Indiana Palladium, Volume 8, Number 49, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 22 December 1832 — Page 4

IrRra jvr's message coNcixrET. . i -i j...Lir..i t-

V il W m J ther the advantages of this system arc fc not counterbalanced by many evils, and irhetherit does not tend to beget in the ninds of a large portion of our count nrmcn a spirit of discontent and jsalotisy dangerous to the stability of the Union. Whit then shall be done? Iy.rge interests lave grown up under the implied pledga of our national legislation,-which it would sscm a violation of public fiiih suddenly to abandon. Nothing could justify it but the public safety, which is the supreme law. B it those who have vested their capital in manufacturing establishments cannot expactthat the people will continue perma nently to pay high taxes for their benefit when the money is not required for any legitimate purpose in the administration of the Government. Is it not enough that the high duties have been paid as long as the money arising from them could be applied to the common benefit in the extinguishment of the public debt? Those who take an enlarged view of the condition of our country must be satisfied that the policy of protection must bo ultimately limited to those articles of domestic manufacture which are indispensable to our safety in time of war. Within this scope, on a reasonable scale, it is recommended by every consideration of patriotism and duty, which will doubtless always secure to Ha liberal and efficient support. But beyond this object, we have already seen the operation of the system productive of discontent. In some sections of the republic its influence is deprecated as tending to concentrate wealth into a few hands, and as creating those germs of dependence and vice which in other countries have characterised the existence of monopolies, and proved so distructive of liberty and the general good. A large portion of the people in one section of the republc declares it not only inexpedient on these grounds, but as disturbing the equal relations of property by legislation, and therefore unconstitutional and unjust. Doubtless, lhcs3 effects are, in a great degree, exsggerated, and may be ascribed to a mistaken view of the considerations which led to the adoption of the Tariff system; but they are nevertheless important in enabling us to review the subject with a more thorough knowledge of all its bearings so o upon the great interests of the republic, and with a'determi nation to dispose of it so that none can with justice complain. It is my painful duty to state, that in one quarter of the United States, opposition to the revenue laws has risen to a height which threatens to thwart their execution, if not to endanger the integrity of the Union. Whatever obstructions may be thrown in the way of the Judicial Authorities of the General Government, it is hoped they will be able peaceably to overcome them by the prudence of their own officers and the patriotism of the people. But should this reasonable reliance on the moderation and good sense of all portions of cur fellow-citizens be disappointed, it is believed that the laws themselves are fully adequate to the suppression of sucu attempts as may be immediately made. Should the exigency arise, rendering the execution of the existing laws impracticable from any cause whatever, prompt notice of it will be given to Congress, with the suggestion of such views and measures as may be deemed necessary to meet it. In conformity with principles heretofore explained, and with the hope of reducing the General Government to that simple ma chine which the Constitution created, and of withdrawing from the States all other influence than that of its universal benefi cence in preserving peace, affording an uniform currency, maintaining the inviolability of contracts, diffusing intelligence, and discharging unfelt its other superintending functions, I recommend that provision be made to dispose of all stocks now held by it in corpcratior.3, whether created by the General or State Governments, and placing the proceeds in the Treasury. As a source of profit, these stocks arc of little or no value: as a means of influence among the States, they are adverse to the purity of our institutions. The whole principle on which they are based, is deemed by many unconstitutional, and to persist in the policy ihich they indicate is considered wholly inexpedient. It is my duty to acquint you with an arrangement made by the Bank of the United States with a portion of the holders of the 3 per cent, stock, by which the Government will be deprived of the use of the public funds longer than was anticipated. By this arrangement, winch will be particularly explained by the Secretary of the Treasury, a surrender of the certificates of this stock may be postponed until October, 1S33; and thus the liability of the Government, after its ability to discharge the debt, may be continued by the failure of the Bank to perform its duties. Such measures as are within the reach of the Secretary of the Treasury have been taken to enable him to judge whether the public depositea in that institution may be regarded as entirely safe; but as his limited power may prove inadequate to this object, I recommend the subject to the attention of Congress, under the firm belief that it is worthy of their serious investigation. An inquiry into the transactions of the institution, embracing the branches as well as the principal B ink, seems called for by the credit which is given throughout the country to many serious charges impeaching its character, and which, if true, may justly excite tiia apprehension that it is no longer a safe depository of the money of the people. Among the interests which merit the consideration of Congress, after the payment of the public debt, one of the most important in my view is that of the public lands. Previous to ths formation of our present

