Indiana Palladium, Volume 11, Number 49, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 19 December 1835 — Page 2
President's Message
M ESS AG R FIIOM TUB PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO THE TWO HOUSES OF QpNGRKSS, December, 1633. Fellow citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives t In the discharge of 1113-official duty, the task again devolves upon mo of communicating with a new Congress. The reflection that the representation of the Union has been recutlv renewed, and that tha constitutional term of its service will expire with my own, heightens tha solicitude with which I shall attempt to lay before it the state of our national concern?, and the devout hope which 1 cherish, that its labori to improve them maybe crowned with success. You are assembled at a. period of profound interest to the American patriot. The unexampled growth and properity of our country, having given us a rank in the cale of nation which removes all apprehension of danger to our integrity and independence from external foes, the career of freedom is before u, with an earnest from the past, that, if true to ourelre, there can be no formidable obsatcle in the future, to its peaceful and uninterrupted pursuit. Vet, in proportion to the disappearance of those apprehensions which attend our weakness as once contrasted with the power of soma of the states of the old world, should we now be solicitous as to those which belong to the conviction, that it is to our own conduct, wa must look for the preservation of those cause?, on which depend the excellence and duration of our happy system of Government. In the example of other system?, founded on tne will of the people, we trace to internal dissension the influences which have so often blasted the hopes of the friends of freetlom. The social elements, which were strong and successful when united against ext-mal danger, failed in the more difficult task of properly adjusting their own internal organization, and thus gave way the principlc'of self-government. Let us trust that this admonition will never he forgotten by the Government of the People of the United States and that the testimony which our experience thus far holds out to the great human family, of the practicability and the blessings of frea government, will be confirmed in all time to come. We have but to look at the stite of our agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, and the unexampled increase of our population, to feel the magnitude of the triiFt commit ted to us. Never, in any former period of om historj', have we had greater reason than we now have, to be thankful to Divine Providence for the blessings of health and general prosperity. Every branch of labor we seo crowned with the most abundant reward; in every element of national resources and wealth, and of individual comfort, we witness the most rapid and eolid improvements. With no interruptions to this pleasing prospect at home, which will not yiald to the spirit of harmony and good will that so strikingly pervades the mass of the people in every quarter, amidst all the diversity of interest and pursuits to which they are attached; and wiih no cause of solicitude in regard to our internal affairs, which will not, it is hoped, disappear before the principles of simple justice and the forbearance that mark our intercourse with foreign powers have every reason to feel proud of our beloved country. The general state of our Foreign Relations has not materially changed since my last annual message : In the settlement of the question of the North-eastcm boundary, little progress has been made Great Britain has declined acceding to the proposition cf the United States, presented in accordance with the resolution of the Senate, unless certain preliminary conditions were admitted, which I deemed incompatible with a satisfactory and rightful adjustment of the controversy. Waiting for some distinct proposal from the Government of Great Britain which has been invited, I can only repeat the expression of my confidence, that with the strong mutual disposition which I beheve exist?, to make a just arrangement, this perplexing question can be settled with a duo regard to the well-founded pretensions and pacific policy of all tho parties to it Events are frequently occurring on the Northeastern frontiers, of a character to impress upon all the necessity of a speedy and definitive termination of the dispute. This consideration, added to the detire common to both, to relieve the liberal and friendly relations so happily existing between the two countries from all embarrassment, will, no doubt, have its just influence with both. Our diplomatic intercourse will Portugal has been renewed, and it is expected that the claims of our citizens, partially paid, will le fully satisfied as soon as the condition of the Queen's Government will permit the proper attention to the subject of them. That Government has, I am happy to inform you, manifested a determination to act upon the liberal principles which have marked our commercial policy the happiest effects upon the future trade between the United States and Portugal, are anticipated from it, and the time is not thought to be remote when a system of perfect reciprocity will be established. The instalments due under the Convention with tho King of the Two Sicilies, have been paid with that scrupulous fidelity by which his whole conduct has been characterised, and the hope is indulged, that the adjustment of the vexed question of our claims will be followed by a more extended ana mutually ueueuciai intercourse betweeu the two countrlf. The internal contest still continues in Spain. Distinguished as this struggle has unhappily been, by incidents of the most sanguinary character, the obligations of the late treaty of indemnification with us, have been, nevertheless, faithfully executed by the Spanish Government. No provision having been made at the last session of Congress for the ascertainment of the claims to be paid and the apportionment of the