Indiana Palladium, Volume 11, Number 34, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 5 September 1835 — Page 1

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Of the Kaltimore Convention Committee to the Democratic Republicans of the United State?. roM'LtrnED. Under ueh circumstances, how wicked as well as unfoinded, are these attempts to excite and inflame the JSouth, and create sectional parties on such a basis Who ran look to -such a state of things without dismay and horror ? Was it not, fellow citizens, against, the danger of indulging such feelings, and on the importance of discouraging; them, and preserving harmony and union that our revolutionary fathers endeavored so deeply to impress their country ? Will you pardon us while vc ask you to read and listen to their eloquent and pathetic exhortation ? "Hut this detestable effort to allieniate one portion of our country from the rest, and enfeeble the sacred ties tchich note link together its various parts, can never succeed. The People of America have too tnuch good sense, to enter into the perilous and gloomy sencs, into tchich these advocates of disunion, would lead them. They trill not hearken to the unnatural voice tchich tells them, that knit together as they are, by so many cords of affection, they ran no longer live together, as members of the same great family ; can no longor be mutual guardians of their mutural happiness; cauno longerbe fellow citizens of one great Sc flourishing empire. They tcillshut their ears against this unhallowed language. They tcillshut their hearts against the poison it contains. The kindred blood tchich Jlows in their veins; the mingled blood tchich they have sked in the defence of their sacred rights, consecrate their union and excite horror at the idea of their becoming aliens, rivals, enemies."

This was the admonition of a man of the soundest and most experienced head, and the purest and most patriotic heart. Need we say, it was that of James Madison, one of the most distinguished founders of our Constitution. Hence to the solemn warning of Washington, the great Virginian and saviour of his country, against the dangers of geographical descriminations, and these insidious and daring attempts at disunion and disaffection. In his valedictorv and affectionate admonition, at the moment he countrymen "Union tchich constitutes you one people is also now dear to you it is justly so it is the main pillar j i th, ,.1iiirr nf rr,i, in ienendence : the swmort of vour i tranquility at home; of your peace abroad; of your safely; of your prosjyeriiy ; and of that very liberty which you so dearly prize. That it is the point of our political jortresi against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively though ojlen covertly and insidiously directed. "Frown, therefore, indignantly frown," he continues, "upon thejrst daicning of any attempt to alienate one portion of our country from the rest; or to enfeeble the sacred lies which new link together its various parts." Who can turn a deaf ear to such counsel, and at a time so appropriate as this? Who does not feel and acknowledge the importance of this hallowed spirit speaking as it were from the tomb, the prophetic and inspired language of truth and patriotism. Why then these attempts to alarm the Southern portion of our country and to assail the proceedings of the Convention on the score of geographical and sectional feeling? Why all this illiberality? Why this continued effort to excite unfriendly feelings between people who have always entertained such sincere respect for each othI U'liw clio.ll nnt rrxrorrl fin rrt!nnnl mattrs all , the" State as one country; and the people who inhabit them j n our brethren ? Whv shall any narrow and sordid and j selfish spirit lead the people of one section, to view w ith j envy, or jealous-, the prosperity and happiness of anoth-( er. Why shall not the Nnitrt rejoice -in the prosperity ot their l'astem brethren, in the greatness of Pennsylvania, and New York, and in the increasing power and population of these j-oung and flourishing States, upon the w aters of the mighty West: and why shall not these in return, reciprocate the same kind feelings towards the patriotic South ? When did the North, or the West, ever desert the South! How long and nobly have they not stood by the South, and her distinguished men ? Was it not in support of Southern men that the democracy of the North so often evinced a high degree of liberality? Was General Washington, or Mr. Jefferson, or Mr. Madison, or Mr. Monroe," ever objected to by them, because they were from the South! At the end of General Jackson's present term, the South w ill have enjoyed the honors of the Presidency for forty years out of forty-eight, since the adoption of the Constitution. As to the remaining eight years of our political existence under the Constitution, that high office has been in the hands of our political opponents, so that the Northern Democracy have never yet seen a man elevated from their own ranks, to that high station. Under these circumstances have they ever murmured, or complained! Never. And why! Because, in the spirit of true patriotism, they have believed that the interests of their country would be better promoted, and their cherished principles best maintained, by their support of Southern men. An 1 now, after so many years of disinterested conduct, would it not be illiberal and unjust, when they present one of themselves, for that high station, whose character and principles are every way unexceptionable; that they should be branded as enemies of the South, and hostile to the peculiar institutions of the Southern People. We are sure that such imputations, so groundless, and so w icked, can make no impression on the Southern Republicans. They will not be induced by such mears to refuse support to a'Ropublican from the North a man not selected as Democratic candidate, because he was a Northern man, lut becau-e he was an honest, enlightened and trust-worthy American citizen : a Republican in principle and practice ; and because these were the qualities which elected Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Jackson. ThejT happened, it is true, to be Southern men, but it was not because they were so, that the destinies of this country were confided to their hands. Virginia, that has been honored w ith the Presidency for more than thirty years, w ill not be so unreasonable as to deny to the Northern Democracy, who secured to her the possession of that high honor, a boon of equal value. Such a spirit of selfishness and ingratitude, does not enter into her proud bosom, nor can it be found any where among the chivalry of the South. It dwells only in the hearts of the narrow minded and factious, w ho have in view the gratification of their own ambition, or harbor designs of more serious portent tn our beloved country. Under a just administration of the General Government, in all its departments, there is no conflict of interest between the different sections of our countrv. which can. or ouht, to render their present union in compatible with their local freedom and prosperity. On j the contrary, the interests embraced under the mantle ofj our Constitution, are common ana pervauing. am pins of the Union are interested in an equal and beneficial operation of the Federal Government. It is the interest of all to have peace, internal and external. It is the interests of all to preserve the freedom of intercourse and commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States. All have an interest in the management of the public revenue; in a common currency; in the inviolability of contracts; and in the establishment of No power is delegated to the General Government in the just exercise of which, the various States of the confV.W.icvhave not a common, if not an equal interest; nor is there one which can be materially abused without injury to all. Even obstructions to trade, and the erection of monopolies are as injurious to the people of the North, a" of the South, and may ever be overthrown by the diffusion of correct information among the People. Instead of building up sectional parties, estranging the People of one section from the People of another, and constantly talking of resort to revolution, and violence, to remedy real or and our hearths, the good man and the patriot will rath I Ml IU I I.I II I II-1 I er strive to diffuse through all sections, just views oi our iuttitutions and national policy, and relief will certain y follow from the operations of the public mind, as certainly as an effect is produced by an adequate caue. Hence it ... T- U(rrm. fin his letter to the Ohio Legisla ture,) justly and forcibly remarks : Nothing cart so tffctnn lutontrilmle to product the greatest guard to the ountrl as harmony and mutual cadence between the (ieneral and State authorities, and a conviction that local and general interest, well conducted, can, never be r,rt7i. Mr. Madison, too, m a communicator, to tie Connecticut Legislature, remarks: fj" I he prosperityeven of thoe States (the Lastem) is I ou ruled on so ruf.;nrwitv of interests, and the most important . i ,i , h-tween the General and State auconstitutional relations ueiw .- l" , , , . thorities, that it may always be expected th arv errors on thee subjects will quickly yicl. Hoiixr confined to a lew, urii revolutionI to reflection, nnd voluntary ones being conimr.. i rcfcit the general impul-e." That rollmon and difucul-

