Indiana Palladium, Volume 10, Number 36, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 20 September 1834 — Page 1

By D. V. CnJIey & V. II. Cole. Terms $3 PER YEAR 33 PER CENT. DISCOUNT MADE ON ADVANCE, OR 1G3 OX HALF YEARLY PAYMENT'S. BUM VOIL. X. ILAWRENCEBITIIGII, (IA.) SATUHBAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 134. WO. 36.

Speech of fir. Taney, In the Court House Yard, at the Public Festival, given to him by the Jackson Republicans of Frederick county, on Wednesday, the Gth of August. Mr. President: I feel sensibly the honors which my fellow citizens of Frederick have this day conferred upon me, and the favorable manner in which my character and public conduct are mentioned in ihe sentiment just given. It is now thirty-three years, since I came to reside among you, a stranger from a different patt of the State, without any claims upon your kindness and confidence, but such

as I might earn by my own conduct. And after passing twenty years of the prime of my life in the midst of you after mingling freely in all your public concerns, and taking my full share as a citizen in the various political controversies of tho lime, when I went out from among you to become the resident of a neighboring city, it was one of the cherished feelings of my heart, that I neither took with me, nor left behind me, any imbiltered feeling, springing cither from private intercourse, professional duty, or the exciting political conflicts in which I had engaged. I had nothing to remember for my own part but the often repealed acts of friendship which I had received from you, and it has since been one of tho dearest illusions of my life, if it be an illusion, to look to the people of this great country, not merely as fellow citizens, but as friends, tried friends, who would always be ready to do me justice. You, gentlemen, on this occasion, with your generosity of feeling, have done me more than cold justice, and have mingled in the terms of your favorable verdict on my conduct, the j liberal kindness of friends. I am aware, however, that in the liberal honors ' you are conferring on me, you arc at the same time asserting your fixed determination to maintain the free institutions of your country against the dangerous power which is now assailing them. It is indeed, gentlemen, an eventful moment in which we are assembled. In every period of tho world, and in every nation, history is full of examples of combinations among a tew individuals, who grasp all power in their own hands, and wrest it from the hands of the many. The invaluable blessing of self-government has never yet been attained by any nation, without a very severe struggle and many sacrifices and when the blessing has once been obtained, constant vigilance has been necessary to preserve it. In this favored country, we have passed through the first period of trial. Our fathers broke the chains which bound them, and bequeathed to us the glorious legacy of freedom, and their own bright examples to animate us to preserve it. But let it be rotnembered that the enemy is always at our doors. And we who are but the first generation from the patriots who achieved our independence, have been already called to a severe contest, in defenco of the free institutions of the country, against an enemy so confident in its strength, that it sought the conflict, and openly and boldly attempted, by the sufferings it inflicted, to break down the spirit of a free people, and subdue them to its purposes. The struggle has been a fearful one I need not detail to you here the trying incideuts of the last winter, while the issue of the contest seemed to be doubtful. Never since the days of the revolution has the country been so agitated: and never were such mighty efforts made to alarm the people, and sproad ruin and dismay over this great and happy nation. False reports were daily invented and published, and circulated with an industry worthy of a better cause. The credit of your local banks were every where assailed, and runs for specie every where made upon them, in order to prostrate the ordinary currency of the country, and produce one universal sceno of embarrassment and distress. Manu factories were stopped in various places. The people were assured that orders for the ordinary supply of goods from abroad were countermanded in all the commercial cities and trade was ruined that our revenue was destroyed that the Treasury would soon be bankrupt, and the government unable to meet its engagements without new taxes. New in such scenes, and new in a contest with such an enemy, unacquainted ns the mass of " the people are with the mysteries of banking and tho currency, we ought not to be surprised if the public mind was startled, for a time, and even firm and patriotic men wavered for a moment. Many citizens, honest and patriotic themselves, and ready to lay down their lives and fortunes for the public good, were unwilling to believe that a plan was deliberately formed by American citizens, to embarrass and distress their own country for the purpose of advancing their own selfish designs. Juds'mir of others by themselves, they supposed it impossible that the members of a corporation, created for the public service, and intended to promote the public welfare, and upon whom, peculiar, and valuable, and exclusive privileges had been bestowed by the nation, with a liberal hand, would turn upon the people who had thus favored them, with the vindictive spirit of a foreign enemy. And in this state of things, it should not be a matter of surprise that the Bank, through its corrupt power over the press, and by the vast influence which it otherwise exercised by means of its money, succeeded for a time J . J " in destroying confidence and creatine a oeneral state of apprehension and alarm. The panic thus created produced, and was designed to produce, a real distress. Tho State banks were run upon for specie men who had money, hoarded it the debtor was unable to borrow, and his property was sacrificed at sales below its value the rich products of your soil were bought by speculators at reduced prices you were told that we were in the midst of a revolution, and a resort to arms, and civil war was . openly menaced and while the public mind was in this condition of excitement and alarm, we were confidently told, in high places, that the present evils were trifles to those which awaited us and that in June, July, and August, general ruin would stalk over ihe land. And what was to avert the dire calamities said loj be impending over us, and which June, July, and j August were thus surely lo witness.' What was to restore the confidence, and heal the wounds of our suffering and afflicted country ? W hat was to save us frouAho dreadful disasters of civil war? Restore the dcposiies; re-charter the Bank,' was the cry. This was ihe certain and universal panacea; iho cure for all evil3, past, present, and to come. Nothing else it was said could save us from inevitable Tuin. June and July are now past, and August is come,