Const;

itution, it was recommended by Con- such tendencies, we should recollect that dieting jurisdiction, or of psculiii Sifr'cv.lty ii wooto l.i nds ! that instrument nrnvides within itself the his been hapnilv disposed of, and the cor.vic-

I i ii n tj 1 1. 1 W A V iUU UdV w I .

owne the United States, for tin purposes of gneral harmony, and as a fund to meet the expenses of the war. The recoraraenda- - I tion was adopted, and at different periods nf time the States of Massachusetts. New North and South Carolina, and Georgia, granted their vacant soil for the uses for which they had been asked. As the lands may now be considered as relieved from this pledge, the object for which they were ceded having been accomplished, it is in the discretion of Congress to dispose of them in such way as best to conduce to the quiet, harmony and general interest of the American people. In examining this question, all local and sectional feelings should be discarded, and the whole United States regarded as one people, interested alike in the prosperity of their common country. It cannot be doubted that the speedy settlement of these lands constitutes the true interest of the republic. The wealth and strength of a country are its population and the best part of that population are the cultivators of the soil. Independent farmers are every where the basi3 of society and true friends of liberty. In addition to these considerations, questions have already arisen and may be expected hereafter to grow out of the public lands, which involve the rights of the new States and the powers of the General Government; and unless a liberal policy be now adopted, there is danger that these questions may speedily assume an importance not now generally anticipated. The influence of a great sectional interest, when brought into full action, will be found more dangerous to the harmony and union of the States than any other cause of discontent; and it is the part of wisdom and sound policy to foresee its approaches and endeavor if possible to counteract them. 4Of the various schemes which have been hitherto proposed in regard to the disposal of the public lands, none has yet received the entire approbation of the National Legislature. Deeply impressed with the importance of a speedy and satisfactory ''arrangement of the subject, I deem it my duty on this occasion to urge it upon your consideration, and, to the propositions which have been heretofore suggested by others, to contribute those reflections which have occurred to me, in the hope that they may assist you in your future deliberations. It seems to me to be our true policy that the public lands shall cease, as soon as practicable, to be a source of revenue, and that they be sold to settlers in limited parcels at a price barely sufficient to reimburse to the United States the expense of the present system, and the cost arising under our Indian compacts. The advantages of accurate surveys and undoubted titles, now secured to purchasers, seem to forbid the abolition of the present system, because none can be substituted which will more perfectly accomplish these important ends. It is desirable, however, that in convenient time this machinery be withdrawn from the States, and that the right of soil and the future disposition of it be surrendered to the States respectively in which it lies. The adventurous and hardy population of the West, besides contributing their equal share of taxation under ourjimpost system, have in the progress of our Government, for the lands they occupy, paid into the Treasury a large proportion of forty millions of dollars, and of the revenue received therefrom, but a small part has been expened amongst them. When to the disadvantage of their situation in this respect, we add the consideration that it is their labor alone which gives real value to the lands, and that the proceeds arising from their sale are distributed chiefly among States which had not originally any claim to them, and which have enjoyed the undivided emolument arising from the sale of their own lands, it cannot be expected that the new States will remain longer contented with the present policy after the payment of the public debt. To avert the consequences which may be apprehended from this course, to put an end tbrever to all partial and interested legislation on this subject, and to afford to every American citizen of enter prise, the opportunity of securing an inde pendent freehold, it seems to me, therefore, bc3t to abandon the idea of raising a future revenue ou' of the public lands. In former messages I have expressed my conviction, that the constitution does not warrant the application of the funds of the General Government to objects of Internal Improvement which are not national in their character, and both as a means of doing justice to all interests, and putting an end to a course of legislation calculated to destroy the purity of the Government, have urged the necessity of reducing the whole subject to some fixed and certain rule. As .there never will occur a period, perhaps, more propitious than the present to the accomplishment of this object, I beg leave to press tlie subject again upon your attention. Without some general and well defined principles ascertaining those objects of Internal improvement to which the means of the Nation may be constitutionally applied, it is obvious that the exercise of the power can never be satisfactory. Besides the danger to which it exposes Congress of making hasty appropriations to works of the character of which they may be frequently ignorant, it promotes a mischievous and corrupting influence upon elections, by holding out to the people the fallacious hope that the success of a certain candidate will make navigable their neighboring creek or river, bring commerce to their doors and increase the value of their property. It thus favors combinations to squander the treasure of the country upon a multitude of local objects, as fatal to just legislation as to the purity of public men. If a system compatible with the constitution cannot be devised, which is fieo from