ties under so complicated a system of government, would sometimes arise, whs foreseen and expected; but they

an always be conducted by forbearance, moderat ion, and wisdom. There is perfection fellow-citizens, in nothing which sur rounds or protects us. The laws of nature are not ade quate to our piotection from multiplied inconveniences and aisravated calamities. Hut should we therefore seek to escape from their authority? W ould it be prudent, if we had the power, to seek, in the total disorganization of the present natural system, relief from the pains, inconveniencics and dangers which we suffer in its operation ? There is equal foil- iu seeding the destruction of social institution?, which practically secure to us a degree of ljberty, peace, happiness, and prosperity, unequalled in any other country, because they are sometimes abused. If our people are wise, they will shut their ears to such mischievous counsels, which are given by men who, in their mad schemes of ambition and power, would reduce their countrymen to the condition of serfs, who labor only for their lords, and for the support of armies, placemen, and pensioners. And for w hat purpose is this w ar against social happiness, and are those attempts at disaffection and disunion? Why these unceasing efforts to excite jealousies, dislikes, and animosities between the people of the southern and eastern States ? Why are these questions, which have slumbered for half a century, now revived, and these firebrands thrown upon the public mind? Why is it now done? Why done at all ? Let the answer be given by the liberal and enlightened of all parties; by ever)- man whose reason is not disordered, and whose heart is not corrupted, and ' the mischief will be more than half remedied. But we must ! forlar. e feel that this subject is one of deep and wide spread interest that it should be approached with solicitude and caution, and touched with a tender hand that this is not the time or occasion to press it further, nor to arraign the actors in these scenes, or their motives. We do not intend it ; nor shall w e attempt to discriminate between the mischievous and the misguided between those high priests in this crusade of destruction, whose heads are seen like the mountain top above the storm, or their more ob scure and deluded follow ers. Nor is it our purpose to fas ten ignominy and reproach upon any individual, public or private. A hatever their motives may be, we leave them to tneir own consciences, anu mm w no ai.me can juuc them. But it should be recollected that mischievous consequences often result from unintentional errors of conduct and opinion; and "that the most contemptible and unimportant causes often produce the most calamities consequences.'" The time may probably come, when the actors in these scenes will be called upon to answer to an injured and offended country. Then the proper discriminations w ill be made, and the innocent separated from the guilty. AVe have, however, one w ord to offer by way of admonition and caution, to all who are concerned in this attempt to divide our nation against itself, and sow the seeds of jealousy and distrust; and it is to pause in their work of desolation and ruin. We call upon all, upon the ambitious as well as deluded, in their zeal of fanaticism and party, to look, if they dare to the calamities w hich might rush in and deluge this fair land, if their efforts could, succeed and to pause, befoie it be too late to remember that the progress of disaffection is often insensible and invisible; and that the mighty spirit which they are attempting to excite, if once roused, can neither be allayed by the cannon or the sword, by law or by blood. It is, fellow-citizens, against this dangerous spirit of discontent and division, against hallowed attempts to weaken the bands of our gle these unorious con federacy, that it becomes the duty of every wise, honest man, and every American, to watch with sleepless vigilance. That watch can only be set in deep and abiding affection to our holy Union, upon the preservation of which depends not only our own liberty and happiness, but that of the world. So much we have deemed it our duty to sa-, in defence of the Convention generally, and in answer to some of the prominent objections which have been made against it and its proceedings. We shall now proceed to i discuss that part of the subject more immediately connec ted w ith the general principles and measures ot the present administration and our national policy. We have said, fellow-citizens, in a previous part of this Address, that the election of a successor to Gen. Jackson ought to be regarded as one of the most important that had ever occurred in our country; that it involved not only the fate of the republican party and its principles, but the continuation of that wisa course of national policy pursued by Gen. Jackson, and