funds, under the convention made with Spain, I invite your early attention to the subject The public evidences cf the debt have, according to the terms of the convention, and in the forms prescribed by it, been placed in the possession of the United States, and the interest, as it fell due, has been regularly paid upon them. Our commercial iatercourse with Cuba stands as regulated by the act of Congrets. No recent information nas been received as to the disposition of the government of Madrid on this subject, and the lamented death of our recently appointed Minister, on his way to Spain, with the pr'esure of their affairs at home, render it scarcely probable that any change is to be looked for during the ccmin- year I urther portions of the Florida archives have been ent to the United States, although the death cf one of the Commissioners, at a critical moment, embarrassed the progress of the delivery of them. Tue higher officers of the local Government have recently shown an anxious dcire, in compliance with the orders from the parent Government, to facilitate the selection and delivery of all we have a risht to claim. Negotiations have been opened at Madrid, for the estabiiiinrnioi a lasting peace between Spain and sQch of the ..1 tt lasung peace Between JSpain and sQch of the Spanish American Governments of this hemisphere as have ivailrd themselves of the intimation given to all of them, f the disposition of Spain to treat upon the basis of their opauisr: tvmcrican av 0 entire lndpnennenrp. ltirnhari.r.i i 1. , - .ls.tUt;u,uiai5uniiitaneoin appointments, by all of the ministers to linegotiate with pair, had not been made : the negotiation itself would have been simplified, and this long standingdispute, spreading over a large portion of th- world, would have been brought to a more speedy conclusion. Our political and commercial relations with Austria ruwia, Sweden, and Denmark, stand on the usual favorl able basis. One of the articles of our treaty with Russia, m relation to trade on theN. W. coast of America, having expired, instrutions have b;en given 'o our Minister at i eiersuurgn to negotiatefor a renewal of it. The Ion unbroken amity between the two Governments gives every reason for supposing the article will bo renewed, if stronger motives do not exist to prevent it than, with our view of the subject, can be anticipated here. I aik your attention to the message of mv predecessor at the opening of the second session of the nineteenth Congress relative to our commercial intercourse with Holland, and !!h t!?KCliTent3Cr,;reCted u ilh that object, communicaic ur of Representatives on the 10th Jan. 1835, and the ISth J an. 1827. Coinciding in the opionion of my predecessor, that Holland is not, under the regulations of her present system, entitled to have her vessels and their cargoes received into the United States on footing of Ameriean vessels and cargoes, as regards duties of tonnage ...4ra,, a rct.peCl lor nis reference of it to the LUliIk' a Til ,,wa m? iwm acting on the subject. I should still have waited, without comment for theaction of Congress, but recently a .claim "ha been made by Belgian subjects to admission mtoourporta for their hips and cargoes, on the same f otir.g as American, with th- alle potion we could not dispute, that our vessel received in their porta the identical treatment shown them in the ports of Holland, upon whose vesielsno discrimination iamadirt ikports of the U. States. Giving the same priv ileges, the Belgians expected the same ben "fits benefits that were in fact njoyed uhen Belgium and Holland were united under one Kovernment. Satisfied with the justice of their pretenaions to be placed on the tame footing with Holland, I could not, neverthelesf, without disregard to the priuciple of our laws admit thear claim to betted a, American;.; and, at tb ime time, respect for Congress, to whom the rubject 1 lonnnceben referral, haa prevented me from producing just equality, by taking trom the vesfela of Holland privileges conditionally gtanted by acts of CongrefP, ahhoueh the condition upon which the grant wa made,haa, in rnr judgment, failed tiica 1822. I recommend, therefore a riw of the act of 1821, and ueh a modification of it at
V uPJk Meq )JU . 1 f ?k Kr I think best comport, with our settled policy, and the obliga- j
Clone ol justice to two friendly powers. , A th the sublime Porte, and all the Governments on the j coast of Karbary, our relations continue to be friendly. The proper .steps have been taken to tenew our treaty with II.. 1 .uo rocco. The Argentine Republic has again promised to send within the current year, a Minister to the United States. A Convention with Mexico for extending the time for the appointment of commissioners to run the boundary line has been concluded, and will bo submitted to the Senate. Recent events in that country have awakened the liveliest solicitude in the United States. Aware of the strong temptations existing, and thepowerfui inducements held out to the citizens of the United States, to mingle in the tlissentions of our immediate neighbors, instructions have been given to the District Attorneys of the United tai, where indications warrant it, to prosecute, without respect to persons, all who might attempt to violate the obligations of our neutrality : while, at the same time it has been thought necessary to appriso the Government of Mexico that we should require the integrity of our territory to be scrupulously respected by both parties. From our diplomatic agents in Brazil, Chili, Peru, Centra' America, Venezuela, and New Greneda, constant assurances are received of the continued good understanding with the Governments to which they ares eve rally accredited. W ith those Governments upon which our citizens have valid and accumulating claims, scarcely an advance towards a settlement of them is made, owing mainly to their distracted state, or to the pressure of imperative domestic questions. Our patience has been, and will probably be still furher severely tried; but our fellow citizcus, whosa