i cja .i i i l . i ,1 i mnnA rf lto n mon.lmon ft nnr thai f hern iq linn fYinen 1 iv trim trrniirul P.mn'.'T IhP III.

therefore, no excuse for the assumption ofdian3,thatthcirrornoval to the country as-

doubtful powers by the General Govenment. it tnose wnicn are clearly granted snail be W . I 1 11 . 1 1 III found incompetent to the end ot its creation, it can at any time apply for their enlargement; and there is no probability that such an application, if founded on the public interest, will ever be refused. If the propriety of the proposed grant be not sufficiently apparent to command the assent of three-fourths of the States, the best possible reason why the power should not be assum ed on doubtful authority is afforded; for if more than one-fourth of the States are unwilling to make the grant, its exercise will be productive of discontents which will far overbalance any advantages that could be derived from it. All must admit that there is nothing so worthy of the constant solicitude of this government, as the harmony and union of the people. Being solemnly impressed with the conviction, that the extension of the power to make Internal Improvements beyond the limit I have suggested, even if it be deemed constitutional, is subversive of the best interests of our country, I earnestly recommend to Congress to refrain from its exercise, in doubtful cases, except in relation to the improvements already begun, unless they shall first procure from the states such an amendment of the Constitution as will define its cliaracter and prescribe its bounds. If the States feel themselves competent to these objects, why should this Government wish to assume the power? If they do not, then they will not hesitate to make the grant. Both Governments are the Governments of the people: improvements must be made with the money of the people: and if the money can be collected and applied by those more simple and economical political machines, the State Governments, it will unquestionably be safer and better for the people, than to add to the splendor, the patronage, and the power of the General Government. But if the people of the several States think otherwise, they will amend the Constitution, and in their decision all ought cheerfully to acquiesce. For a detailed and highly satisfactory view of the operations of the War Department, I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary of War. The hostile incursion of the Sac and Fox Indians necessarily led to the interposition of the Government. A portion of the troops, under Generals Scott and Atkinson, and of the militia cf the State of Illinois, was called into the field. After a harassing warfare, prolonged by the nature of the country and by the difficulty of procuring subsistence, the Indians were entirely defeated, and the disaffected band dispersed or destroyed. The result has been creditable to the troops engaged in the service. Severe as is the lesson to the Indians, it was rendered necessary by their unprovoked 1 . . I aggressions; and it is to he hoped tbat its impression will be permanent and salutary. 1 Ins campaign has evinced the eflicicnt organization ot tho Army and its capacity for prompt and active service. Its several departments have performed their functions with energy and despatch, and the general movement was satisfactory. Our fellow-citizens upon the frontiers were ready, as they always are, in the tender of their services in the hour of danger. But a more efficient organization of our militia system is essential to that security which is one of the principal objects of all Governments. Neither our situation nor our institutions, require qr permit the main tenance of a large regular force. History offers too many lessons of tho fatal result of such a measure not to warn us against its adoption here. The expense which attends it, tho obvious tendency to employ it because it exists and thus to engage in unnecessary wars, and its ultimate danger to public liberty will lead us, I trust, to place our principal dependence for protection upon the great body of the citizens of the republic. If in asserting rights or in repelling wrongs, war shouldcoine upon us, our regular force should be increased to an extent proportioned to the emergency, and our present small army is a nucleus around which such force could be formed and embodied. But for the purpose of defence under ordinary circumstances, we must rely upon the electors of the country. Those by whom, and for whomthe Government was instituted and is supported will constitute its protection in the hour of danger, as they do its check in the hour of safety. But it is obvious that tho militia system is imperfect. Much time is lost, much unnecessary expense incurred, and much public property wasted, under the present arrangement. Little useful knowledge is'gained by tho musters and drills, as now established, and the whole subject evidently requires a thorough examination. Whether a plan of classiiication, rcmedving these defects, and providing for a system of instruction, might not be adopted, is submitted to the consideration of Congress. The Constitu tion has vested in the General Government an independent authority upon the subject of the militia, which renders its action essential to the establishment or improvement of tho system. And I recommend the matter to your consideration, in conviction, that the state of this important arm of the public defence requires your attention. I am happy to inform you that the wise and humane policy of transferring from the Eastern to the Western side of the Mississippi, the remnants cf our aboriginal tribes with their own consent and upon just terms, has been steadily pursued, and is approaching I trust, its consummation. By reference to the report of tho Secretary of War, and to the documents submitted with it, you will see the progress which has been made since your last session, in the arrangement of the various matters connected with our Indian relations. With one exception,1 every subject involving any question of con-