upon which his administration has been based. To prove this, will require a brief notice of some of the prominent and leading measures; and those especially which relate to our foreign intercourse, the tariff, internal improvement, and the Bank of the U. States. It w ill be borne in mind that Gen. Jackson came into the Presidential chair at a moment of deep political excitement, and under peculiar circumstances. The previous administration had came into power against the decided wishes of a majority of the American people, and its measures had been strongly reprobated and condemned by the great body of the Republican party. Under its policy, the doctrines of our political fathers had been forgotten or abandoned. Most of the landmarks to the exercise of unlimited power by the general governmpnthnd been disregarded or broken down. The doctrine of ervediencu and the general welfare had been openly proclaimed and revived, and under its broad w ing power was ascertained by its friends to pass laws as unconstitutional in their principles, as they were dangerous in their consequences. It w as under such a state of things that the friends to limited government became alarmed, and Gen. Jackson was called by the people to stay the spiritof innovation, and restore the purity and vigor of our free institutions. He accordingly came forward to devote himself to the service of his country, promote her happiness, and defend her rights. How faithfully did he fulfil the expectations and wishes of his friend? and accom plish the great objects of his election! AVhat vvere the pro mincnt traits that characterized his administration both as i to its external and internal policy ? What its effects and benefits ? Will you favor us with a brief rev iew ? Towards foreign nations, has it not been distinguished alike with ability, firmness, and moderation? Whilst its primary canon was to do justice to all, and suffer wrong from none, has it not, in the pursuit of a peaceful and liberal policy, studied the interest and regarded the sentiments of every portion of our extended country? Has it not given us peace with every foreign power, secured to usan unrestrained and flourishing and enriching commerce with the civ ilized nations of the world? Has it not placed our country abroad upon the most elevated and exalted ground, and caused its name to be respected in every quarter of the globe? So, too, in relation to our internal concerns? Has it not pursued a course equally distinguished by wisdom ,nH moderation, and with like results? Has it not secured to all parts of our country internal prosperity, peace, and security? Has not the public debt been extinguished? Have not th e great interests of the soil been exempted trom ms of taxation, in the shape of Tariffs, and the unjust systems inrlustrv of the whole nation protected and cherished i Indulging no favor or fear, manifesting no preference towards any particular section of our country over another, cherishing no interest separate from the vyelfare of the whole, has not the Government been administered with a single eye to the benefit of all ? Has not one of the greatest objects of his civil Magistracy been the prosecution o the rffHi nf the States, and the integrity of the Union. Has he not made the constitution his guide, and brought back the government to its true fundamental principles? lias he exercised any power not granted? Claimed any doubtful character? Has he not carried out the great principles which he had laid down in his first Messages, t.,lfill..t hi nromises to the letter? Has he not in fact i tnLichh trust, nnd faithful to his country? But m i i ii u iw hijim. ..... - - - fellow-citizens, notwithstanding these wise measures of the administration, General Jackson, like his great prototype, Jefferson, was doomed to encounter all the ev ils and emhrrr.is:mprits of a nowerful and talented coalition. From the moment he came into power, there sprung up one of the most determined, persevering, and concentrated oppositions that any country had ever witnessed, and which, in its final progress, became as lormiaaDie as n ds awiuuug For the three first years of the administration, this opposition failed in its obiects and efforts, and sank into a hope less condition. They have tried all the means which opportunity and their own ingenuity could furnish, to regain tiipJr lovt nower and nlaces : but in vain. Their assaults had fallen harmless uiwn the shield of the venerable patri ot. The nice measures of his administration, and the virtue and ability w ith w hich he has discharged his duty, the benefits secured to his country, and the increasing pros perity and happiness of the people, defeated their schemes and blasted all their hopes. He was too deeply seated in the affetions of the people to be shaken. So far, however, the opposition had fought the battle upou political nnd