and where are the prophets of wo, and their appalling prophecies? The armed associations which were threatened, 'did not march upon Washington, and the revolution which was so rapidly advancing,

has stopped in its mid career, and vanishca from our j sight. The country is smiling with plenty. Our rich and productive soil, by the blessing of a bountiful Providence, is yielding in abundance its fruits. All the products of tho earth meet with a ready market at fair prices. Your local banks stand firm, with renewed credit. Specie is flowing into the country, and the currency about to be improved by a plentiful circulation of gold, which has so long been a stranger to your eyes. Your foreign trade is flourishing and extensive beyond all former example. Your revenue far exceeds the most san guine expectations of the Treasury Department, and is more than sufficient for all the wants of the Government. And yet the deposites have not been restored, and the Bank has not been re-chartered. Tlie infallible and sole remedy, so loudly recommended, has not been resorted to. A majority of the House of Representatives firmly sustained the Executive branch of the Government, and breasted the storm with a spirit worthy of their fathers. The measure which was said to have produced all these evils, and justified all their violence, has been pursued with unwavering consistency. "The experiment," as it. was snecringly called, is now in the full tide of success. And the enlightened and distinguished statesman at the head of the Treasury Department is following out with a firm and steady hand, the system of policy which it is my pride to have advised, and to have carried into full execution. How then has it happened that this great change in the condition of the country has taken place in the space of a few short months, without any change in the measures of the government? The answer is obvious. The measures of the government could not have produced the distress. For, if that had been the case, it would still contiuue with increased force. It was, in truth, caused by the panic, and that panic was deliberately prepared for the purpose of producing that distress. The conclusive evidence of the real prosperity of the country, when laid before the people, dissipated the alarm which it required so much p3ins, and such an expenditure of money, to create. The panic has passed away, and with it the distress it had occasioned. The crisis is now past, and the country is saved, but the war is not over. What the enemy failed to accomplish by terror, and the open display of his power, he will now attempt in secret and in the dark . Unseen, he is still in the midst of us, in our cities, in our villages, and in the country. We know not whom he is attacking, until wo unexpectedly see some one, who, in former days, stood in the ranks of the people, battling for their rights, suddenly become a captive in the hands of the enemy, and behold him borne oft" in triumph to their ranks. The present, gentlemen, in mv view of the sub ject, is the first occasion in the history of this couniry, in winch the moneyed power has been bold enough to enter the lists, and contend openly for the possession of tho Government. Heretofore, if any class of our citizens supposed they were wronged they appealed to the justice and intelligence of the American people. They reasoned the matter fully before them, and then awaited their decision. But the Bank, in this instance, did not deign to rely on the weapons of reason, and submit itself to the judgment of the councils of the nation, and the people, on a full hearing of the case. It chose to consider itself insulted by the act of the constituted authorities. It determined to rely on its power, and redress itself. And like a foreign enemy waging open war, it sought to alarm us into submission, by