interests are involved, may confide in the determination of the Government to obtain for them, eventually, ample retribution. Unfortunately, many of tha nations of his hemisphere are still self-tormented by domestic dissansious. Revolution.soel ceed.s revolution injurie"are committed upon foreigners en gaged in lawful pursuits, much time elapses before aUovernment sufiicientlj- stable is erected to justify expectation of redress M inisters are sent &. received, and before thediscuscussion of past injuries are fairly begun, fresh troubiesarise ; but too frequently new injuries arc added to the old, to discussed be together, with the existing Government, after it has proved its ability to sustain the assaults made upon it, or with its successor, if overthrown. If this unhappy condition of things continues much long-?r, other nation will uo under the painful necessity of deciding whether justice to their suffering citizens does uot require a prompt redress of injuries by their own power, without waiting for the establishment of a Government competent and enduring enough to discuss and to make satisfaction for them. Since the last session of congress, the validity of our claims upon France, as liquidated by the treaty of 1831, has been acknowledged by both branches of her Legislature, and the money has been appropriated for their discharge, but the payment is, I regret to inform you, still withheld. A brief recapitulation if the most important incidents in this protracted controversy, will show how utterly untenable are the grounds upon which this course is attempted to be justified. On entering upon the duties of my station, I found the Lnited States an unsuccessful Applicant to the justice of France, for tho satisfaction of claims, the validity of v.hich was never questionable, and lias now been most solemnly admitted by France herself. Tho antiquity of these claims, their hirrh justice, and the n.Trrav.itin- rircumstances out of which they arose, are too familiar to the American People to require description. It is sufficient to say that, for a period of ten year3 and upwards our commerce was, with but little interruption, the subject of constant aggressions on the part of France aggress'ons, theord:uar3' features of which were condemnations of vessels and cargoes under arbitrary decrees, adopted in contravention, as well of the laws of nations, as at" treaty stipulations: burnings on the high seas; and seizures and confiscations, under special imperial resciipts, in the ports of othor nations occupied by the armies or under the control of France. Such, it is now conceded is the character of,the wrongs we suffered wrongs in many cases, so flagrant, that even their authors never denied our right to reparation. Of the extent of these injuries, soma conception may be formed from the fact, that after the burning of a large amount at sea, aud the necessary deterioration, in other cases, by long detention, the American property so seized and sacrificed at forced sales, excluding what was adjudg ' o j ? on a - - ed to privateers, before or without condemnation, br into the French treasury upwards of twenty-four mi ought ullions of Francs, besides large custom house duties. I he subject had already been an affair of twenty years7 uninterrupted negotiation, except for a short time, when France was overwhelmed by the military power of united Europe. During this period, whilst other nations wera extorting from her, payment of their claims at the point of the bay onet, the United States intermitted their demand for justice, out of respect to the oppressed condition of a gallant people to whom they felt under obligations for fraternal assistance in their own days of suffering and of peru. -1 ne oaci eiiects ol these protracted and unavailing discussions, as well upon our relations with Franco as un on our national character, were obvious; and the line o duty was to my mind equally so. This was, either to tn-; sist upon the adjustment of our claims within a reasonable period, or to abandon them altogether. I could not doubt, that by this course, the interest and honor of both countries would be best consulted. Instructions were therefore given in this spirit to the Minister who was sent out once more to Hemand reparation. Upou tho meeting of Congress, in December, 18'2f, I felt it my duty to speak of these claims, and the delays of France, in terms calculated to call the serious attention of both counties to the subject. The then French Ministry took exception to the message, on the ground of its containing a menace, under which it was not agreeable to the French Government to negotiate. L ne American Minister, of his own accord. refuted the construction which was attempted to be Dut . . . . iiig intss.ic, anu, tu me s iuie iinie, caiieo 10 tne recollection of tho French Ministry, tht the President's message was a communication addressed, not to foreign Governments, but to the Congress of the United States, ui which it was enjoined upoiv him, by tho constitution, to lay before that body information of the state of the Union, comprehending its foreign as well as its domestic relations; and that if, in tho .discharge of this duty, he felt it lncumcent upon lam to summon the attention of Con gress, in due, time, to what might be the possible consequences of existing difficulties with any foreign Govern ment, he might fairly be supposed to do so, under a sense of what was due from him in a frank communication with another branch of his own Government, and not from any intention of holding a menace over a foreign power. The views taken bv him received mv annrnhntion, the French Government was satisfied- and tUn nm. i