party grounds, and by political men; "but without success.

Hut when parties in pursuit ot their pwn amoitidus views cannot obtain a favorite object byiireCt means, they will seek through all the indirect experiment which the spirit of the timesand chance may throw in their way. .When the fair and generous means will not avail siKfta party, they will employ every artifice which is calculated to reward ambition and secure success. It was according!' towards the termination of" General Jacksoivs first term, when they had sunk into a desperate condition, that a new ray of hope burst upon them. Then it was that the Dank of the United States was looked to as the means by which to accomplish their ends, and secure their triumph. ' It was their last hope, and they iustantlj' embraced it. Although the chatter of the bank was not to expire for four years, their policy was to get an application made for its renewal before the period for the re-elec tion of General Jackson should arrive. I3y this means, the re-election of the President was to be defeated and their triumph secured. They regarded him as in a delicate and dangerous dilemma. His numer ous friends were divided upon the subject of the bank, both on grounds of constitutionality and expediency. Pennsylvania and the west had declared in favor of the Bank, and the entire South against it. If the bill for its re-charter should pass both Houses of Congress, (and the majority for it was believed to be certain,) the President would necessarily be obliged eitner to approve or to veru . If he approved, the Bank would succeed in its object of a re-charter, and his friends in the bouth, (without whose General Jackson as to the expediency ity of the Bank, and its dangerous tendencies, although he had expressed his opinions to Congress in the years '2, 20, and 31, and his determination never to sanction it, yet they did not believe he w ould refuse to sign any bill that thev might finally pass for its re-charter, and by doing so hazard his re-election. Accordingly, the Bank came forward in 1331, with an application for re-charter. A bill for this purpose passed both houses, and received the constitutional veto of the President. That these were the objects which influenced the opposition at that day, none, we think, acquainted with :he history of those times, can doubt. Indeed, they were at the time universally believed. But how little did they know of the individual with whom they were contending! He 'met the crisis in a manner wnvthv nf hisnrinrinles. and vetoed the bill, thus cutting off all hope as to its ever meeting his approbation. It was then that the bank took the field openly, &. under the banners of a conventrated and powerful opposition, made every effort to defeat the re-election of General Jackson, but w ithout success. The manly and fearless manner in which this duty had been performed, the Roman firmness and honesty of the President, so far from injuring him w ith the great body of the Democracy of Peunsv Ivania and the west, served only to endear him to them. It was regard ed by them and the great majority ot his inends, as one of the most important and glorious acts of his administration, and he was re-elected by an overwhelming majority. Of the means resorted to by the Bank to sustain itself, and to influence the Presidential election, we shall forbear here to speak. They have long since been exposed to the nation, and must be familiar to all. But the contest did not stop here. There remained still another and severe struggle, which the President and his administration vvere doomed to encounter, inconsequence of the course which he felt it his duty to pursue in relation to this institution. Having considered the fate of the Bank as settled by the decision of the People in his re-election, and that its charter would expire within four years, and seeing in its conduct good reason, as he believed, to justify the measure, the President deemed it his duty, as the head of the Executive f Department of the Government, to sanction the removal oCthe public deposites trom the liank ot ttie united mates, and their being placed elsewhere for safe keeping by the Secretary of the Treasury, whose duty it was to make such removal whenever in his opinion the public interests required it to be done. Then was revived that bitter and vindictive war upon the President and his friends, and then commenced those scenes of panic and distress without any parallel in the history of our country, and which threatened, at one time its peace and security- But to whom were they justly attributable? To whom, but to the opposition and to their great ally, the Bauk ? Was not the object of these efforts and exertions, on the part of the Bank, to disturb and paralyze the ordinary avocations of our citizens, and to take from them the means of carrying them on ? Did they not endeavor to arrest the whole course of business in almost eve department of society, and to produce that individual ruin and distress which they had