Indiana Palladium, Volume 11, Number 33, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 29 August 1835 — Page 1

Ily V.III. Cole & 13. Curtis.

VOIL. XI. ADDUHSS Of (he Haiti more Convention Committee ty the Demoera tie Hcpuldicans of the United JSir.tcs. fellow-Citizens : You have already hern apprised of the fact, that a National Convention of Republican delegate was recently held in the city of Baltimore, for the purpose of ascertaining and representing the wishes of the Republican party, and giving it effect in the ensuing Presidential election. This Convention w as collected from various parts of the Union, and was both numerous and respectable. Among other duties, it wa pleased to assign to us the important one of addressing our republican brethren upon the present interesting crisis of our political affairs, and enforcing upon them, in the manner we miftht deem test, the urgent necessity of harmony and union, in the approachingcontest. The subject upon which it has thus been made our duty to addessyou, is not only one which deserves to be attentively considered, but is, in our opinion, intimately connected with the existence of ihe Republican party of the I 'nion, and the efficacy of popular elections. Ueeling, as wc do, the importance and delicacy of the trust w hich has thus been confided to us, w e shall proceed to discharge it in tl manner we deem the most respectful to yon, and the best calcnW ted to meet the w ishes and approbation of those l v whose authority we act. Yhc high and exalted station of President of such a nation, the power and patronage of the office, and the number of competitors, (who, according to the genius of our institutions, will always aspire to the station,) cannot fail to subject the people of the United States to all those agitations which have, in all ages, marked the progress of every Jectivi; governmeut on earth. Indeed, ambitious struggles for political power of this character, with all the badpastions they mav necessarily engender, were not only regarded by our political fathers, as one of the most formidable rv ils w hich threaten our free Institutions, but probably the severest trial to which they would be exposed. Hence the obligation and duty which they so strongly inculcated upon the people, cf guarding against and mitigating those evils, by vigilance, moderation and caution. The interesting question of "who is to be our next President" ii now fairly before the Nation, and considered in connection with all" it probable consequences, may justly be regarded as one of the most important w hich has been agitated in our country, lulls issue, are not oniy nmui u the fate of Democratic Republican principles, but ul,a!. morse of our national policy. Nay, more, it the will comprehend in its result, not only the judgment of the present, but a direction of the future course of the administration of our National Government ; and that loo, pronounced bv the highest authority of the republic, the sovereignty of the people. Such a contest, at such a time, cannot fail to produce the deepest political and party excitements; and the more attentively the subject shall be considered, the deeper w ill become the conviction of its importance, and the necessity of vigilance and caution on the part of the people. It ;;u:st, moreover, fellow-citizens, be VJV.- cry apparent that in a country like ours, of such vast rxtcnt aiid diversified interests, it can seldom happen, in the course of human events, that any citizen will possess -urh pre-eminent qualifications and popularity, over all others as to command the votes of a decided majority of the people; and consequently the best manner of concentrating the popular will, and giving it effect, in relation to the candidates for these high offices, will not only attract a lar-e share of public attention, but w ill be regarded by the vhole nation as a subject of absorbing interest. Such has already been the case, in relation to the approaching election. The people feel it the more sensibly too, inasmuch as the evils which must flow- from filling offices so much sought alter, and of such vast responsibility, with men who are neither the first nor second choice of a majority, are grratly aggravated by the defects of our constitution, w hich devolves the t lection, in case no individual has received a majority of the electoral votes, upon the House of Representatives. It was to prevent the mischiefs which wi-ht result from hav ing a Chief .Magistrate thus imposed i-pon the nation, contrary to its wishes, that the Democracy ut the Union (follow ing the example of their Republican fathers,) have lately united in a National Convention, and agreed to present to their country candidates for the two iiigh Executive Offices of the government. In the early history of our confederation, common dancers, produced concert of action, in the two first elections of a President, the pre-eminent virtues of (.en. Washington made harmless this defect in our political system. Tor long, meritorious, and well-tried services, the Chief Magistracy was bestowed upon this illustrious citizen, unsought and unsolicited, by the unauimous voice of hi country. at the third election, which w as, no doubt, essentially influenced by the opinions and administration of that great and good man, and his associates, it was not materially felt. At the fourth election, however, the defect w as made evident in the strongest colors. I hen wa displayed, one avenue at least, through which ambition and partv might successfully triumph over the 1 eople s will; and, although the particular point, trom which the danger arose, was immediately seized on, and guarded by subsequent amendments of the constitution, the radical defect which enabled a President to be elected (in case of no popular choice) by the Representatives of a small minority of the people, was left wholly untouched. 1 he conten which then took place, as violent as it w as alarming, va fruitful, however, of the soundest admonition to the leaders of the Republican party, at the head ol which tood the great Apostle of Liberty, Thomas Jefferson. To avert the mischiefs and dangers of an election by the House of Representatives, and to secure unity of action amongst the Republican Party, they undertook to devise 11 future elections', the votes ol 111 ill 7 V v , ..vi-. m mmm m Chief Magistrate, and prevent such a collision as migiu transfer the choice to the Douse of Representatives. It wan in this way, ami through the agency of the Republican bers of Congress, making no.mnauons, M.v . :r f Magistrate by the House of Representatives, in utVle t,f,rm and express, icith nearer approa en ioun n..i,, t(t object of their preference, he should noU decline the acceptance of the eminent charge, and submit V . Linui nucsiion azain to their determination. ' IHUIiiv".' j - - u . . . ... i . a,. f thf danger ot What less than tne uiTpii"";--,n election bv the House of Representatives, instead of the people, could have induecu nun, " uir . " lo i old such language ! What stronger avouchment of tie nnortanee of a clear expression of the popular will, am U defect in our Constitution, could have been given nn This election, however, and the state of things !o which it -ave rise, soon roused the people, and the eleto " "on t JV ,,. rallied around (.en. ments i".". , .r ..l.ir r P-hta live iovernmeni,is j dent. This election, how ever, fr;...,l f nonular sovereignty, .;.! more t it satisnea of the necessity of ns;ain to 'some mode, for the purpose of securing tins cbctum to tn k i i bUlon winch were r i w. scenes )i i'n"v I v