ostentatiously displaying its power, first at one point and then another, and by the unsparing vengeance with which it spread ruin in every place where its power could reach. It endeavored, by spreading dismay throughout the nation, to break tho spirit of the people, and compel them to its demands. ' It sought to obtain from their sufferings, and their fears, what it did not hope would be yielded to their arguments and petiions. When the Bank determined to pursue this course, in what respect did its conduct and principle of action differ from that ofan open & avowed public enemy? It is true, it did not gather an armed force, (although at one time even that was threatened) and burn our houses, and desolate our fields. But what matters it whether tho healthful lone of the body politic is destroyed by open violence, or secret poison? What matters it whether the distress of the country is occasioned by the arms of a foreign enemy or by a powerful monied corporation, exciting a causeless and needless r.oric, intended to produce, and inevitably producing as much, and more individual suffering than tho most powerful nation of the world could have inflicted upon us? There is indeed a striking difference between the aulhors of these injuries; and the wrongs of the two will be remembered with very different feelings. In the case of a foreign nation, it is not their own country, and their countrymen, who they en deavor to distress and ruin, in order to subdue and I conquer. We do not owe our present safety and prosperity to the mercy or kindness of the Bank. Its presses still indulge, it would seem, the lingering hope of another panic; and are endeavoring to discredit the gold coins now becoming a part of your circulation, and the Bank has steadily continued its curtailments. The restoration of confidence has been obtained not only without ihe aid of the Bank, but in spite of its exertions to the contrary. And the rapidity with which the alarms have subsided is a proud evidence of the firmness, intelligence, and virtue of the American People. They may be laken by surprise and unDreuared thev may be startled for a moment by unknown dangers, coming 1 I mm upon them in a new shape but their energy and courage soon rises with the emergency, and will ever be found equal to the crisis which calls it into action and he knows but linln of iho character of his countrymen, who expects to govern this great People by corruption, by fear, or by force. Let him appeal to their patriotism, their generous feelings, to their intelligence and their reason, and he will always find a ready response, and when lie is in the right, a faithful support. When the deposites were removed, I knew that many true and valued friends believed, and some of them may perhaps yot believe, that tho measure

was a precipitate one that it gave the Bank an advantage in the contest and that the struggle and sufferings through which we have passed might have been avoided by waiting until the charter expired by its own limitation, and then refusing to renew it. Rely upon it, those who think so are deceived. The Bank had entered the political arena, and demanded the renewal of its charter, immediately preceding the last election of General Jackson. It openly opposed him because he had the courage to do his duty and veto the bill. It fjilcd in that effort, but it had not abandoned its designs. On the contrary it was maturing its plans and preparing its means. And if it had been allowed to choose its own time for the contest to gather up its instruments of annoyance, to lull the community and the State Banks into a delusive security and to come suddenly upon them, with its giant strength, its forces all prepared, and acting in concert throughout the United States, you would have witnessed a scene of ruin, compared to which all