predicted would be the consequences of the measures of the President and his administration ? Who is there t'lat now doubts it I Did not these efforts not only embarrass but expose the government mi.! rmintrv tnthp mott imminent perils ? Was not the final issue even considered doubttul, and dm not tne nicnos or liueriy aim i j;ui l-uiiucih n mvs. - a state of things so pregnant with great evils, and forebodings still greater, was it not the firmness, virtue and nntrintisin of the President, and those associated with him, that saved us. And how, fellow-citizens, was this war against the Chief Magistrate of your country and his administration conducted ? In what way did they not assail him? What charge was not made against him? W;hat offence was not imputed to him ? lie w as charged with a violation of the constitution of his country, and a breach of all its law s with having, in violation of these, oo. mm,! thf n-.irsn as well as the sword with the destrucaunivvi r tion ot public and private cieun iu ui... u,,uu . tintion a vitiateo currency. vitiated currencv", anu h. wou ui puuin. ncui with the loss of the agricultural products and indiv idual industry of the people w ith the decline ot our commerce and manufactures, and the destruction of our trade; with having, in fact, disabled, dishonored, and oppressed las country. Indeed not oniy were ms uiuiiuics i mu administration declared to be odious and corrupt, but it wa3 said, that a species of tyranny had sprung up which was dcsolatins the land, and threatened even the liberties of the Pconle. The President was denounced in terms as anotner Tiberius or Caligula, ready to sacrifice his country at the shrine of his unholy ambition. V as not this the gloomy picture which our opponents gave of the venerable Chief Magistrate and his administration ? Was he not moreover charged with having done this to gratify a vindictive and ruthless spirit against a moiiejeu insuuiuuu, n.uu m pursuit of a w ild and frantic ambition, that knew no lim- . - i i r 1 1 . ! ,. ? its? Let the candid ami nuerai or an panii's auawci. And for what was this load of reproach heaped upon him and his friends? For what, but the firmness, indenendence and vigor with which they had resisted every attempt to recnarter an lnsuiunun ugiuiM wmi.ii in.iiulieans have wared from the moment of its existence, and which Mr. Jefferson, in the eveningof his !ife, declared to be tV-"One of the most deadly hostility existing against the principles ana iorm or our lyuiiMiiuuuu, aim ,mu.ij, penetrating by its branches, every part of our Union, and acting by command and in phalanx, might in a critical mo ment upset the government.77 Who doubts but that it was becauss of his uncompromising hostility to this corporation, at a moment when it was waving its dreadful sceptre over the land, and his unshaken constancy in support of the people's cause, that this venerable and noble patriot, and those associated with him, were arraigned and denounced, before their country and the world, in a manner unparalleled in the history of any free government. Yes, fellow citizens, it was for these things that an administration, which had se cured to its country liberty, and union, and prosperity at home, and respect and peace abroad, was denounced as the most abandoned and profligate upon the earth. Posterity will look hack with astonishment (and if possible with incredulity) upon the scene which for the last three years distracted our country, and wonder how any one man could successfully have resisted the gigantic power of such an institution, wielded under such circumstances. But w hat has become of this mass of mischief and ruin which was to proceed from the conduct of the President towards the Bank? Where is that universal bankruptcy which was to overwhelm the people? Where the suspension of the channels of their foreign connections ? Where the loss of their trade ; the annihilation of her manufactures? Where the deluge of debt; the ruin and divisions of our people? Where the fields without harvest; the merchants without customers? Where now are all these false prophets, with all their dreams of ruin and distress!

suppun ,i ra uo.u, ..v vww. v - ,y.y "I " ' and hea veil i s heap ing upon u s her blessings with a precious upon principle, desert .him I he .P: - hand v do we nof see ambition and party busy in every

-. . . . Vlinroil im .nn!H lint t i rn.n ortan l wnilln. i I

aueyes vyornu oe turneu w cHujamau f and? if the wise and patriotic measures of his friends deserting him there, also, Ins re-election would administration have heretofore afforded our political be hazarded, if not defeated. This was he rter stroke enemie3 an opportunity for gross impositions, why shall we of policy, and it was consequently adopted. 1 hey did them to be revived ? What shall'we have gainnot calculate, however, upon the application of the veto P struggles avail, if we suffer ourpovver. Although they knew the previous convictions of 1 'Q t nn,, fi, Rnpmi ' BPrnritv. till the