that portion of the People who adapted their creeo, upon a ..I.. K.ii Wr ihnt nnrnOse. recourse was first

bad to Congressional caucuses. The system w as then re

ported to, and justified, as one of necessity, its avowco i ,i ,.Wt vnto secure the election ot a Republican

mem

ambled, thawVr. JeJTerson,.nr..uaaison presented as candidates to the American people, and lore elected, by large majorities of the popular suffrages. Thu far, one of the great objects of the constitution, (an election reelected bv the people in their primary colleges) was McxA to be guarded and secured. Rut this system wris attarfced and overthrown in the memorable contest of 1 o -1- o the failure of the Republican party on that occasion

to select it, candidate, was followed by the election a

f 'hi.v

ler disregard of the popular w in, ana turner bat produced the deepest excitement fX" v impressed was the distinguished individual who was the l ecUf that choice, of the importance of an election by the people, of their President, that, in his answer to the JointtLimilteewho announced to him XTdebe declare.!, "That could his refusal to accep the Inralrd to him. sive an immediate opportunity to the peo-

Jackson as the individual, in wnos, rf;Y very V olent now er were to be vindicated. Alter a verj con...,., .,y ,l,e l'reSiJc...il Chair. Of .heelccoi, of IS2 1- d l e

Hll.l.v... ' . t . . . 1

lIltT

,ued on "that occasion, and may be expec.e nv -l,ly to be presented on an election of the -j

i :

Ilous of Kepresentaiives. deemed ncpwinS to peculiar rircu.nrtances, no s 5'. c..arv to concentrate their pow er, and en diy i I b4rwill,a9 ithad beeu sufficeintly conft. Uesidr.hU great and signal mihtarj tet