tiation was continued. It terminated in the treaty of July t Although the message was not officially commu4, 1831, recognizing the justice of our claims, in part, and ! nicatedto the French Government, and notwithstnndpromsing payment to the amount of twenty-five millions of j ing the declaration to the contrary, which it containfrancs, in six annual instalments. ; ed, the French Ministry decided to consider the convv u- ra,t,ficatlonf 0fol usrtry wcre changed at j ditional recommendation of reprisals, a menace and V ashmgton, on the 2d of teburary, 1332, and in an insult, which the honor of the nation made it infivedays thereafter it was laid before Congress, j cumbent on them to resent. The measures resortwho immediately passed the acts necessary, on our ! ed to by them to evince their sense ot the supposed part, to secure to I ranee the commercial advantages j indignity, were the immediate recall of their Minconceded to her m the compact. The treaty had j ister at Washington, the offer of passports to the Apreviously been solemnly ratified by the King of j merican Minister at Paris, and a public notice to
a "c-.i, in terms which are ceriamiy not mere matters of form, and of which the translation is as follows: ,4Ye, approving the above convention, in all and each of the dispositions which are contained in it, do declare, bv ourselves, as well a hv nnr iieirs anu successors, mat it is accepted, approved, ratified, and confirmed; and by these presents, signed by our hand, we do accept, approve, ratify, and confirm it; promising, on the faith and word of a i .i . .. - . . . King, to observe it, and to cause it to be observed inviolably, without ever contravening it, or suffering it to be contravened, directly or indirectly, for any cause, or under any pretence whatsoever." Official information of the exchange of ratifications in the United States reached Faris whilst the Chamocrs were in session, l ne extraorctinarv, and to ) ' II .l . . " U9 injurious cieiays oi tne r rench Uovenniicnt, in their action upon the subject of its fulfilment, have been heretofore stated to Congress, and I have no disposition to enlarge upon them here. It is sufficient to observe that the then pending session was allowed to expire without even an effort to obtain the necessary appropriations; that the two succeed tng ones were also suffered to pass away without, any thing like a serious attempt to obtain a decision upon the subject; and that it was not until the fourth session, almost three yeirs after the conclusion qf the treaty, and more than two years after exchange of ratifications, that the bill for execution of the treaty waa pressed to a vote and rejected. lathe meantime, the government of the United states, having full.confidence that a treaty entered into and so solemny ratified by the French Kim:, would be; executed in good faith, and not doubtinthat provii ion would bo made for th n-,vmnf rf, uikk ma mi u which was to become d : ..I t. . . : - " 4 ll nn t ll A macond dar of February. lfWM nat:i.i.j j. the amouat through tho Bank oithrUnited L StaS. vuu vuuea talcs
u nT raU was presented by Ihoholdar, With the credentials required by the treaty toauthoriae
uim to rcceive the mnnn th vornnt f lVn,. , . . . ' ' V . -w 'wn.on.. m. 11 uttbll.'ll tu U1B tlMUIT lniurv i in me nonpayment ol the money by r ranee, confor - - mmm mably to her engagements, the United States were exposed to a heavy claim on tho part of the Cank, under pretence of damages, in satisfaction of which that institution seized upon, and still retains, an equal amount of the public moneys. Congress was in session when the decision of the Chambers reached Washington; and an immediate communication of this apparently final decision of Franco not to fulfil the stipulations of the treaty, was the course naturally to be expected from the President. The deep tone of dissatisfaction which nervaded the nuhlic mind, and the correspondent excitement producetf m congress by only a general knowledge of the result, rendered it more than probable, that a resort to immediate measure of redress would be the consequence of calling the attention of that bod v to the subject. Sincerely desirous of preserving the pacific relations wnicn had so long existed between the two countries, I ws anxious to avoid this course it i could be satiehcd, that by doing so neither inter est nor the honor of my country would he comnrmnit. ted. Without the fill l could not hope to acquit mvself of the resnnnsi w wM.MBwww v bil 1 V llVSLIJl. bility to be incurred, in suffering Congress to adjourn whijuui, laying ine suoject Derore them. Those re ceived by me were believed to be of that character. 1 nat the feelings produced in the United States ' oy tue rows of the rejection of the appropriation, would be such as I have described them to have been, was foreseen by the French government, and prompt measures were taken by it to prevent the consequences. The King, in person, expressed through our Minister at Paris, his profound regret at the decision of tho Chambers, and promised to send, forthwith a national ship, with 'despatches to his Minister her, authorizing htm gto give such assurances as would satisfy the Government and People of the United States, that the treaty would yet be fully executed by France. The national ship arrived, and the Minister received his instructions. Claiming to act under the authority derived from them, he gave to this Government, in the name of his, the most solemn assurances, that as soon after the new elections as the character would permit tho French Chambers would he convened, and tho attempt to procure the necessary appropriations renewed: that the constitutional powers of the King and his Ministers should be put in requisition to accomplish the object; and he was understood, and so expressly informed by this Government at the time, to engage, that the question should be pressed to a decision at a period sufficiently early to permit information of the result to be communicated to Congress at the commencement of their next session. Relying upon these assurances, I incurred the responsibility, great as I regarded itto be, of suffering Congress to seperate without communciating with them on thesubject. The expectalionsjustiy founded upon the promises thu3 solemnly made to this Government by that of France, were not realized. The French Chambers met on the 31stof July, 1931, soon afterthe