Have they been fulfilled ? Is it true, that we have no free

government to rally around; no country to love? Is our country humbled in the eyes of the world ; dishonored and disgraced at home ? Is all this true ! No. There is not a liberal or candid man who does not and ought not to feel proud and exalted,' at the spectacle which his countiy now presents, both at home and abroad. When was it ever more, if indeed so prosperous? "When was public or private credit more stable? Prices so high? The People so happy? When did it ever progress so rapid in wealth, in arts, and useful knowledge, and public spirit, or national character? When so erect among the nations of the earth! Never. Have we not then a right to say, that these are the blessings of a President and Republican administration ? These the generous triumphs of Democracy? And what else but the union of the Republican Party and confidence in the virtue and patriotism of Andrew Jackson, the Chief Magistrate of the People's choice, could have done this? And when the political and ambitious men of his day, who have assailed and Calumniated hirn shall be mingled in the dust, with the thousauds whose examples they have imitated; when no record shall be found of their memories, or any recollections of their services, this Patriot will be the admiration of every American, and the highest example of political virtue. But, Fellow Citizens,, is this the time, happy and prosperous as we are, for the Democracy of the country to disarm! "The danger is not yet over." These last words of one of our political patriarchs, soon after the adoption of the constitution, may justly be regarded as truly applicable to the although "peace waves her hand over us, exertions ot our opponents rouses us and convinces us of our mistake The administration has taken ground which the republicans cannot desert, without a surrender of her principles, and the destruction of themselves. The whole Democracy of t'.ie Union has sustained Gen. Jackson and his administration, and now demand that those w ho are to succeed him should carry out the principles and policy of his administration. How is this to be done, but by united and harmonious councils and sleepless vigilance ? The Democracy of the country must not rest too secure. The prosperit' and safety of our country are essentially involved in the issue of the approaching election. We sincerely believe, that upon the preservation of the old Democratic Republican party, the prosperity and happiness of our country greatly depend. To 30 u, then, as republicans, as friends of the constitution, as supporters of Andrew Jackson and his administration, and the adv ocates of union, we make this appeal. We make it not for ourhelves alone, but for the Democracy of our country, and we hope not in vain. Fellow-citizens, are not our opponents already iu the field, prepared to battls with desperation? Have not three candidates already been presented to the nation, whose interests are as different as the interests of travellers in a great caravan? May not others soon be added to the list? Are yon ignorant of the attempts that are making to get the frieudsof some of the opposing candidates to unite and cooperate for the purpose of preventing the election of the candidates supported by the Democratic party, or carrying the election to the House of Representatives? Are the' not active and indefatigable in their exertions? Will a single vote be withheld, do jou imagine, upon their side? Is there not something, too, beyond the mere desire to defeat the republican candidates, wished and expected ? Does not the bank still consider the question of its re-charter as one open and undecided ? Who doubts that the contest is again in some shape to be revived ? Is it not looked to as one of the strong holds of our political opponents, which the' will never consent to abandon ? Does not the bank, appear itself as undecided, although not openly in "battle array, with banners vp1" Are net the sppers at work throughout the land ? WThy else, to propose extending its loans? Can we forget that its managers justified their curtailments two 3-ears ago, on the ground that her charier had but a short time to run, and prudence required them to draw in by degrees, their outstanding debts.1 Hence in her application to congress, in 1831, they sa)-, "unless the question is decided by the present Congress, no definite action upon it can be expected, until within two years of the expiration of its charter, a period before which, in the opinion of your memorialists, it is highly expedient, not merely in reference to the institution itself, but to the more important interests of the nation, that the determination of congress should be known." Again, they say, "if the wisdom of congress shall determine that the bank must cease to exist, it is still more important that the country should begin early to prepare for the expected change, and that the institution should have as much time as possible to execute the duty, always a very delicate and difficult one, of aiding the community I to seek new channels of business, and by gradual and gentle movements, to press with the least inconvenience on the great interests connected with it.'7 If in 1831 theyjustified their curtailments on the ground that the charter had but foi;r years to rum how is it that with less than half the time, they are extending their accommodations? Wrhy do those who then justified the curtailment, now justify the loans? why but that both were intended for recharter? Farther attempts will be made to prolong its existence, if the people fail in the election of a Republican President? will pot the subject of the tariff, and that of internal improvement be again revived, if our opponents should succeed? Do you not again expect to have your views misrepresented ; to hear the same wild denunciations; to witness the name disingenuous means; the same artifices; the same stale conceits and misrepresentations resorted to seduce 3 011 from the support of the Democratic candidates, and by division prevent an election by the people ? Is not the project meditated to divide the friends of the Republican candidates and conquer under false co'ors? Are they not making every attempt to produce a schism in our ranks.7 And is such the time when the Democrac of the country should disarm? Is it not, on ths contrary the time and occasion for ever' one who would sustain the great principles that are iu jeopardy to buckle on his armour and double his diligence and watchfulness? It is by political vigilance alone, that liberty and good government can ever be secured. Is not the alternative now presented either to abandon the principles and doctrines of the Republican partvr and the benefits of our present administration, or by vigilance and manly firmness maintain them? Was there ever a time in the history of our countrj' since its independence, when vigilance and union on the part of Republicans were more important than the present ? Who does not see the mischiefs that may arise from division and dis cord among ourselves? Shall we exhibit these scenes of division and weakness for the benefit of our political enemies? If you do not wish to see these things re-acted, lay hold of the opportunity of preventiug it by union and con cert. Perfection is in vain sought after in the works of man. Every inconvenience cannot be avoided. A lesser evil should sometimes to submitted to in order to avoid one greater and more durable. If personal animosities or per sonal preferences exist, ought they not, at such a moment, to be sacrificed for the public good? will not he who refuses to make such a sacrifice be justly regarded as a suspicious friend, if not a secret foe? As members of the same great party, ought not our efforts to be directed to the promotion of harmony and good feeling among ourselves. Let reason and not denunciation, enlightened zeal and not intolerance, be our weapons, at least with each other; let our energies be employed to procure the election of individuals who will carry out the principles and maintain the policy of the present administration. It is incumbent, then, upon every Democrat to be upon the look out every man to his'post; and let no man slumber, while the storm threatens, and'the vessel is in danger. "Slavery is ever preceded by sleep.77 The Republicans of America would be unworthy the high station of freemen, if, at the call of patriotism, they did not fly to the post of danger, and offer up, not only their faculties, but their feuds, upon the altar of their common country. Will they remain quiet and inactive amidst all these movements, and at such a'time !---will they, who have so often broken the ranks of their political enemies, suffer them now to erect her proud standard in the field of victory? Never ! Fellow-citizens, our enemies have set us a good example they have taught us that in "Union there is strength.7 Why should we not profit by it? why shall we, standing upon the broad and firm basis of the affections of the people, let our opponents weaken and divide us? If wc dislike to increase and perpetuate the benefits and blessings we enjoy under a republican administration, if our republican institutions and liberties are dear to us, this is the time to act this is the

