with the view to entering a ‘new relationship* as Harding proposed, would either be regarded as arrant madness or attempted international bossism.” “The Monroe Doctrine is the very essence of Article 10 of the Versailles covenant. Skeptics viewed Monroe’s mandate with alarm . . . yet not a shot has been fired in almost a hundred years in preserving sovereign rights on this hemisphere.” “Every high school youngster in the land knows that no treaty can override our constitution, which reserves to congress alone the power to declare war.” “Senator Harding, as the republican candidate, proposes in plain words that we remain out of It (the league). As the democratic nominee I favor going in. The matter should be approached without thought of the bitterness of the past. We hear it said that interpretations are unnecessary . . . but they will at least be reassuring to many of our citizens." “Agreement without injury to the covenant is now of pressing importance. The first duty of the new administration clearly will be the ratification of the treaty." “One of the first things to be done is the repeal of the war taxes.” “Federal taxation must be heavily reduced and this will be done at once if R democratic administration is chosen. Annoying consumption taxes, now unjustified, should be repealed.” "Asa possible substitute for the excess profits tax I suggest a small tax, probably one to one and one-half per cent on the total business of every going concern.” "The public official who fails to enforce the law is an enemy both to the constitution and to the American principle of majority rule.” “Morals can not easily be produced by statute. The writ of injunction should not be abused. We need a definite and precise statement of policy as to what business men and working men may do and may not do by way of combination and collective action. Neither labor nor capital should at any time take action that would put in Jeopardy the public welfare." “Farming will not inspire individual effort unless profits, ail things considered, are equal to those in other activities." “Multiply your home-owners and you will make the way of seditious agitation more difficult.” “I am convinced that the expense of the government can without loss of efficiency be reduced to a maximum of four billion dollars, including sinking fund and interest on the national debt, with adoption of a budget system. “The discourtesy to the president is an affair of political Intrigue. History will make it odious. As well might it be directed at a wounded soldier of the war.” “There will be no attempt In this campaign to compete by dollars with our opposition.”

many industries from their usual channels, ns well a* the disturbance to genero! business caused by the withdrawal of millions of men from producing fields, sit contributed to tho rise In prices. Reversion of these various agencies to more stable condition will tend toward a rc’c-ston in the enormously inflated present prices of msny commodities and property values and there are now evidences that a sane adjustment Is not far distant. Deep patriotic sentiment enthralled our people during the war and slight attention was given to the enormous economic ■ lianges that were then in progress an* when observed these changes were generally accepted ns one of the trial* neces sary to be endured, and they were sub merged ia the thought and purpose for victory. While millions of free men, regard-., less of wealth or condition, were giving of their blood and substance, many corporation* and men seised tho very hour that civilisation lay prostrate to secure for themselves fortunes wrung from the public and from the government by the levying of prices that in miuiy coses were a crime. Under present taxation laws math capitui I* drawing out of industry and hnding investment in non-tax-allj securities. This will cease If the changes sug- * geeted are made. OVERLOOK PRINCIPLES OF MODERN LIFE.

In the analysis of government, as tho events of today enable u:i to penetrate the subject, we seo the difference between the old and the progressive kinds of thinking. The belief of the reactionaries is that government fdiould Jiot function more widely than it did in the past, but they seem to forget that the fundamental of our plan is equal rights for ail and special privileges for none. Modern life has developed new problems. Civilization continues to build along the same basic lines and altruistic as we may all be disposed to be, the fact remains that except for the exchange of products between individuals, commercial units and nations, our development would be slow. All of this growth goes on under the protection of and with the encouragement of government. The least, therefore, that might, be rendered unto government for this continuous service Is a policy of fair dealing. Too often the genius of man prompts him to play for governmental advantage, and the success which has been achieved In this particular has led to the formation of groups which seek this very advantage. We are a busy people, preoccupied in too large degree with purely commercial considerations and we have not recognized, ns we should, that the failure of government to prevent Inequalities hns made it possible for miscbevlous spirits to develop prejudice against the Institutions of government, rather tbrin againgt administrative policy. There is a very important difference here.

Tilts difference bears directly on profiteering, which Is today the most sinister influence In American life. It Is not anew thing In America. The tribe of profiteers bns simply multiplied under tbo favoring circumstances of war. For years large contributions have been made to the republican campaign fund for no purpose except to buy a governmental underbold and to make illegal profits as tho result of preference. Such largesses are today a greater menace to our contentment and our institutions than the countless temporary profiteers, who are making a mockery of honest business, but who can live and fatten only in time of disturbed prices. If I nm called to service as president, means will be found, If they do not already exist, for 'Compelling' these exceptions to the great mass of square-dealing American business men to use the same yardstick of honesty that governs most of us In our dealings with our fellowmen, or, in language that they may understand, to suffer the penalty of criminal law. STILL ANOTHER REASON FOUND. There Is another reason for the fabulous contributions to the present republican campaign fund. Much money,