signed by the United States for their permanent residence, furnishes the only hope of their ultimate prosperity. With that portion of the Chcrokecs, however, living within the State of Georgia, it ha3 been found impracticable, ns yet, to make a satisfactory adjustment. Such was my anxiety to remove all the grounds of complaint, and to bring to a termination the difficulties in which they are involved, that I directed the very liberal propositions to be made to them which accompany the documents herewith submitted. They cannot but have seen in tlicse offers the evidence of ths strongest disposition on the part of the Government to deal justly & liberally with them. An ample indemnity was offered for their present possessions, a liberal provision for their future support and improvement, and full security for their private and political rights. Whatever difference ofopinion may have prevailed respecting the just claims of thcs3 peo ple, there will probably be none respecting theiioeraiuy oi me propositions, anu very m-1 tie respecting tho expediency of their imme-' i ft i . diate acceptance. They were, however, re jectcd, and thus the position of these Indians remains unchanged, as do the views communicated in my Message to the Senate of February, 1S31. I refer you to.the annual report of the Secretary of tho Navy which accompanies this Message, for a detail of the operations of that branch of the service during tho present year. Besides the general remarks on some cf the transactions of our Navy, presented in the view which has been taken of our Foreign relations, I siezc this occasion to invite yon to notice the increased protection which it has afforded to our commerce end citizens on distant seas, without any augmentation of the force in commission. In the gradual improvement of its pecuniary concerns, in the constant progress in the collection of materials suitable for use during future emergencies, and in the construction of vessels and the buildings necessary to their preservation and repair, the present state of this branch of the service exhibits the fruits of that vigilance and care which arc so indispensable to its efficiency. Various new suggesticn-j contained in til's annexed report, as well as others heretofore submitted to Congress, arc worthy of your attention; but none more so than that urging tho renewal, for another term of six years, of the general appropriation for the gradual improvement of the Navy. From the accompanying report of the Post Master General, you will also perceive that that Department continues to extend its usefulness without impairing iis resources, or lessening the accommodations which it affords in the secure and rapid transportation of the mail. I beg leave to call the attention of Congress to the views heretofore expressed in relation to the mode of choosing the President and Vice-President of the United States, and to thos? respecting die tenure of office generally. Still impressed with the justness of those views and with tiie belief that the modifications suggested on those subjects, if adopted, will contribute to the pros'-jKjrity and harmony of tho country I earnestly recommend them to your consideration at this time. I have heretofore pointed out defects in the. law for punishing official frauds, especially within the District of Columbia. It his been found almost impossible to bring noto I rious culprits to punishment, and according to a decision of the Court for this District, a prosecution is barred by a lapse of tw o years after the fraud his been committed. It may happen again as it has already happened, that during the whole two years, all tho evidences of the fraud maybe in possession of the culprit himself. However proper the limitation may be in relation to private citizen?, it would seem that it ought not to commence running in fworof publx officers until they got out of office. The Judiciary Sy?tcm of iho United States remains imperfect. Of the nine Western nn.d South Western States, three only enjoy tho benefits of a circuit court. Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, are embraced in the general system; hut Indiana, Iliiniois, Missouri, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, have only district courts. If the existing system be a good one, why should it not be extended ? if it be a bad one, why is it suffered to exist? The new States were ' , . , , . ., , promised equal ngnts and privileges when they came into the Union, and such are tho guarantees of tho Constitution. Nothing rnn bo mnro nhvirm ihnn ibfi nhlinmili.n of! tho General Government to pbco ail tho States on the same footing in rci ttion to the administration of justice and I trust this duty will be neglected no longer. On many of the subjects to which your attention is invited in this communication, it is a source of gratification to reflect thatlli2 stcp3 to be now adopted are uninfluenced by the embarrassments entailed upon tho country by the wars through which it bus passed. In regard to most of our great interests, we may consider ourselves as just starting in our cancer, and, after a salutary experience, about to fix upon a permanent basis the policy best calculated to promote the happiness of tho people and facilitate their progress towards the most complete enjoyment of civil liberty. On an occasion so interesting and important in our history, and of such anxious concern to the friends of freedom throughout the world, it is our imperious duty to hiy aside all selfish and b e d consideration?, and bo guided by a lofiy spirit of devotion to tho great principles on which our institutions are founded. That this government may be so r.dmir.istercd as to preserve its etficicncy in promoting and securing these general objects should be the only aim of our ambition; arid we cannot, therefore, too carefully exr mine its structure, in order that wo may not mistake its powers, or assume these which the