I rirppnt moment:

anu unconstitutional- . ' J " . .

irom our siumoers

time and occasion to meet with vigor and union our opponents, and place the management of our affairs in the hands of those who , will secure to us these blessings, uninfluenced by ambitious or selfish motives. Let us, then, discountenance contentions and jealousies between State and State, and consider ourselves upon this subject, as well as all others of a national character, as citizene of one great and happy nation. It us promote a spiritof union among ourselves, without which democracy can never triumph. Above all, let our councils be unntingled with personal preferences and local partialities. In this way only, can we expect to conquer. These are the views with which the Demacratic party called the Convention ; and it was to accomplish these desirable objects that that convention presented to the country the names of MARTIN VAN BUR EN, of NewYork, and RICHARD M. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, two of her distinguished and patriotic fellow-citizens, for the offices of President and Vice President of the United States. We shall offer you no adulation of their characters, talents, and services. They have both been long knowrt to the country, and distinguished upon the theatre of public life ; and they have, moreover, declared, in advance, their political principles, and the course which will govern them, should they be called by their country to preside over its destinies. It rests with the country to decide. To the good sense of the people we confidently submit the decision; satisfied that whenever thejr shall be called to choose the sentinels who arc to guard her rights and. liberties, they w ill choose with propriety. Wre only ask them to be united and vigilant. And now may we not, in conclusion without giving offence, address ourselves to those Republicans in heart and sentiment, who have heretofore belonged to the Democratic party, and supported the measures of General Jackson's administration, but who feel a personal preference for other individuals than those presented by the Democracy of the country, without an' preference for the principles and measures of political opponents. May we not to thesa address ourselves, and in the spirit of friendship for political friends and associates, "earnestly aud solemnly propound to them the question what is the course you mean to pursue ? What your situation ? What j-our great duty on this occasion? Will you calmly and patriotically unite with the great body of 'our democratic friends, or will you let 3r0ur disappointed enthusiasm and personal