of course, has been subscribed in proper partisan seal, but the great bulk has been given with the definite idea of gaining service in return. Many captain* ot industry, guided by a most dangerous in dust rial philosophy, believe that In controversy between employer ami employe their will ho u ld b 6 enforced, even at the point of the bayonet. I speak knowingly. 1 have passed through many serious industrial troubles. I know something of tbelr psychology, Ike stage* through which they pass, and the dm gernus attempts that are sometimes made to end them. iI- • •••- between labor nod capital are Inevitable. The disposition to gain the bet bar gala possible characterises the whole field of exchange, whether tt be nroduct for product, or labor for money. If strikes are prolonged public opin ion always settles them. Public opinion should determine results in America. Public opinion Is the most interesting characteristic of a democracy and it is the real safety valve to the institutions of a free government, it may, at times, bo necessary for government to inquire Into the facts of a tie- up. but facts and not conclusions should be submitted. The determining form at unprejudiced thought will do the rest. During this process, governmental agencies must give a vigilant eye to the protection of life nnd property, and maintain firmness but absolute impartial lty. This is always the real test, but If official conduct combines courage and fairness, our governmental institution* come out of these affairs untarnished by distrust. This is not an academic observation. It ia the mere recital of experience.

Unrest Has been reinforced In no small degree b.v the great mass of unasslmilahcd aliens. Attracted ’by an unprecedented demand for labor, they have come to our shores by the thousands. As they have become acquainted with the custom* and opportunities of American life, thousands of them have become citizens and are owncra of their own homes. However, the work of assimilation too long was merely automatic. One million six hundred thousand foreign born in this country cun not read or write our language. Our Interest lu them In tho main bits been simply as laborers, assembled In the great trade centers, to meet the demand of the hour. Without home or community ties, many have been more or less nomadic, creating the Erobletn of excessive turneover, which as perplexed manufacturing plants.

STILL NOT THE WORST PHASE. But this hns not been tho worst phase of the situation. Unfamiliar with law, having no understanding of the principles of out government, they have fallen an easy prey to unpatriotic and designing persons. Public opinion has had no influence upon them, because they have been Isolated from the currents of opinion, all due to their not being able to read or write our language. * It Is tiie duty of the federal government to stimulate the work of Americanization on the part of church, school, community agencies, state govern meats atul Industry itself.

In the past, many industries that have suffered from chronic restlessness have been the chief contributors to their own troubles. The foreigner with European standards of living was welcomed, but too often no attempt was mado to educate him to'domestic ideals, for the simple reason that It adversely affected the ledger. It has been my observation that the mnn who learns our language, yields to a controlling public opinion and respects our laws; besides. In proportion as his devotion to American life develops, his Interest In the Impulsive processes of revolution diminishes. Wi must be patient in the work of assimilation anti studiously avoid oppressive measures In the race of mere evidence of misunderstanding. We have a composite nation. The Almighty doubtless Intended It to be such. / We Kill no*, however, develop patriotism unless we demonstrate the j difference between despotism and de-

mocracy. The necessity for the drastic laws of war days is not present now, and we should return at the earliest opportunity to the statutory provisions passed in time of peace lor the general welfare. There is no condition now that warrants any infringement on the right of free speech and assembly, nor on the liberty of the press. The greatest measure of individual freedom consistent with the safety of our institutions should 1 be given. L’xcesslve regulation causes manifestations that compel restraint. The police power, therefore, is called to action because the legislative authority acted unwisely.

POLICY MUST FIT NEEDS OF TIME. A forbearing policy is not the proper one for the deliberate enemy of our Institutions. He Is of the kind that knows conditions abroad and here. The difference between autocracy and democracy is well marked in his n*ind. He is opposed to government in any form, and h 1 hates ours because it appeals to those whom he would convert to his creed. Any policy of terrorism is fuel to his flame of anarchy. Those whom he seeks to arouse. In time, realize the difference between his and their mental attitude, so that when the law 1 iys hand upon his wilful menace to g ivernment, the purpose of it becomes plain to them. Official contempt for the law is a harmful exhibition to our people. It is difficult to follow the reasoning of anyone who would seek to make an issue of the question of law-enforcement. Tho executive obligation, both national and state, on assuming the oath of office is to “preserve, protect and defend the constitution of the United States.” The constitution, on Us essence, is the license and limitation given to and placed upon the law-making body. The legislative branch of government is subjected to the rule of the majority. The public official who fails to enforce the law, is an enemy both to the constitution and to the American principle of majority rule. It would seem quite unnecessary for any candidate for the presidency to say that he does not intend to violate his oath of office. Anyone who is false to that oath is more unworthy than the law violator himself. Morals cannot easily be produced b.v statute. The writ of injunction should not be abused. Intended a* safeguard to person and property, it could easily by abuse cease to be the protective device it was intended to be. Capital develops Into largo units wlth- < ill. violence to public sentiment or injury to public Interest—the same principle should not be denied to labor. Collective bargaining through the mean* of representatives selected by •he eiuplo.vrr and employe respectively, will be helpful, rather than harmful lo the geueral interest. Besides, there is no ethical objection that cau be raised to It. We should not, by law, abridge u man’s right either to labor of to quit his employment.