election, and although our Minister in Paris.urged the French Ministry to bring the subject before them, they declined doing so. He next iusisted that the Chambers, if prorouged without acting on the subject, should be reassembled at a period 50 early that their action on the treaty might be known in Washington prior to tho meeting of Congress. Thiaf reasonable request was not only declined, but the Chambers were prorogued to the 29th of December, a clay so late that their decision; however urgently pressed, couiu not, in ail probability, be obtained in time toN .11 . . . reach Washington before the necessary adjournment of Congress by the Constitution. The reasons give:i by the Ministry for refusing to convoke the Chambers at an early period, were afterwards shown not to be insuperable, by their actual convocation on tbe 1st of December, under a special call, for Domestic purposes which fact; however, did not become known to the last pesiion of Ceugress. Thus disappointed in our just expectations, it became my imperative duty to consult with Congress in regard to tho expediency of a resort to retaliatory measures in case the stipulations of the treaty should not be speedily complied with: and to recotn- - j mend such as in my judgment, the occasion called f for. Tothis end, an unreserved communication of tllG trisf! in all its (inp(fs hpcnmn inilianonaJMa To have shrunk, in making it, from saying all that was necessary to its correct understanding, and that the truth would justify, for fear of giving offence to others, would have been unworthy ot us. To have gone, onl the other hand, a single step further, for the purpose of wounding the pride of a governmant and people with whom wo had so many motives for cultivating relations of amity and reciprocal advantage, would have been unwise and improper. Admonished by the past of the difficulty of making even the simplest statement of our wrongs without dis- ' tl,rng the sensibilities of those, who by their posi- ': i i.i i- . nun ucfuame ruponsi uie ior uieir rcaress, anu earnestly desirous of preventing any further obstacles from that source, I went out of rny way to preclude a construction of the message, by which the recommendation that was made to Congress might Le regarded as a menace to France, in not onlv disavowj mg such a design, but in declaring that her pride ; and her power were too well known to expect any thing from her fears. The message did not reach Paris until more than a month after the Chambers had been in session, and such was the insensibilitv of tho Ministry to our rightful claims and just expectations, that our Minister had been informed that the matter, when introduced, would not be pressed as a cabinet measure. the Legislative chambers that all diolomatin intor. course with tho United .States had been suspended. Having, in thismanner, vindicated the dignity of France, jy next proceeded to illustrate her iustire. To this Pni1. th a bill . . was immediately introduced into the Chamber of t iJeputes, proposing to make the appropriations necessary j to carry into effect the treaty. As this bill subsequently j Passel .into a law, the provisions of whicU now constitute i !ho main 8abJect of difficulty between the two nations, it uecomesm3T "ul or"er to place the subject before you in a clear light, to trace the history of its passage, and to reier wnn some particularity-, to the proceedings and discussions in regard to it. The Minister of Finance, in his opening speech, alluded to the measures which had been adopted to resent the supposed indignitj-, and recommended the execution of the treaty as a measure required by the honor and justice of France. He, as the organ o'f the Ministry, declared the message, so long as it had not received the sanction of Congress, a mere expression of the personal opinion of the President, for which, neither the Government nor the people of the United States were responsible, and that an engagement had been entered into, for the fulfilment of which the honor of France was pledged. Entertaining these views, . the single condition which the French Ministry proposed to annex to the payment of the money, was, that it should not be made until it was ascertained that the Government of the United States had don? nothing to injure the interests of France ; or, in other words, that no steps had been authorized by Congress of a hostile character towards France. What the disposition or action of Congress might be, was then unknown to the French Cabinet. But on the 4th cf January, the Senate resolved that it was atthat time, inexpedient to adopt any legislative regard to the state of affairs between the United States and France, an i no action on the subject had occurred in measures in the House of Representatives. These facts were known in Taris prior t- the 28th of March, 1835, when the committee to whom the bill of indemnification had been re-fr-A l : . . . l tn i r T .... 5" u,y ""echoedu th,e "imeu. f the Aiinistry, declared that Congref had set aside the propoeiicu, irjnjin;.i ii ui tui-j vuuuiucr ii uepnies. t hat
'.sitione of the PreaiW, and recommended the passage of Uhe bill, without any other restriion thau ttm originally