friendshps, or the artifice of designing and ambitious men, drive you into opposition to an Administration which you approve, and to a party with which you have so long acted? Are you prepared, on this trying emergency, to se cede from the Republican ranks, and throw yourselves into the arms of your political enemies? These are serious questions, which it is now important you should consider well and appreciate. 1 ou must now take a bold and reso lute stand in defence of 3'our old principles and friends, or consent to abandon them forever. You have it in 'our power to do great good or great mischief. You must now decide, (if Tour determination is not already formed,) and this decision may be as important to yourselves as your countrvr. r eilow Citizens, we do not uss tms language to excite 3'our fears; far from it. The situation of our country, and the purpose and views of our opponents, might strike you with the danger hoped for by the latter, from discord and division among the Lepublican party. Of that you have heretofore composed an important part. Nothing, however, is more distant from our intentions, than to of fend, or attempt to fasten blame upon any. W e know that rtuous and enligntened men arc often led away under the influence of the best feelings. Indeed, how often are many of those who spread delusion, themselves deluded Our object is to harmonize and conciliate, not inflam". We feel it to be our duty to make this appeal, and we do it in the kindest spirit. To warn you of the possible dangers to which you are about to expose your country ; to exhort you to forget the past in this crisis and moment of danger, and unite in the cause you profess to have so much at heart; above all, to remind you of what you ought now to be sensible, that your alliance is looked to and courted with the utmost solicitude by your enemies, and with the hope of making our political divisions the foundation of their success; not, however, by electing 3rour friends, but their own. AVhat, then, are you to gain by such an union? Avoid it, if 3rou would not look back with bitter anguish to the overthrow and ruin of a party, which existed upon the principles which fiist bound them together, (is spite of difference of opinion, in matters concerning which good men may differ,) ought to be prevented. Ought such dangers to exist, and such a result be put within the reach of chance? Can there, or ought there to be but one answer? Tfre know that among the portion of our Republican friends who have thus estranged themselves from us, and are becoming aliens to our cause, some have done so through choice, and many through mistake. To those who have sinned against conviction, we have nothing to say. They must answer that to their country. But to those who have no wish to desert the Republican standard, but who feel the influence of other considerations, (which induce them to consult individual wishes, rather than the concert and harmony of the Party,) we would freely extend the hand of fraternity. With them we hope the present is rather a misunderstanding than a schism ; that time and reflection will soon heal it, and affect a perfect reconciliation, and that all collisions and heart burnings will perish in the blaze of better and more generous feelings. If they have been deluded by the artifices of enemies or mis guided feeling, now is the time to look for the Republican banner, to see where it is planted and who surround it. Let them return, then, to the Republican fold of their fathers. We invite them to do so, as brethren; as men united in a common cause for a common good. IVe invite them to let a common interest bind us together, and to let the only competition be, wh6 shall render most service to the good old Democratic cause; who be most active in promoting the glo.y and happiness of our doubly blesBed country. A. Stevenson, of Virginia. Silas Wright, of New-York. Upton S. Heath, of Maryland Garet W. Williams, of N. H. 11op.t. Strange, of N. Carolina. Si A.Cartwrigut, of Mississippi. July 23, 1S35. Unfeeling Boys. On Saturday last, while the Pavilions for the Zoological Exhibition were erecting, among the crowd of boys who had assembled, as is usual on such occasions, 10 witness the proceedings, was a lad some twelve or fourteen years of age, whose squalid features and soiled and tattered garments indicated that he was most miserably poor. lie seated himself upon a plank near by, gathered his rags around him to conceal as much as possible his nakedness, and watched tho preparations making for the exhibition with a gloomy countenance. Whilst in this'posture, a number of thoughtless boys gathered around tho poverty-stricken stranger, and commenced ridiculing, tormenting and abusing him in the most shameful manner, making use of language that would hav disgraced a pirate. All this was borne by the poor boy with scarcely a word of complaint, until, at tho suggestion of a person who had witnessed the conduct of his persecutors, he withdrew from their presence. Should these remarks be read by any one of tho youngsters engaged in that affair, let him reflect that ho was insulting the feelings of a poor orphan boy; a "stranger in a strange land" destitute alike of friends and home for such on inquiry, he proved to be He had no fond parents to protect himto direct hirn "in tho way he should go" or to provide for him tho necessaries of life ; both had gone down into the grave, and left their boy dependent upon the cold charities of tho world for the means of daily subsistence. He no kind friends to whom he might apply Tor relief to sympathize with him in his sorrows or to alleviate his sufferings. He had no home to flee to for refuge in the hour of distress or to shelter hirn from the"peltingsofthe pitiless storm." But fatherless, motherless, friendless, and penneyless, ho was wandering from place to place, seeking employment, which his wretched appearance prevent-

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