MM.M,MMMaw,ww I . HB.Hl lWlllIBMClEeilJIIlGM, (IT A.) ATTOB

had become so much endeared to tho republican party, by the bold and determined manner in which be had resistcu the principles and doctrines of the previous administration, that no measure of the sort was deemed necessary to insure his re-election. He accordingly came in by an overwhelming vote of the American people. Rut the Republicans were not so fortunate in relation to a candidate for the Vice Presidency, and danger was apprehended from the number of candidate?, and at the conflicting claims and divisions of different sections of the Union. To obviate these, the Republicans of New-Hampshire, with a disinterested patriotism worth v of themselves, came forward and proposed a Stationed Convention, as the best means of healing divisions and securing the triumph of Republicanism, and it was accordingly held with the happiest effret. This Convention, no doubt, gave rise to that which has recently been held in Baltimore and whose proceedings are now submitted for your approval. Is there one liberal and disinterested Republican who considers the prov isions of our Constitution in relation to this subject, the efforts that are making to carry the election to Congress, and who is opposed to such an election, who can fail to perceive the necessity of adopting some plan to unite the Democracy of the country, and give effect to its will in this all important election? We think not. The only alternative then presented, is, a National Convention, springing immediately from the People, and representing the Carious parts of the Union, or an abandonment of the expedient for concentrating the national w ill, substituted for that of Congressional caucus nominations, ami n election by the House of Representatives. Of the evils of such an election, you require, Fellow Citizens, at this day neither argument nor admonition from us. Few, it is to be hoped, if an-, now doubt, that the w ise men who framed our system, intended to secure to the People, the choice of the Executive branch'of their t-ov-Ptmnmt. and to render it wholly independent of the Fe deral Legislature. The choice by, and responsibility of the President to the People, was one ot the vital principles, of the system. Is this not manifest from the manner in which the Confederation itself was created? In this organization, arc not the House of Representatives and the executiv e, alone regarded as the popular branches of the (Jov eminent, and immediately responsible to the People? Rut not so the Senate. There the equitable principle of representation, founded on contribution and population, was as a matter of compromise disregarded. In that Branch of the Government, each State on the score of its sovereignty, has equal rights. Its legislative powers are co-extensiv e w ith the popular branch, w ith the exception of money bills ! No law s can pass without its concurrence ; the most important proceedings of the Executive are subjected to its revision; all important appointments require its assent. There is the power to ratify treaties, and try all impeachments of the high officers of the Government, Executive and Judicial! There the small State of Delaware, w ith a population of 75 thousand, has a representation equal to New York, with more than two millions. There four States, with a population of more than five millions, are onlv entitled to a representation equal to the four smallest, with a population of less than four hundred thousand! There one half of the nation, residing in lour or five of the largest States, has a representation only equal to about the thirtieth part, residing in the four smallest States! There one half of the American 1 eople, residing in four or fiv e States, are represented by eight or ten votes 011I3-, whilst the others are represented by thirtyeight or forty! "Would the Convention have been willing, or would the people ever have consented to give such powers to one branch of the Government, ad that too constituted as the Senate, unless it had been intended to leave the others to the immediate action of the popular will, and especially one so important as that of electing the President. Besides, the Constitution, in its letter as well as in its spirit, the case, and that it was never intended to giv e Congress any control ov er the election ot I resident, save where the people would fail to make a choice in their primary colleges, which, it was then believed, would rarely if ever occur. Hence, the only duty assigned to Congress bv the Constitution was to count the votes in a conv ention of both Houses, and declare the result. 1 he first and most important of which is, that no Senator or Representative in Congress should be appointed an elector of President or Vice President of the United Mates. For what purpose was this disqualification, but to exclude Congress from any participation in the appointment, and to guard against the possibility of intrigue and corruption? The men of that day w ere too sagacious not to know that in deciding so important an election as that ot 1 resident of such a nation, especially at periods of great political excitement, intrigue and ambition w ould have their influence, ifther did not trovern the decision; and that individual interest might prevail over the general good, especially as 5t wnnhl alwavs be known before the election took place, would hold in' their r.vr i.ivl,linl 111 lyO es hantds the pow er of deciding the question. J.esides tne objections springing from ambition and intrigue, there was another and stranger still to an election by Congress; and that was, that in this mode you strike a fatal blow at representative government itself, by giving the pow er to elect the most important officer of the republic to a minority of the people. Can there be an evil more threatening to the peace and integrity of the Union, and which ought to be more d reacted uv every irienu ui iit-u - , " ; been jutly remarked, and it cannot be too strongly and otten repeated, that one of the Rreatest evils which can threaten public liberty and our happy system, next to revolution and disunion, i an election of President l the House of Jiepreuntatives! In this sentiment w c are quite sure a large portion of the American people will concur, and it is therefore against the dangers and ev ils of such an election, that the liberal and enlightened of all parties should be most anxious to guard. Nor is this view weakened by the fact that such an election by Congress is authorized by the Constitution ! It may be asked, w e know, a it has been a-ked, who the sagacity of the wise lramers of that instrument did not foresee these alarming consequences, and provide sonic other remedy? Ihe answer is a plain one : they never imagined the occasion would arise when its exercise would be required. Indeed, so remote was believed to be the possibility of an election of i i ... kk irrt.,cn of Rrnresentatives, that the celeone ..intuvrr mav be the mode means of concentration uhlCIl HIS iii'imuin.uu ...... j j . r shnll adont to av roid these PYUS lllfV ifiuai v-a'vv.v - - . . i their principles, with all the artifice of ambition ami the . r 'in.oir mnttrt is "Divide and Con- . 1 . . . . . t- ' C i?k 1 1.1 1 1 I V lilt. I " - ingenuity u. '":"Y"Y p1,,lini,rv of our 1 1 hev Know max, umim, j ?ouu"try is, ami ever will be invincible. . . ciran and1 divide it. j5y oestroyiu0 it oonontriiis nuit - . - t i he means of union, they prevent that u'mon by which onW the Democracy can conquer. The opposition is a ly . !. tit n.l hs more bonds of union. In their systems l..,..rt tllfi its t "-'"-' - - ----- to become richer, illlUICIIUtlM.v , , i ..irc tho noor noorer, its memuers generally induce them have a common interest, n.u - ?"'x nnlth and to act togeu . . ;- - - the advanta II to the POWer unit-... general n'V'-i ,w are certain to nf .1 vision among tne i'cii....M , - a . . - Tffpntlv held by Hepublican party, and tne o a3JvarioUs as them in Baltimore. I Vob tCC S.inn themselves as. tlnj rroteaii shapes wnicn yrc"ta , defeat the fnhie, who, bavin? tailed in tmn u . ;t, ,lTO Convention with the people, will no ' . eeedmgs wun . f tl properTbut a matter of duty in us, to "Jp most prominent of these objections, and we bhall proceed most I to do so in as Dtiei ainanneia. ,vntinn f crc l I il The first is that against the character B " " i,wfth onnosition. not only as a mere ic It is denounced in strong; ami im..--llV IIIO j I I . e ' . r ...1 . ...... int nil OI l')n, instrument P''"'" "S'"!'"- anA irresnonsiPS a system ot u.ctauon uy . ""V V- nhr .iiples of ourVonsti Will, auu in - - - i-

hrited triumvirate of'CW, witn James miuiwii bea l i. defending the various prov isions of the Constitution and recommending it to their country, omitted to ofler one reason in favor of this prov ision, or to defend such a mode of appointment. A negative argument, to be sure, but ol H ...... AAe.M.rtinii. But. fellow citizens,