proposed. mos was itkuovtn to um J- rench Ministry iiiiiviy 1 " - amicia, uuu 11 mt position assunwa oy ineiu, ana which had been so frequently and solemnly announced " - tne only one compatible with the honor of France, was maintained, smd the bill passed asoriginally proposed, the money wouia oe paiu, ana mere would be an end ot this unfortunate controversy. Hut this cheering prospect was soon destroyed bv an a-1 rri?"!? th8 hlUuX ,n"meutJf its VjaSSasre. nrOVlflliur that th mrtnov chmil.l nnt Ka nou im. I . O 7 ft ;1 ...v ...v.a .'taw u V .IV. W I'LL - U II -: 1 . 1 i.v . . . . . 1 tu the f rench Government should receive satisfactorv ex planations of the President's message, of 183-1, and what is still more extraordinary, the President of the Council of Ministers adopted this amendment, and consented to its in-corporation in the bill. In regard tojt supposed insult which had been formally resented by the recall of their minister, and the offer of passports to ours, they now, for the first time, proposed to as'i explanations. Sentiments and propositions, which they had declared could not be justly imputed to the Government or People of the United States, are set up as obstacles to the performance of an act of conceded justice to that Government and People. They had declared that the honor of France required the fulfilment of the engagement into which the King had entered unless Congress adopted the recommendations of the message. They ascertained tbat Congress did not adopt them, and yet that fulfilment is refused, unless they first obtain from the President explanations of an opinion charterized by themselves as personal and inoperative. 'I'll rnnrontlnn tKnt i. n i.o.tisvr. . . . w insult the Government of France, is as unfounded, as the ! attempt to extort irom tne tears ot that nation what her snse of justice may deny, would be vain and ridiculous. ' Tl., l, l '. . f .1.. it. c?.-.--; . . ( ui. inw vrunaiuuiiuu ui uic uuueu cwies imposes on tne i duty he cannot be deterred by the fear of wounding the sensibilities of the People or Government of whom it may be come necessary to speak ; and the American People are inca pable ot submitting to an interference, by any Government on earth, hawever powerful, witVi the free performance of the domestic duties which the Constitution has imposed on their public lunctioaaries. I he discussions which intervene between the several departments of our government belong to ourselves; and, for any thing said in them, our public servants are only responsible to their own constituents, and to each other. If, in the course of their consultations, facts are erroneously stated, or unjust deductions are made, they require no other inducement to correct them however informed of their error, than their love of justice, and what is due to their own character : but they can never submit to be interrogated upon the subject, as a matter of right by a foreign power. When our discussions terminate in act, our responsibility to foreign powers commences, not as individuals, but as a nation. The principle which calls in question the President for the language of his message, would equally justify a foreign power in demanding explanation of the language used in the report of a committee, or by a member in debate. This is not tha first time that the Government of France has taken exception to the Message of American Presidents. President Washington and the first President Adams, in the performance of their duties to the American people, fell under the animadversions of tho French Directory. The objection taken by the Ministry of Charles X, and removed by the explanations made by our Minister upon the fpot, has already been adverted to. When it was understood that the Ministry of the present King took exception to iny Message of the last year, putting a construction upon it that was disavowed upon its face, our late Minister at Paris, in answer to the note which first announced a dissatisfaction with the language used in the message, made a communication to the French Government under date of the twenty-ninth day of January 1835, calculated lated to remove all impressions which an unreasonable susceptibility had created. He repeated, and called the attention of the French Government to the disavowal contained in th" Message itself, of any intention to intimidate by menace he truly declared that itcontained, and was intended to contain no charge of ill faith against the King of the 1 . r rencn, and properly distinguished between the light to complain, m unexceptionable terms, of the omission to ex f.-.uiw uit-ciiieiii, aim un accusation oi oaa motives in n.i.n n n . f 1 i withholding such execution and demonstrated, that the necessary use of that right ought not to be considered as an offensive' imputation. Although this communication was made, without instructions, and entirely on the Minister's own responsibility, yet it was afterwards made the act of this Governmfc.it by my full approbation, and that approbation was ofTiclH'V made known on the 25th of April, 835, to the French (Government. It, however, failed to have any effect. The lavv, after this friendly explanation, passed with the obnoxious intendment, supported by the King's Ministers, and was finally approved by thy King. The people of the United Stntcs are justly attached to a pacific system in their intercourse with tbre'n nations. It is proper, therefore, that they should knowr'wther their Government has adhered to it. In the present Inst Vice, it has been carried to the utmost extent that was consent, with a becoming self-respect. The note of the 29th of Jaauary, to which 1 have before alluded, wa not the only one which our Minister took upon hinsclf the responsibility of presenting on the same suhiert nnA n tVi cn c;-;. ding that it was intended to make the payment of a just debt dependant on the performance of a condition which he knew coma never ne complied with, he thought it a duty to make another attempt to convince the French Government that whilst self respect and regard to the dignity of other nations woum always prevent us Iom using any language that ouht ' xo give ouence, yetwe could never admit a right in any foreign Government to ask explanations of, or interfere in any manner, in the communications which one branch of our public councils made with another; that in the present case, no such language had been used, and that this had, in a former note, been fully and voluntarily stated, before it was contemplated to make the explanation a condition ; and that there might be no misapprehension, he stated the terms used in that note, and he officially informed them that it had been approved by the President, and that, therefore, every explanation which could reasonably be asked, or honorably given, had already been made, that the contemplated measure had been anticipated by a voluntary and friendly declaration, and was therefore not