that you have lately passed through is as nothing. The history cf the last winter sufficient! v shows the weapons which the Bank is ready to use, and the extent to which it is prepared to go, in its war upon the best interests of the country, in order to compel congress again 10 cnaner it. lour Jocal Uinks j uuiu uavu uucu iiumicu m a mow, your oruinarv Wu.u auu v. uu u ut uu.uw, juur urumary currency prostrated and made worthless: the pro ducts of your soil without market, labor without employment, and the whole business of life thrown into almost irretrievable confusion. You would have been compelled to submit to tho Bank as a conquered people and to renew its charter upon i its own terms, or to have beheld this now happy ahd prosperous land, one wide field of distress and desolation. Gen. Jackson saw that this danger was approaching, and must inevitably come. It is not his custom to wait patiently until the enemy has matured his plans, and allow him to select his own lime to commence the battle. As the conflict must come, ns the danger must be met, he advanced to meet it, and thus compelled the Bank to try its schemes of conquest before it had fully prepared its means. The promptness and the wisdom cf that decision has, I firmly believe, saved the country from the corrupting rule of a great monied aristocracy, loo powerful to be encountered with success by any one who was not, like himself, strong in the confidence of the people, and justly endeared to them by a long life of splendid public services. We have heard a great deal cf tho usefulness of this Bank in regulating the currency, and may con fidently ask what share does it furnish of the currency of this county? I speak of this county, not only because you know its concerns, but because it is rich, prosperous, and a large amount of money constantly circulating in it; and it may therefore bo taken as a sample of the great agricultural interests throughout the Union. Now and then you

may see a straggling note of this Bank: onceinaiisconccrncd.no violated constitution, or broken

while you may be surprised by finding a stray note from its fold coming among you. But in your or dinary payments and receipts it is hardly seen, and has but little more to do with furnishing the currency of this county than the notes of the Bank of England. Your currency is either specie, or the notes of your own Banks, and the Banks of the neighborhood. And I am amazed when I hear any of you talking about the wholesome currency furnished by the Bank of the United States, and deploring the loss which will be sustained in this county on that account, if it is not rechartercd. The Bank has nothing to do with the currency used here. It furnishes no material part of it. The existence of the Bank will not make it better, nor worse. It will neither add to, ncr diminish, the quantity circulating in this county unless, indeed it can again excite a panic again create a groundless distrust in the safety of your own Banks and again, by destroying their credit, dtive back their notes upon them and thus endanger their existence, and deprive the county of its ordinary and necessary amount of circulation. The only effect you have ever felt from this Bank, on the amount of your circulating medium, was produced by the panic it created. Its power here is a power for evil, and not for good. It has ruado money distressingly scarce by creating unnecessary alarm. It never will, and it never can, make it more plenty among you. Its notes have no concern whatever with your ordinary currency. I know very well that it is now said that the Bank has nothing to do with the present opposition that a new party is formed to resist executive usurpations that tho opposition are "Whigs" and we are "Tories." And after a session of seven months, in which we daily heard of the urgent distress of the country when the restoration of the deposites was the theme of every discourse, and all other business was for months laid aside, on the plea that the nation required immediate relief from the overwhelming afflictions under which it was suffering we are astonished to learn as soon as the session is closed, that the re-charier of the bank, and the restoration of the deposites, and the terrify ing pictures of distress, so recently held up to us, are not now worthy of being brought into our discussions that new and enduring evils are discovered of far greater magnitude, and calling for a new formation of parties. The distresses and afflictions which were so much lamented during the session, and the remedy so ungently pressed as the cure for these evils, aro now to be regarded as matters of subordinate concern they can wait, it seems, until other matters are disposed of. It is to be regretted that ihe discovery was not sooner made, and that so much precious time was spent, &nd so much public money wasted, and the public mind so much excited, about a matter which is now thought too unimportant and trifling even to bo remembered in our political divisions. As to this new invention of party names, we misht perhaps feel some motives of resentment. when our adversaries arrogate to themselves the exclusive title to be called Whigs, and bestow upon us the opprobrious epithet of Tories, if this distribution of party names was not, in itself, supremely ridiculous, when we look at the persons who arc intended to bear them. Look at some of the prominent men of the opposition I need not name them. They are Whigs it seems, and Andrew Jackson, scarred with wounds received in the war of the Revolution, is, forsooth, a Tory 1 I cannot stop to comment on such an appropriation of names. But what has become of the 'National Republicans' and the 'Nullifiers?' It was but a few short monthes ago that the newspapers in the north and