A 1

i iitniv. " r-

vein e rounu , - - .therefore, that of human affair, and have out a -s-

" .. mt,i nil its laws, and uirect men finpi ? , . i:u. 5 r,t.nw with

the Democracy should everguam ; cheriliheii is not only the right but the duty of every citizen iu All the means of preserv ing union houl be chen J , , t 7 - ration. of the Ut hv them w ith almost the same tenacitv , aSnt'l"f..PTfr1ect and the co lduct of those entrusted with its admmiftration. w hich, without such union, nwcl Every citizen here can aspire to the highest offices in the To these adv antages, w hich our po l.t.ca 1 ene ' es Pf ports o which are the favor and coofifrom our divisions, are to be ascribed all the ks wh ch tate t 7 P I iwd by lhe possession of tahavobren made, and will bv lent, and virtue. In such a state of society ,t at there

,,1........ . .;,- . ,cj -l rri 1:1 H C. I UIC IIIJI"! 1 - - fe" - . I

mmutrntmn. uiui..".' - . i r fro irnvprnmenis, j

o3 YEAR 331 PER CENT. DISCOUNT MADE ON ADVANCE,

pose these assemblies, and not that of the people, which Intinn "hnMt IS the Wl Ol me llluiYimiai? umv gives the Without yielding up for a moment w hat we conceive to fiat, be among the soundest Democratic doctrines, uiai m .nation to public affairs any number of citizens, however assembled, have a right, in a respectful manner, to offer their opinions and express their wishes; and in so doing, are entitled to be respectfully heard, we insist that the late Convention held in Baltimore, was no voluntary and unauthorized assemblage of individuals; but that upon any fair and unprejudiced view, it consisted substantially ol delegates from a very large portion of the Union, in whose candor a fair expression of the choice of the Democracy of their respective portions of the country was made. 1 hat its members were supposed to speak, not their individual sentiments alone, but the opinions and wishes of those whom they represent. That they-did not permit themselves to indulge individual and local preferences and partialities, but w ere bound by a sense of duty to collect and compare the sentiments of the people every where, and recommend those who possessed the largest share of public confidence. They acted in this as in a high representative character, and if it be true, that an Elector is bound to follow implicitly the will of his constituents, upon what ground can it be said that a Convention thus constituted, would have any latitude of discretion, in the nomination individuals without r? card to the opinions and wishes of the people What then are the safe-guards against misconduct in all such Conventions? Simply that care be taken that they emanate directly from the people, convene at some central point, and be separated as tar as practicable from the influences of the existing administration. Would not such a mode of nomination be ranch more likely to embody and give effect to the popular will than any that has yet been adopted ? Is it not preferable to the old mode of Congressional caucuses, sustained for more than ncccsstli ot le case. j turn i uiry iw... i.w ... tanee of Union to the republicans throughout all parts of the 'United Stales, and as to the best mode cf consultin" and representing the interests and wishes oj all upon a suHeel so interesting to the people of the Urn ted Slates, t,ow much more ought that of a National Convention to be justified by the same considerations, at the present moment? If it w as then proper to resort to a Caucus as a means of producing union among the Republicans, of arresting discord, and preventing an election by the House of Representatives, why shall we not now resort to a less objectionable and better mode for the accomplishment of the same objects. If it was then necessary, with only two opposing candidates, is it not now indispensable, when we have so many aspirants? If a Congressional Caucus received the approbation of such men asJefierson, Madison, and Monroe, (as it did, for they accepted formally their nominations,) why have we not a right to expect they would sanction that of a National Convention ? If they believed the cause of liberty and free government had been eminently promoted by union thus produced, why shall wc not profit by their example? Nor is there any force in the objection that the Republican party itself has sometimes failed to resort Caucuses and Conventions without injury ? Admit it ! But because they may not always have been necessary, it is therefore true, that they may not sometimes be so ? Because the suffrages of the Republicans may heretofore, without them, have been concentrated upon eminent men, does it follow that they may not hereafter be beneficial to produce concert of opinion, and prevent division ? Are you prepared then to throw aside all experience, all history of the past, and refuse to profit by the wisdom of our political fathers? Ae hope not! But all such modes are said to be liable to serious objections Granted. But what are the evils which must arise without them ? That is the question. It matters not, how strong the objections to a Convention may be, the enquiry still mint be, is there not less danger to be apprehended from them, than a Congressional Election? Is it not a thousand times better that the ev ils even of a convention, whatever they may be, should be borne, than that we should be exposed to the calamities of an election by the 1 louse of Representatives, the Pandora Box of our whoie system? This is the only true issue. If, however, any better mode can be devised, gladly, we doubt not, would the nation bless the amemhng ha ml ut til some amendment ol tne l oiisiuuuui miu wj,.ventions, or some other efficient mode, to concentrate pow er, and produce union and harmony among u.a. nw. It is in this way only, as experience has show n, and all . , ,. experience will show, that they can -r ope ,- their ascendancv, secure me inmnj... j,....- ---7 Live effect to the popular will. Whether any amendment thla Kiihieet. jruarding against . .i a - "j 7 argum fices of of a National Convention, be obviated, because then the soverei-n right to choose these officers will be secured to the people fheinselves in that contingency. But until this shal be accomplished, either conventions or some other more exceptionable mode will continue to be resorted to, as the only means of preventing greater evils to public liberty . This i all that the Democracy of the country can do, and this is what they ought, and are bound by the most solemn obligations of duty to do. It must be conceded, too, b all, that according to the true principles of our constitution the President should be elected by the people of the United lilt. X '"'u " . . . . . (l-0-.n,1 pyrpDt l)V l?i r ! s ti r :in 1 1 i itrivjv ni h th medium States. J low can mat greai uujt t , - the adoption of some system by wn.cn "V" jt bled to unite together and concentrate their votes f It o Kit hiert to conventions f Are they not are tne iiciwna n.n. , the men who have been endeavoring for years past to collect and concentrate the members of their ow n party, and not only the members of their ow n party, but the scattered fragments of all parties ; the apostates from every poll cal V .. r.. Xc m,m,So! and conventions? Are they laitn, uy mnh;ne, tojrether, to defeat Z Su h peop S carry the election to the House of ReprelmafivesVhere the choice of that high officer uno, which in part'rests the prosperity, the happiness, and upon v i mnde to depend upon barthe iiDertv oi iiiiuiuii) . , gatn ami intrigue, among a few individuals who may seek their own aggrandisement at the expense of the country i The next objection against the Convention, and one recently urged by the opposition, is that the whine proceed--uu J & . J. 11 , . a nni to iirejug u - j nmiu nt a nnrrv cnaraeier: nnc".u t - serve Hence prec ' ambitious and party purposes. That this sj)irit, . . . hnrn carried to an extreme, may Decome injunuus, . """y Rut the man who expects to see free countries exshould be collisions of sentiment ana in - i,, - - cal parties, is not only a consequence natural, .. XV Nor is the existence of such parties destitute of pubble.' Nor is the lic utiiitv. They bring into action the greatest talent. They fcxcite a ;eaiusly and vig ilance which insures fidelie t in,nublic functionaries. Thev check a ttempts at the usurpation of power, and tnercoy preserve i .j V""r fr'I peope. Such' has been the effect, not only in aur free r m : .i o irinrh less so. In oreat isritain 1 . V. nnktinf th covernment, oai in uw - ,.,i ? . :,i i, th rase? There the creat and nas mis noi especially " , . , .;7rroi;ml ovrweeninir nower of the monarchical and aristocratical overweening Fuwx --- m,ntfirt?f.tPd and kept um umuu.w fe.v..... I rt irnimmeni IIUI C kv-v- . - Ut lid..' " . , " in cheek by the boldness, talent. ana Vtt iar Ara nf nol t cal nartv: nor is unn uj wv - improper in men having .v.aw - g r y ' the sarue object, co-operating as