only useless, but might be deemed offensive, and certainly would not bo complied with, if annexed as a condition. When thia latter communication, to which I specially invite the attention of Congress, was laid before me, 1 entertained the hope that the means it obviously intended to afford of an honorable and speedy adjustment of the difficulties betcewen tho two nations, would have been accepted; and I therefore did not hesitate to give it my sanction and full approbation. This was due to the Minister who had made himself responsible for the act; and it was published to the People of the United States, and is now hid before iheir representative, to thow how far their executive has gone in its endeavors to restore a good understanding between two countries. It would have been, at any time, communicated to the Government of France, had it been officially requested. The French Government having received all the explanation which honor and principle permitted, and which could in reason be asked, it was hoped it would no longer hositato to pay the instalments now due. The agent authorized to receive the money was instructed to inform the French Minister of his readiness to do so. In reply to this notice, he was told that the money could not then be paid, because the formalities required by the act of the Chambers had not been arranged. Not having received any official communication of the intentions of the French Government, and anxious to bring, as far as practicable, this unpleasant affkir to a close before the meet ing of Congress, that you might have tho whole subject before you, 1 caused our Charge d'Affairs at Paris, to be instruced to ask for the final determination of the French Government: and in the event of their refusal to pay tho instalments now due, without further explanations, to return to the United States. The result of this application has not reached us, but is daily expected. That it may be favorable is my sincere wish. Franco having now, through all the branches of her government, acknowledged the validity of our claims, and the obligation of the treaty of 183 1, and there really existing no adequate ca'.se for further dlay, will at length, it may be deed, which will not yield to the suggestions of cine and enlightened policy, and to the i that mutual good will, and of those gene lections, which we mavmnfidniv do revived in all their ane ent force. Inanverenrhn . ' . . .. . . -1' - mu men
l resident the outy of laying before Congress the condition j more flattering than at the present period, of the country, in its foreign and domestic relations, and J Since ,ny hxst annual communication, all lr.?? the Public Debt have been redce
mU1.v IlllCll.:i.3. A IUUI II 1 13 Un 1U1 lliaillC (ii nils I
nations, not less than the principles of iustice so resoon b b' k 1 " or,abori with the incident imoeriouslv renuirp Th trt J u- Just'ce so responsibility, among those employed under h d rectiou. mperiously require. 1 he treaty being once cxecu- The mere manucl oparatiou of affiiin his signature to the led on her part, little will remain, to disturb the stn, of documents issuingfrom h .X"S.tu Iriendly relations ot tho two countries! n.,il.;n in.iw largely from the tim i u..
Jt'- hvj uuuioc wnn.li me interests CJt hntfl anrl oor.
uew aBr)Pct -u;,, ha been n La ,U,m,n, iS! .'V-v? J ?A IF If? C0,ntrVe'
is ao vitaliy important to the mdeoendent ad-ln:n:,t--.:nn ion of the Government, that itcan neither be surrendered nor compromitted, without national degradation. .1 hope it is unnecessary for ine to say, that such sacrifice will not be made through any agency 01 mine. 1 he honor of ray country ihall never be stained by an apology Irom me, tot the ctnipmont nOmtKunH h nprl'nPmonnr .?.. can I give any explanation of my official acts' ex0 - r . J - cept such as is due to integrity and justice, and con sistent with the principles on which our institutions have been framed. The determination will, I am confident, be approved by my constituents. I have, indeed, studied their character to but little purpose, if the sum of twenty-fio million of francs will have the weight of a feather, in the estimation of what appertains to their national independence; and if, unhappily, a different impression should at any time obtain in any quarter, they will; I am sure, rally round the Government, of their choice with alacrity and unanimity, and silence forever tho degrading imputation. Having thus frankly presented to you the circumstances which since the last session of congress have occurred in this interesting and important mat ter, with tho views cf the Executive in regard to them, it is at this time only necessary to add, that wcncver the advices now daily expected from our "'"i4c u auan euni imvu uetru receiveu, iney will be made the subject of a special communication. mm 1 : : r.iT iix nu couuiiion oi me i uuiic r inancss was never the rcmed. or money has been placed in deposites for this purpose. whenever the creditors choose to receive it. All the other pecuniary engagements of the Government have been honorably and nromntlv fulfilled, and there will bo a balance in the Treasury, at the close or the present year, ot about nineteen millions of dollars. It is believed, that after meeting all outstanding and unexpended appropriations, there will remain near eleven m'llions to bo applied to any newobjects which Congrest may designate or to the more rapid execution of the worka already in progress. In aid of these objects and to satisfy the current expenditures of the ensuing year, it is estimated that there will be received from various sources, twenty millions more in 1830. Should congress make new appropriations, in coiformity with the estimates which will be submitted from the proper departments, amounting to about twenty-four millions, still, the available surplus, at the close of the next year, after deducting all unexpended appropriation, will probably be not lesa than six million; this sum, can in my judgment, be now usefully applied to the proposed improvements in our Navy