the west, and here also in this very city, were boasting of the pure principles, and lofty patriotism of the former, and teeming with accounts of their victories at elections and of their unalterable hatred to the doctrines of nullification. On tho other hand, the nullifiers of the South were equally confident, and according to their own occount of the matter, although not then very numerous, were soon to become so, and had sworn on their altars eternal hatred to all who 'advocated and approved of the "bloody bill." What has become of these numerous and adverse bodies of respectable citi

zens, who but a short time ago were so proud of! their names, and so confident of victory ? We hive now it seems no "National Republicans," no 'Nul-

lifters" all arc gone all to a man have deserted dismissed from his employment, nnd, wiilj his fimtheir old standards, and enlisted under a new ban-1 ily, left to starve tho debtor is pressed for money ncr, where they all now constitute one harmonious ho is unable to pay the trader, with but modcrparty and of course must ho presumed to hold the ato mean., is denied the usual facilities necessary same political principles. Were they tired of their for the successful prosecution of his lusincsj th'j old principles? Or were they tired of tho victories, ! mechanic is cut oil' from his ordinary employment which according to their respective newspapers, I tin needy, wherever tlry may bo found, aro they had been so often achieving, or were soon to 'tempted with loans of money and tho ambitious achieve? Or were they tired of their names? ! with the hope of advancement and for those who

Gentlemen, many of you I know have been ju-i rors. I now sec around me many well remember-1 ed friends, before whom, in other times, I hive hid lie nonor o nrsnnncr causes. W hen von sit as inine honor oi arguing causes, uncn you hi as inrors, and it appears in evidence that the pirty on his trial has often changed his name, I incline to think it generally brings suspicion on his character and motives. If you found that he had some time ago passed in the south under one name; in the north and west under another and that he h id reccntly at Washington assumed a third, it would I am sure, beget a suspicion that he had perpetrated something under the former names, for which he did not like to be responsible. And if in his last namo he-represented himself as belonging to the family of some well known and respectable citizen, tho suspicions against him would bo strengthened. The principles which you apply as jurors in deciding cases where individuals arc concerned, will be found to be equally reasonable and jut between contending political parties. And 1 leave you to judge how far the recent determination of the "Nationals" and "Nullifiers" to drop tho names of ; baptism by which they were heretofore known, and take upon themselves iho ancient and honored name of the family of the "Whigs" is calculated either to alter their old principles, or give any ad ditional confidence in their last design. But it is said that this is a new state of things, calling for a new formation of parties, and therefore for a new name. That the question is not Bank or no Bank, but that thoy have banded together to resist Executive usurpation, and to restore the constitution and laws. But it unfortunately happens that these "Whigs" complain of no Executive usurpation, except where tho Bank laws, but in relation to tho Binl:. Ask them of what usurpations Gen. Jackson has been guilty? They will answer, "In his conduct to the Hank, and to the Secretary who refused to remove the deposites." How has he violated the constitution? How broken the laws? Still they answer, "In his I conduct to tho Bank, and to the Secretary who re fused to remove the deposites.'1 And it you ask them what remedy they propose for iheso Executive usurpations? How is the violated constitution to be purified, and the broken laws to be healed? The answer is ready "Restore the deposites to the Bank." This is the healing balm for every wound. And thus it seems that Exccutivo usurpation violated constitution broken law is the old story under a new name. It is si ill tanl, Bank, Rank. It is still the old song, sung so often during last winter, with the chorus u "Restore the dejwsites, and all trill la veil" Tho new name of "Whig," therefore, marks no new principle of action, and has opened no new ground of contest. They have indeed given to the subject of controversy a new name, as well as to themselves. And instead of talking about the Hani; and the deposites, ns they did while they were "Nationals and "Nullifiers,'' they lull;, since they became "Whigs," about "Executive usurpation," "violated constitution," "and broken laws," yet still meaning precisely the same thing, under these new and high sounding phrases. The remedy, however, keeps its old namo. "Restore the deposites," is still the cry, and all will be well. In one thing, indeed, I agree with "Nationals," and "Nullifiers," otherwise called "Wings!" and that is, that the question which now agitates the country, is not simply a question as to the recharter of the Bank, and to end with the grant or refusal of an act of incorporation without any other material result. The source of tii controversy Ywa much deeper. The Bank is tho centre, and the citadel of the moneyed power. For the first time in the history of our country, as I have already said, moneyed men, as n Kssocialcd chss, have united if, i .,i i i , .t,: ion of the Government, by using their money to j control the elections. Now, for the first timr, the issue is made up, and the question boldly und distinctly presented to us, whether this noble country is to be governed by the power of money in the hands of the few, or by the free and unbought suffrages of a majority of the People. It ii a new question. It has nothing to do with iho ancient, or modern, divisions of parties. We have never before been called on to lake sides upon it. Let no man deceive himself by supposing that w e arc now to decide an ordinary question of party, which, if found to bo wrong, can hereafter be corrected. Let no man be misled, by supposing lhat party tie?, ancient or modern, or party consistency, require him to support tho recharter of tho Bank. The question comes to us in a new shape, far more unfavorable to tho Bank, than when it was presented at the last election of President. The great moneyed power has now made open war upon the People and endeavored to conquer them by spreading alarm and terror over the land. In an evil hour, when the People wero reposing from the fatigues of war, and the sentinels of Liberty slept upon their posts, this mighty mammoth was brought into tho midst of us, and it is already bestriding the land it was intended? to serve. Until this Bank was created and began to feel its strength, the possessors of extraordinary wealth were content, like other citizens, to act as individuals, in our political concerns; and to have, ha individual, iheir just influence in thcaftiirs of the nation. But tho vast capital of