twenty years by the established usages oi tne repuuncun party, and which resulted in the eiection of Jlr. Jefferson, JMr. Madison, and JMr. JSIonroe. If that mode w as jus.:r.,i .uionniiKw of the Caucus of 1803 "brom the

till

to CUt Oil IIIC UOSM unity v.v. . j - Representatives, and cause the will of the people to be rejected in the choice of their Chief Magistrate, it s.iould ii ,k ,it nf the RenubHcan party, either through Con-

.i :t.:i:.. r on -tmn nv inn iiuiimj

their

by the House of Representatives, will take place, rests alone w ith the people. It is becoming, how ever, daily a subject of increasing solicitude, and may soon result in such amendment as w ill remedy nil existing defects m this v ital part of our system, and secure an ejection to the people in lv erv contingency ! When that shall be done then w il our r . ;..,t;WMiwl c atesforthe high of-

fill, ll

surelv becomes those who object to i,oinemiu . i r. LncCher ...ode of f?tXn?ffi? other ha. been ye. oflere.!, and e led fully ju e c d m

..citoc nt tne ltenuuiiciiu -

the power ot party ana perpciu t j i - i - f . c ctrnnirlv rle-

. . norttr i .i-i nn nle?.

it is that we hear the spirit oi panjr 7 ;., p

tt liv the verv men who are invoking us.

when

I admit.

. r, ifinfliiAnrp-inust be a very tsupeiuitv ww..-.