However, neither labor nor capital should at any time or in any circumstances, take action that would put in jeopardy the public welfare. We need a definite and precise statei ment of policy as to what business man I and workingmen may do and may not | do by way of combination and collective action. The law is now so nebulous that | It almost turns upon the economic pre- | delict tons of the Judge or Jury. This ! dot s not make fur confidence In the courts nor respect for the laws, nor lor a healthy activity in production and distribution. There surely will be found ways by which co-operation may oe encouraged without tne destruction of enterprise. Tha rule* of business should be wade more certain so that on a stable basis, men may mova with confidence. Government, however, should provide the means in the treatment of its employes, io keep in touch with conditions and to rectify wrong. it Is needie.-s to say that In order to be consistent, facts should at all times Justify the presupposition that the government em plu.ves are properly compensated. (MILD ill r. Ml ST HE (ONXEKVEI). The child life of the nation should be conserved; if labor In immature year* is permitted by one generation. It is practicing unfairness to the next. Agriculture is but another form of Industry. In fact. It 1* the basis of Industry because upon it depends tho food supply. The drift from countryside into the city, carries disquieting portents. If our growth in manufae*uring in the next few years holds its presnt momentum, It will bo necessary for America to import foodstuffs. It therefore devolves upon government, through Intensive scientific co-operation to help in maintaining as uearl) as possiblo the existing balance

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STARTED OH RIGHT ROAD TO HEALTH WHEN MONA WAS SELECTED AS MEDIOIW

After Trying Everything, Says Local Woman, Nothing Seemed to Help Her Until She Began Using Perfect Tonic. “I've gained at least twenty pounds in weight and I simply don’t look like the same woman that I did gix weeks ago when I began using Trutonn." Mrs. Hannah Woods, a well-known Indianapolis tVoman of 421 West Merrill street, declared recently. “1 was suffering from after-effects pf Influenza,” she continued. “I had sutfh pains In my side and chest and I couldn’t eat anything. I coughed all the time, often coughing, until I’d vomit The pains In my sJdea were so severe that I

between food production and consumption. Farming will not inspire individual efforts unless profits, all things considered, are equal to those in other activities. An additional check to depleted ranks in the fields would be the establishment of modern state rural school codes. The federal government should maintain active sponsorship of this. Rural parents would be lacking In the element which makes civilization enduring if they did not desire for their children educational opportunities comparable to those in the cities. The price the consumer pays for foodstuffs is no indication of what the producer receives. There are too many turnovers between the two. Society and government, particularly local and state, have been remiss in not modernizing local marketing facilities. Municipalities must In large measure Interest themselves in, If not directly control community markets. This is a matter of such importance that the federal government can profitably expend money and effort in helping to evolve methods and to ghow their virtues. The farmer raises his crop and the price which he receives Is determined by supply and demand. Ilis products in beef and pork and produce, pass into cold storage, and ordinarily when they reach the consumer the law of supply and demand does not obtain. The preservation of foodstuffs by cold storage Is a boon to humanity, and it should be encouraged. However, the time hns come for its vigilant regulation and inasmuch as It becomes a part of interstate commerce, the responsibility is with the federal government. Supplies are gathered in from the farm in times of plenty. They can easily be fed out to the consumer in such manner as to keep the demand In excess of that part of the supply which is released from storage.

This is an unfair practice and should be stopped. Besides, there should be a time limit beyond which perishable food stuffy should not be stored.

Every successful modern business enterprise has Its purchasing, producing: and selling departments. The farmer has • i.iiiitained only one, the producing de- • partment. It is not only fair that he be enabled both to purchase and sell ad-; vantageously, but it Is absolutely neces- | sary because he has become a competitor : with the manufacturer for labor. He! has been unable to compete in the past and his help In consequence has been; Insufficient. Therefore the right of co- ! operative purchasing and selling in the modern view, should be removed from i all questions. Agricultural thought has not been sufficiently represented in i affairs of government. I Many of the branches of the government which deal remotely or directly with the soil and sis problems and its possibilities would be more valuab.e to the general welfare If the practical experience of the farmer were an element In their administration. To be specific, the Interstate commerce commission, the federal reserve board, the federal trade commission and the United States tariff commission are administered by business men. Does anyone contribute more to the making and success of railroads than the farmer or to the creation and prosperity of the banks, or to the stability of manufacturing and trade units, or to the agencies interested la exporting’;