pr.opli lave reserved to! .:: prrfl'TTcd to r.se:T. ui o .v i ;'!.

J. f should bear constantly in mind iv f t vwi the considerations whiJi indued tic framers of the (.VjHiiiution to withhold fMi the Cicncnl Government ih power to regulate ii2 gnat m iss of thr business i:d xtcrrn of iIuj people. !uvo been fully jiiRti.'i. d by experience; and tint it cannot now lt doubted that the ger.iu? cf all our institutions prescribe F.mprdty : n ! rcrrrmy f s tho characteristics of the ivfonn wli h H yr t to be effected in the present ai d fwture execution of the ftiii:ti ns bestowed upon us by the Constitution. Limited to a general superintending power to maintain peace at homo aud thioid, and to prescribe laws on a f'v sul j -cis oi general interest, not calculated to it.tii t human l.bcriy, but to enforce human right., this Government will tied its strength Hid its? irlory in the faithful disrlnrgi: of theso plain and $inpb duties. Believed by iti protecting shield fiotn the f.v:r f war and tho apprehension of oppression, the fieot titerpnsy ot oir citizen?, aided l y the blah sowreigntie?, w'll worlv out improvement . ... . . ami ameliorations which cannot t.i.l to lie mor.stratc the great truth, that the pen pie can govern themselves, is not only realized in our example, but that it is dena by a machinery in government so s!mpl and economical as scarcely to bo felt. Tint the Almighty Ruler of the universe may s. direct our deliberations, and overrule our acts as to make us instrumental in securing a result so dear to mankind, is my mcst earnest and sincere prrycr. ANDREW JACKSON. Dcccmler 4th, lS:j-. NEW GOODS. TIIK subscribers have just rcceircd f;om PHILADELPHIA A General Assortment of ma: vms s Elartlivare, Groceries, SOOTS, SHOES, &.O. also, n:o?r itlfihltrghj Which they will pell low for Cash or on time. N. k G. SPARKS. Oct. 25, 1832. 4 1-tf Cfock, WateJics, Ac. TIIK subscriber has jurt received frcra Philadelphia) an extensive and splendid assortment of JZWniltY, Tabfc and Tea Spoons, (sii.tu An common ;) ALSO, A SELECTION or COMMON, Patent Lever end Iff prating ll'uhhn, And varieu3 other articles, riot strictly in. his line, :;rnong which are Percussion Cc.ps, vVc. c. all of which lie will sell at Cincinnati prices. lie has removed his shop to a recm cn tho west side of High street, htdy occup;ed by J;r. rerr s, r a Drug Noro, and adjoin ing K. D. John's store, where t he will bo ready at all times to rep iir