ON

- j ; i ' " - A, ATOTOTT 3S, Uggg; rartvon honest principles, for its attainment. An individual in the political world taking his own course consulting those of the same principles and opim without ons witn himself,would become insignificant. Hisisolated exertions might become unavailing. He would be a unit opposed to a strong phalanx, united by a common interest, and animated by a combined will. The only way that he could oppose with success the movements of his .political opponents w ould be to unite with those hav ing the same view, with himself. Nor would this imply a sacrifice J1 independence on his part. A breach of pol cal morality, the doing an art of injustice, or the trampling on the righVa or liberties of a fellow-citizen, can never be justified or excused by regard or complaisance aPa"y; readily admitted. But the concession of Bubordinate que. tions; a compromise of views of policy! of f Jfu"e be pursued to attain a certain and laudable obje ct ; of the preference of particular individuals to fill certain tations, ire not only the dictates of wisdom, but are to be juscl by the maxims of the severest and most inflexible morality. Men excited to preserve and maintain the liberties of the country ; to oppose any attempt to sacrifice those liberties and to bury them under the ruins of the constitution, would not only be inexcusable, but highly criminal, to suffer those great and vital objects to be defeated ; because, in the pride of opinion, they w ould not saciifice, on a question of mere pvnedienev. a cause which they might not have been the firct tlipmplvps to surest. The question which these po lit-cal casuists ought to put to tn Would it be better that they sho happiness or the public liberty, tl litical casuists ought to put to themselves, should be this: uld endanger tne puuiilan give up some favorite erhPinn of nolicv. orvield their assent to an individual s being placed in an office, whose opinions in general coincide with their own, though they might have a preference for another ? When parties act on honorable pnnciples, there is no danger from their existence. But this opinion is not'meant to extend to the justification of that factious and envenomed spirit by which parties are sometimes influenced. Whenever au individual is ready to sacrifice the honor of the nation, the principles of the constitution, or the right of the people, to gratify his ow n ambition, or satiate his vengeance on political opponents, such a man deserves to be stigmatized as an enemy to his country! The great thing to be attended to in a free county, therefore, is not to pronounce an indiscriminate anathema against all political parties. The people should inquire into the motives by which parties are actuated, and into the tendency of their measures. If a particular party or set of individuals are united to preserve the public liberty, and to secure the constitution on a firm basis, these men, by whatever epithets distinguished, deserve the public applause and gratitude. If the tendency of a measure of another party be to overturn .that constitution or subvert the liberties of the people, such men, however imposing the name which they may have assumed, do not merit the public support, but should be firmly resisted by every friend of hiscountr'. It would be the dity of a good citizen to unite his efforts to those of one party, while he should avoid any connexion with the other. In a society constituted of such parlies, and in a country like ours, who would be justified in standing aloof as an unconcerned spectator? Would he not be bound to choose betw een parties and measures, which might be beneficial or injurious to bis country 1 Under the banners of the first described of these partics would he not be impelled by the strongest impulses of duty and patriotism, to enlist ? Would be not be in a situation, where, next to the crime of uniting on measures hostile to the public happiness, would be that of remaining neutral? Miserable indeed would be the excuse of those who refrain from affording that aid which they ow e to their country, under the pretext that they cannot agree upon any measure of policy, and upon any preference of individual-, with those whose main objects they admit to be similar to their own ! Should these political opponents be succussful, persons acting with such view s would find it difhcult either to justify their conduct to their country or their own consciences. They might discover too late that they had sacrificed the best of causes to that pride of opinion which is not satisfied with success, but with nothing short of attaining it in its own way; these reflections ought we think to be seriously weighed by every citizen in a free country. They are not important to those who are struggling for power which they mean to wield to promote the public happiness, but to those whom the people had placed in authority, have to contend with an opposition whose deadly hostility w ould delight to overthrow them and their principles altogether. Union is even more important to a party who are in pow er, because on it depends the efficiency of an administration, and the success of the best concerted plans of policy. An opposition does not require so strong a cement to obtain success amongst them; by whatever dissimilarity of motive each individual is actuated, yet if each finds fault with something, a unity of effect is produced. .... . Tf Not so with those who administer the government. It they do not unite and harmonize, not only in its general views, but also in the particular measures which are adopted, their movements will be marked by irresolution and imbecility : they will be incapable of resisting the efforts of their opponents, weakened as they will be by the Iukewarmness and indifference of their friends. Such must alu nfVrt nf a sort of mutual concession and unthe appellation of party as that w hich binds the Democratic Republicans of our Union? Without such a party, fel- , 1 mid nv nrincinles could never be low citizen0, evil men ami evu pnm;ipit. t-uj n. successfully resisted, nor could the great purposes of free "ovemmentbe accomplished. If parties sometimes produce mischief, (and all admit it) they ought nevertheless be still borne Like the licentiousness of the pre, it is an ev il so intimately connected with the good to which it is allied hat one cannot be destroyed without inflicting an ini i : :i . . 1 ,1 ..n.-nr iin ...'wp wound on the other. AH these onjecuons, then, to the Convention and to us proci-c-m.., v party grounds, are intended only for political effect, and will aTonce be detected and scouted by the people. '1 hey ought not and cannot have w eight with the enlightened portion of such a country as ours, and at a crisis like the present. Wc come now, fellow citizens, to another objection to the Convention, or rather to one of its nominations, and to another effort at division, of a very different character, and probably one of the most mischievous and wicked that has e ver been made against the peace and happiness of any i t. nttnumt to rrentp. sectional parties and CHinn's and to alienate one portion of our country from iect of transcendent and universal interest, and one : that demands to be well weighed ana cousiuercu, ujr an mid ill men! And here we will take occasion to remarK, dim .111 iii"t .-. ru.. in nnnoa to that it is on this wean siue ui unman iuii.j - the most degrading and dangerous passions oi u mind, that those who seek to uetray nations iu vmw . Post's cl Ii-A 1 1 iviv - , m f n uses, ,.rl1 oc fanat rUm alwaVS Prolific W.and kindle the torch ol discora, always i here that arauinuu as nvu ..c v s9 tl.. allurements and deluisons necessary to accomplish their purposes,) direct tneir oaiwri. It is the point, i v,r. Smith arra .i. oioi nrffamzation of these two sections of our CeS 111 me -o--7 , r.-.r, ..;, rrinti rnnntrV. is ever a reaay nnu iiumux u-'i these jealousies and dissensions It has ever oeen a iunital article in the Republican preed that i Jese relawere not by our own Constitutional Charter b rough damen tions within tne scuuc ui t 7 w v.. ;n.ri-srR with the domestic relations and ... e v,ior-.l noucm. and that toneress nas as uttie riiiui ajilavj w . . i as mue r ife United States, with the relations local insiiiuii""" . nr , ' jcai insti ATnscnchusetts. oxmasterand ot master onu Uiii - ---- - . . .. servant in Virginia, as tney nave vu social relations in Ureal imtain, x iai., a.tA rooted is this conviction, not only in me mmu n " v:-.w.r of thP northern and middle States, but in the UUl uici- ' ... c . 1 ,f .V. minds of the whole Kepuoncan party oi uie umuu, i.. is incorporated in the Democratic creed, and constitutes . i i i;n.0 rf conamtinn between the strict conone ot tne orudu ii-- f . j .t i i TT;n No man. nor set ot men, can interiere, 1. w . r - CUl , . even wish to interfere, with the reserved tights ot tne States, embracing their domestic institutions ana socmi .clation, and call himselt a democratic repuDiican,or to Union. Republicanism, or Democracy, in the language of Ur. Jefferson, is "the support of the State Ooiern .... ... . . 1 1 ' l.iinn