tho Bin!:, its extensive and exclusive privileges, lnvo enabled it to concentrate the money power of the country. And feeling its strength, its atubilion has been awakened, and it is striving to suizn on tho Government, in order to perpetuate its enormous and exclusive privilege?, at the expense of the rest of the community. It husMifcred tho lists as representing a peculiar and separate clas?. And it brings forward its demands in tho spirit and temper, which, in all ages, lnvo marked the moneyed aristocracy, when they believed themselves

strong enough to covcrn. It never anncala to tho high and "onerous feelings of the People. It must govern hy other me ans. If tho poor laborer dare to think for himself, ho is contcmnluouslr presume openly to oppose its power, it Jias a thou s uul instruments to minister l to its vengeance. favorite weapons arc corruption and fear. i i. i i .i i nn. i,n .um)(),vi I r!iir.n , uilllfim 0nus,d to me .with beim influenced l.v uu-h m. ! ' ' r - ' a. ft a a lives, or privy to ?uch designs. 1 could not bo fo unjust. Thousands, and thousands, iv.y tho far greater number of those who yet stand in iho opposing ranks, aro 1 doubt not, nctuated by tho purest motives. Many without having examined the subject, have a wiguo and undefined notion that a B ml; is necessary. Many fancy they aro under party obligations to support it. Many suppo33 that siding with ns would bo tho desertion of political principles, find subject them to tho charge of inconsistency. Many chuoso to go with former associates and friend, without givij g themselves the trouble to examine the question. Let not such men deceive themselves. Tho question is loo vital to the country to justify them in forming their decision without the most full and deliberate examimtion. The question, although an old one in the nation of Europe, is a new one here. It is shall the power of the government bo exclusively in tho hands of tho great money holder?, or shall it continue where the constitution has placed it, in the hands of a free and enlightened People. Thefo opposing principles have long agitated the countries of Europe, and now, we ate douned to nuct hero the struggle between them. J he line of division is plainly maikcd and strongly drawn. No body can fail to sec it. On tho one side stands the Bii.k, representing and concentrating the moneyed power haughty, arrogant, ovci beating, and selfish, demanding submission to its will; threatening vengeance to those who oppose it, and pouring its poisoned arrows on those whom it hate s. On tho o'.licr side, are the friends of equal right?; firm and unbroken in spirit, battling for the liberties of the People, with a courage nnd firmness worthy of their cause, and of ihe oft tried and venerable chieftain, who stands at iheir head. Thrt time has come, when we tnit plant ourselves in tho ranks in which we mean to combat. Antagonist principles arc in immediate and direct conflict, land upon tSii tesuc depends the liberty or slavery of this great l eoplf It is tho death struggle between them. For, rely upon it, if the deposifen bo