SHOULD ATTEMPT TO DECREASE TENANTRY. Our objective should be a decreased tenantry. With tbe period of occupancy uncertain, the renter strips land of its fertile elements, and each year diminishes our national assets. Under the operation of the federal reserve and the farm loan acts, encouragement has come to thousands who find that industry, character and intelligence are a golden security to the people’s banker, the government of the United Stutes. Multiply our home owners, and you will make the way of the seditious agitator more difficult. Bring into the picture of American life more families, happily a part of garden aod flowers al! theif own, and )on will find new streams running into the national current of patriotism. Help to equalize the burdens of taxation bv making the holders of hidden wealth pay their share with those whose property is in sight. In short, remove the penalty imposed upon home-building thrift, and thousands of contented bome-hoid* under the shelter of their own roof will loot; upon government with i/ffection, recognising that in protecting it they protact themselves. There are more home owners in America than, ever before. The prosperity of the country under democratic rule has been widely diffused. Never before has the great mass of the people shared in the blessings of plenty. There is much to be done, however in multiplying our home owners. Nothing

could hardly walk across the room. "I had tried everything I heard of. but nothing seemed to help me until I began using Truntona. It only took Trutona a week to start me on the road to health, however. Today I’m a well woman. The pains in my side and chest vanished 1 na short time, and I can eat vanished in a short time, and I can eat any of the former bad after effects. I never cough now as I used to, either.” “In short, Trutona has put me on my feet and restored my health.” Trutona is sold In Indianapolis at the Hook chain of drug stores and at O. W. Brooks’ drug store, Pennsylvania and Ohio streets, and by all good drugglsta everywhei^^^^rflaement.

will bring more golden return to the welfare of the republic. Common prudence would suggest that wo increase to our utmost our area of tillable land. The race between Increased consumption and added acreage has been an unequal one. Modern methods of soil treatment have been helpful, but tbey have their limitations. There are still vast empires in extent, in our country, performing no service to humanity. They require only the applied genius of men to cover them with the bloom and harvest of human necessities. The govern ment should turn Us best engineering talent to the task of irrigation projects. Every dollar spent will yield compensating results.

NATURALLY LEADS TO TRANSPORTATION. Any discussion of the question of food supply leads very quickly to the closely related matter of transportation. Thee* is no one thing which brings us so intermittently to critical conditions than the insufficiency of our transportation facilities. Both the railroads and the public art to blame. There has been no material addition to the total mileage In the last ten years, and the Increase in terminals has been much less than required. At the beginning of the war, the rolling stock wa* sadly reduced and inadequate. The public had not given In pay for service, sufficient revenues on which credit could bo allowed by the banks. Moral assistance was withheld becaus* of railroad policies that aid not bring approval. Many of these corporations had mad themselves a part of political activities, local, state and national. Then ther* were more or less sporadic Instances of stock-watering operations, and tne exploitation of utility properties for personal gain. Abuses were not general, bus they were sufficient to bring the entlr* railroad systems of the country in disrepute. The good suffered with the evil. When the transportation lines were taken over by the government, they we.e barely able to limp through the task of the day. Unity in operation, the diminution of the long haul, and the merging or every mile of track and terminal and every car and engine into a co-ordinated plan of operation, enabled the government to transport troops and supplies at the same time, affording, under great stress, a satisfactory outlet for our industries. It should be remembered In this connection that except for tne motor trues, which supplemented transportat on by rail, nnd except for the g;eat pipe lines, which conveyed oil for commercial pur(Continoed on Page Four.) '

“STAMMERING Its Cause and Cure” is the title of anew copyrighted 28S-page book that has been written by Benjamin Nathaniel Bogue, who stammered himself for twenty years so badly he could hardly taik. In this book he tells how he came to originate the Bogue Unit Method of Restoring Perfect Speech, tells how he cured himself, tells how other stammerers aud stutterers can be cured. This new book explain* the workings of the Boguo Unit Method and why Mr. Bogue founded. In 1901, the Bogue Institute for Stammerers, an Institution with national patronage The Bogue Unit Method, applied only at the Bogue Institute. Is strongly indorsed by the medicalprofession. Mr. Bogue’s new book contains definite and authoritative information. Regular price $3.00. Upon receipt of 25 cents In coin or stamps to cover postage and packing a copy of this 2SS-page cloth-bound book will be sent to readers of this publication. provided you stammer, or are interested in someone who does stammer or stutter. This special offer ts made In order to Introduce this new book at once In all parts of the country, and may be withdrawn st any time. Address BENJAMIN N. BOGUE, Pre. The Bogue Institute fur Stammerers. 1267 Bogue Bldg., ladianapolis, Ind.

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