ion on the part ol tnose who piun tut,- sn. j...... to us. x m ..w.j i.v , --- principles and think alike. When parties act on honorable tcrn aiu northern portions,of our country. Ihe Kepublinrincinles there is no danger in our country from their ex- cans iiave no lot or part in them, and all those who assume influence. Who, then, ought to be ashamed of the name, and are now found engaged in them, if they

i r.., i.n o.n.n -.-! itir-ni I . mi. : : , ncnoKio lv trno tta it rpenrns the eas-

the rest, by charging upon tne suppusr-u ucwu..-. plicated political system, the calamities which evil men i iirnrinir themselves to bring about. I his is a suh-

moreoierfin which not only all free Governments, but - follovve'rs, and which they feel and dread. Inour own peculiar system can be most effectually assailed laded J guarantee is ltepublicanism Hence, it is, that in "'ffe'ent part lnn peaCeable possession of all the privileges reriSohorUnioarndTxd outh, suiting from this Confederacy of States, that while bond of Union, anu extiwi Afrarn- .t : - i?.,Kt:o in tho Knrth th Snnth will

UlSt thO XOnn. Hie icvunoi .....v..... I VUUrU IS H amuumu .

HALF YEARLY PAYMENTS.

MO. 33, m fntu in all their risrhts. as the most complete adminis tration for our domestic concern, and ihe safest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies, and the preservation of the General Government in all its constitutional vigor; as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and prosperity abroad." Those who would interfere with these reserved and vital rights of the States, cannot be Democrats : and on the other hand, those w ho would weaken the bonds of union, or wish to destroy its constitutional vigor, whatever they may call themselves, cannot be, in truth, Jeffersonian Republicans. The disposition to meddle with the just rights of the States, and especially those of a Democratic character, as well as the opposite disposition to arrest the constitutional and rightful action of the Federal Government, are alike inconsistent with the true spirit of Republicanism and the doctrines of the Republican party. Those who harbor either disposition, whatever may bo not only guarantees to each State the full enjoyment of its reserved rights, but it guarantees to each State protection from the molestation of other States. When we look, fellow citizens, upon the People of the large and the small States of this vast empire, all dwelling under the Republican system of our fathers in tranquility and security ; all under different local and State laws and domestic regulations: all pursuing happiness and prosperity in their own way; having no wall upon their borders, nor armies to defend 'them from one another; but each and all resting securely under the Republican banner of our Union, it would indeed seem as if the days had come, foretold of old, when the lion and the lamb should lie down in peace together. Those, then, who would urge the government ol our union to trespass upon the rights of the States, or those who would force the States to dissolve the Union, are neither republican nor the true friends of the States or the Union. They are not so, because they strike at the foundation and existence of our free institutions and Republican Governcrnment itself. They strike on different sides to be sure, and with very different motives, but the effects are the same. It matters but little whether the harmony of these hap,py and prosperous States be destroyed by wrongs committed against their reserved rights, or whether itbe by creating unjust disaffection to that Union to which they are all indebted, without exception, for their peace and prosperity at home, and their respe-t abroad. Fellow-citizens, there have always been two great political parties in our country. Names have changed, but the principles orgrounds of difference between the two remain the same. The Republican party have alw ays contended for a strict consumption of the constitution, the preservation of the rights of the States, and the integrity and supremacy of the Government of the Union, ichen acting strictly in the spirit and letter of the constitutional compact. The federal party, or consolidationistson the other hand, claimed a liberal or latitudinarian construction, and under the pretext of "general welfare" and "expediency," have not scrupled to exercise powers not only of doubtful constitutional character, but in violation of many of the reserved rights of the States. Their principles have often led them not only to push the authority of the General Government to the most unwarrantable lengths, disregarding State Rights and public sentiment, (as in the case of the Alien and Sedition Laws,) but to fly to the opposite extreme, and stoutly deny the authority of the General Government, when acting strictly within the line of its constitutional duty, as in the case of the embargo proceedings during the late war, and the recent Bank question. The very same