resided, tho lJjuk is surely rn bartered. And, if, after all it? ( normities, it obtains in extension of its chatter for a single year, the contest ij out, and we may quietly resign ourselves lo the thainj with which it is prepared to bind u. It has indeed been said bv some, that this controvcrsy ought lo be compromised, ot:d some other Hank chattered with imm limited capital and powers. Arc we not to profit by the suvrro lessons of experience which luc so lately been read to us? And why should another Hank bo chat feted rn any tonus:? Id not tho pits 'lit Secretary .f thu Treasury sitisticd with tho fi.e;il uents, iho late lJjnks, employed by the Department ? Is j 1101 !,)(' revenue couet ieu us reguwuy as ever, i.s salely kept; ami as convenmnwy pain out, wnen it is needed by the (ioveinment ? Is not thr cnuntiy prosperous cveiy where, und commerco nourishing bevnnd any former example? In not tho currency of the country daily improved by a plentiful supply of Gold? What then do ou want with a Bank of the United States? And if you do net need one, why create it? Why again tubject yourselves to the scenes of tho last w inter, snd to the exciting conflict which yon uro still obliged to cany on in defence of your dearest liht as fi( tmcn? Besides why lull; of restriction end modifi cations? Once chaitrr a Bank on simil ir princiI:( - Jrsir'ri "i u 1 , iry lwcr Slhv:,-vs m ,hc ,1,am!! ?l UlC lcw an' ' prompt y and in concert, will j w:itc-!. for 2Wn ...omei.t vv.icn your Li lat.yj; rounds are oil their guard. Aew franchises will ho obtained more capital will b nuthorized additional exclusive privileges will bo granted and as soon as tho law is signed, it will bo called " contract" and fixed irrevocably, and beyond tho power of repeal upon tho necks of tho People. There h no safety but in an absolute and unalterable determination on the p.irtoftho People never Jo charter another Bank of tho United Stater, .v.y where, or for any purposes, cj.crpt culy in tl.o District of Columbia, and there, only for ihe local purposes of the District, nnd with n lrwrycd capital equal only to thu wants of iho District. And they have there already, Banks ilundjntly sufficient, with capital quite largo enough fur all tho legitimate puposcs of such institutions. Let ti3 not talk of compromise. 'JVro C2n 1 o no compremise between tho antagonist pnu'j.p.es. 1 ield ! but an inch, and you will bo driven to the wall; and lU5ir.aU ) 1 ,nni.w. 4-1'" m; .....w. you received from your fathers, you will bequeath to your descendants slavery and chains tho worst of slavery, lhat of submission to tho will of a cold, heartless, soulless,viudiclivc, moneyed corporation. However others may choose, 1 cannot doubt your determination. I have lived too long among you, and know to well tho stuif you arc inaijo of to doubt the decision to bo made here. And in conclusion, Gentlemen, I beg leave to elk r yea tho following toast: Frederick Counhj.Wth in ibe productions i f its soil but richer far in iho pv.iiotism ?A munly independence cf its citizen.

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