Watchrp, Clock, and attend to all kinds of business in h a line. F. LUCAS. Nov. SO,-LTO. LAW,-DANIEL .1. CASWELL An DAM EL S. .MAJOR, Attornrw and CoinATi7cv at Lair, have entered into paitnrship, n! will practice in thr third Judicial Cir. ruit of livl.tna. particularly in ti e Cmmtif nf Dearborn, l-Ymklin, ItipVy n.d Sw Hjcrlmvl ; Also in the Supreme Court at !)diarn;iii. Office Hort s'.net iir.mediately cppnsitd Mr. Ltid'niv'n lurjr- brick building; where D. S. Mhjop w !l A til be f Hind, im'e, kV-cnt on l in n-, rfurlv tn attend to ar.y profession. ! eivire?! that may le required. He will tho attend to the sett emiU ut estates before tho Proba'e Court ; ami of tlniuii before th Com nvssioner Coti t nf D'arbum nunty. IVren wishing I)eeJs Martrjipra. Powers .t Attor. npj , or conveyances of any kind, c.?n have them drawn in a nl unexceptionable fjrm, by eaUip: at their r fir. . All business rrfided tn Caswell h Wajp wi'l receive the united and fc'ricl attention of boh. LiwrenceburRh, O.-t. 1", 11':?. 59 tf v ticx:. A MO: LANK, Attorr.ry ani eoutue'to at J !.-wf wdl. in Aeuie, ive 1,5s um!,v't!tii aten'.irn, to t in profusion my be ciuuuUed at his tffi-.c. on hitfM slre.'t. ta-ar the clfrk'e " , attenu the Circuit IVtha'e, ami Commission er,s Cllllt, n ,lt, Co,.My H i).a.born. Tha circuit Cun ts in Prai.kiin, Swit-.tr'aml,' i;ip. 'ey and I?citir count. cs. The Supreme and Dtt ict Courts at lnduntpoba. Amt will a'4.... I .1 .-, f V. - . ... .. . ft . . . ft teu.i to business ot Importune?, fit! er cix'.l 9f irminal in any other ct.u U in th.s, or adjoin mar .states He lnum hai his lrj ptl fc'tecpsful prac'ict, will insure him hi fmnee tiheral poitin .f pnre.si v business, uhrri the public Iih'1 he aircd. that all husir.esi entrusted to hi rhsre bo"l receive hi prompt jOten'iou, ami lesi t!"u ts, to britij; tt to a speedy and succetttul cl -. AMOS LANK. I.iwrencebu'r-'i. JuMf I'irh, ''M. ! "J-dT W-S W I. K nniJR Stockholder of tho Lr4vr?ncJ bnrnh ln-Minuico Oipjj .r.y, ;:re hereby notified lint one doll ir n each share is required t) be paid on or bf.re the lf'h dr.y of January next. Cy r ruar of the lbutd of Directors. THOMAS rOilTLIt, StVv. Lawrcncrburgh, l) c-iih, K.'l. , OFFLUS his pnff?.oruil scrif sto the citizens of .M; luhler mul tin mrrouiidincouiilrv. Hi.- t-ilioe is at the huse. of Oliver HciMi5. Nov. ',!);!;, 1S.. Sait, :U X? 1-2 era i 1 W." PUOifl ty the he b.neb i I tew t'(: C -L ale by .4 . Ltwrtnctburgh, N v 13 lrf