lards, and to new national works, which are not enumerated in the present estimates, or to the more rapid completion of those already begun. Either would bo constitutional 6c useful would render unnecessary any attempt in oar present peculiar condition, to divide the surplus revenue, or to reduce it any faster than will be effected by the existing laws. In any event, as the annual report from the Secretary of the Treasury will enter into details, showing the probability of some decrease in tho revenue during the next seven years, and a very considerable deduction in 1842, it is not recommended that congress should undertake to modify the present tariff, so as to disturb the principles ort which the compromise act was passed. Taxation on some of the articles ot general consumption, which are not in competition with our own productions, may be, nodoubt, so diminished as to lessen to some extent the source of this revenue; and the same object can aire be assisted by more liberal provisions for the subjects of public defence, which in tho present state ot our prosperity and wealth, may be expected to engage your attention. If, however, after satisfying all the demands which csn arise from these source, the unexpended balance in the Treasury should stiH continue to increase, it would be better to bear with the evil until tho great changes contemplated in oar tariff laws have occurred, and shall enable us to revise the system with that re and circumspection which are due to so delicate and important a subject. It is certainly our duty to diminish, as far as wo can, the burden of taxation, and to regard all the restrictions which are imposed on the trade and navigation of our citizens as evils which we shall mitigate whenever we are not prevented by the adverse ,4Jfc'aiauu.i nnu poucy ot loreign nations, or thoso prltay duties which the defence and independence of ,Jr.CO'' tr7 enjoins upon US. That we have ao conjnlished n"h towards the relief of our citizens by the changes w.h.'ch have accompanied the navment of the public debt, ad the adoption of the present revenue laws, is maniil from the fact, that compared with 1633, thero is a uitfiuution cf near 0,000,000, in the last two years, and thi! eurexpenditurcs, independently of those for the publfc debt, have been reduced near nine millions during the same period. Let us trust that by the continued observance of economy, and by harmonizing tho great interests of agriculture, manufactures, and commcpre, much more may be accomplished to di-m-n r u burdens of Government, and to increase still further the enterprise and patriotic affection of all classes ot our citizens, and all the members of our happy confederacy. As the data which the Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you, in regard" to our financial resources are full and extended,anA will aitord a safe guide in your future calculations, I think itunnecessary to offer any further observations on that subject here. Among the evidences of the increasing prosperity of the country, not the least gratifying, isthat afforded by the receipts Irom the ales of the public lands, which amount, in the present year, to the unexpected sum of CI 1,000,000. This circumstance attest? the rapidity with which agriculture, the first and most important occupation of man, advances, and contributes to the wealth and power of our extended territory. Being still of the opinion that it is our best policy, as far as we can, consistently with the obligations under which those landa were ceded to the United ueu tQ pro!.note their Teedy settlement, I beg leave to call the attention of the present Congress to the Bi.ggftsti I have offered respecting it. in mv former mM.,r ions I he extraordinary receipts from the sales of the public lands, invite you to consider what improvements the land system, and particularly the condition of the General Land Ulhce, may require. At the time this institution was or. ganized, near aquarter of a century ago, it would probably have been thought extravagant to anticipate, for this period, such an addition to its business as has been produced by the vast increass of thoe Pales, during the past and present years. It may also be observed, that ince the jear lttTJ, the land offices and surveying districts have been greatly multiplied, and that numerous legislative en, actments, from year to year since that time, have imposed a great amount of new and additional duties upon that office; while the want of a timely application of force, commensurate with the care and labor required, ha, caus ed the increasing embarrassment, of accumulated arrears in the different branches of the establishment. A hese impediments to the expedition of inuc'.i duty in he General Land Off,cc,induce me to submit to your judgment, whether some modification of the laws relating to iti organization, or an organization of a new character, be not called for, at the present juncture, ro enable the office to accompli all the ends of its institution with a greater de. greeot facility and promptitude than experience has proved to be practicable under existing regulation.. The Variety of the concerns, and the magnitude and complexity of the details oc.-upymg and dividing the attention of the Co nriS.K?erappeu r t0 rc,Kler il difficult if not impracticable, for that officer, by any possible assiduity, to bestow on all he multifarious subjects, upon which he it called to act, t.e ready and careful atiention due to their respective importance; u.dcss the Legislature shall assUt him by a law providing, or enablinz him to Aa . V...i. nnfltnrnnn . i . reiii u w I uranm ot tne temce to its lidina? om tim. to time the office.
i I i . .wi unciiuuii ciitiiucit ur uis
a pa- S "6and conip heated subjects daily accumulating in that
nfluence of ' " J public service, as to indicate the strong nerous recol- ij w rft 'l?8 ?!" rganic luw of the "ablishment. ,:u!u"- ltwi easy for Congress, hereafter, to nrooortion th.
, .
rf TW yiiuv-ijuv luvui v cu in mo mcii can oe dispensed with. To be concluded in our next.