class of politicians, who had advocated the authority of the Federal Government to enact Alien and Sedition Law's, established moneyed monopolies, created exhorbitant tariffs and taxed th nponle of one section of the country to make roads .and canals in another, denied the right of the same Goveminent to protect the commerce ox its citizens Dy an embargo, defend the rights and liberties of its gallant seamen by a war, or remove even the public treasure from a soulless corporation, using its power for political and party purposes. All such extremes are alike inconsistent with the principles and doctrines of the Republican party. The consolidationists have twice had the Government in their hands, and both times their principles have been pushed to dangerous extremes. Names have changed, but the same party with the same principles, leading the same practices, are now striving for power. It is true and gratifying to believe, that a portion of this party are aiming at power, and in the conviction that their principles, although t.,Mno tr5fH and failed, would be more conducive to the V A V hv - 7 minority, and can never hope to gain the ascendency except by dividing the republican party. To this point all their energies are and will be directed. It cai:not be concealed from you that many of our opponents both in the North and the South, under diffeicnt names and denominations, are playing into each others hands by creating geographical parties, kindling sectional animosities, stirring up local jealousies, and arousing all the angry passions. It is in this way that they hope to divide the Republican party. Facts will, however, verify that all such proceedings are instituted by antNrepublicans, and those who are opposed ........ lfil nrofl t a t h P Dpmnrratie nartv. have since been alienated by ambitious or party views, or in the midst of I . : . i. ...utL-oii . m fun nc 1 nr lrirnriS- J rue party tame, na.c ....mn.,. . . Republicans can never lend their aid and influence in creatulg geographical parties in the Last, W est, JNorth or South. They can never engage in such schemes without violating their principles; principles which tell them that they are all brothers, each left a rich inheritance Dy their fathers, never to be cancelled, while they forbear to me(iuie witn me ihciu iewin6 unu UUmCBuu , wa. vw. other. Who then can tiouDt tne virtue, tne nueiiignicr, and patriotism of our brethren of the northern and middle States upon this subject ? Have not the abolitionists and fanatics, in broaching their obnoxious plans in public in those quarters of our Union, been in danger even ot mobs and violence ? Within the last two years while polical incendiaries, with the view of creating sectional parties, have been proclaiming to the South that the North were preparing to interfere with her domestic relations ; have we not ccn the preachers oi sucnioctrines uriveu num pum, a.-. emblies in the north &, no'rth-vvest with mockery & scorn? It was but the other day that the abolitionists were se reiusea permission, uy au uvu m-num - ----Democratic Legislature of New Hampshire, to hold oithnr T-ofrlslntivn Hall, on the errouna obiects of the Society were incompatible r. with those Southern interests, secured Dy tne con stitution, with which the Northern people bad no-thin"-to do, and which could never be agitated without danger and alarm. It is the power and influence of united Republicanism and patriotism, which ties the hands of the abolitionists and fanatics in the Korth. and scorns their doctrines. It is this power of united Republicanism which spell binds their dehave a friend there. Let, then, the Republican par ty every where, stand firm and united, and trusting V, . - n.Iniinlnc fonr nnt nil will hfl safe. And j. democracy of all quarters of our y j implicitly confide in each other 1 They entered into this confederacy as maepenaeni states, wivu in rthat each Stat it each State reserved to itself the rignioi nia- ----- - - ging lis comes stic concerns and social remiona . u own way. J ay. The people of no state n f no State, tnerojore, wan violate that compromise, on wn.cn tn.s sed, and call themselves uepuouca..-. " subversive of the fundamenta pnnciples on wind the superstructure ol oZ Ol IIUIIUI o i.M.t ecoption, treachery ana as men ot cenbe m . .1.-1 V i .... i.m i,nw Lnnwuini, ur or trI1G christians, violate iwubcbuscmiv; .. r.,- . . w - " . m bo doing, tne Jignt oi o reai. uan., - -. j .t,ininff on a heniirhted world, would be extinguisher! . . . i . f . : now uriunwiT o'"'""o : " .. .... fbrevef.and in blood! They know tnw . .. U affords ample fields tor the exertions oi .

their motives or professions, are anti-republican in principle, whether called Federafor National Republican, Whig nr Torv. Abolitionist or Nullifyer. True Republicanism

public prosperity and happiness of the country, than the principles of Washington, Jefferson Madison, Monroe, and Jackson. They, however, know that they are in a