Indiana Palladium, Volume 8, Number 31, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 18 August 1832 — Page 2

merits

; anl, what was muck more material, j

hi had coincided with tho spirit ot our constitution, nr.d th'3 rights of the people, in preventing art expiring minority Congress from usurping the powers and rights of their successors. The President had not evaded the question. He had met it fully. He m'it have said nothing about it in his messages of IS-29, 30, and 31 ; He might have remained silent, and had the support of both parties; but the safety and interest of the country required the people to be awakened tn the consideration of the subiect. He had

- - - - al waked them up; arid now that they are awake; he has secured them time for consideration. Js this evasion? Messrs. C. and W. had attacked the President for objecting to foreign stockholders in the Bank of the U. S. Mr. B. maintained the solidity of the objection, and exposed the futility of the argument urged by the duplicate senators. They had asked if foreigners did not hold stock in road and canal companies? Mr B. said, yes! but these road and canal companies did not happen to be the bankers of the United States! The foreign stockholders in this Bank were tle

bankers of tin? IL States. They held its

moneys; they collected its revenues? they

almost controled its finances ; they were to

give or withhold aid in war as well as peace,

and, it might be, against their own govern rnent. Was the U. S. to depend upon for eigners in a point so material to our ex istence ? The- Bank was a national institu

tion. Ought a national institution to be the private property of aliens? It was called

the Bank of the United States, and ought it

to be the Bank of the nobility and gentry of

Great Britain? The Senator from Ken

tucky had once objected to foreign stockholders himself. He did this in his speech

against the Bank in 1811; and although he

had revoked the constitutional doctrines of

that speech, he, Mr. B., never understood

that he had revoked the sentiments then ex

pressed cf the danger of corruption in our

councils, and elections, if foreigners wield

ed the raonied power of our country. He

told us then that the power of the purse com

Bianded that of the sword and would he

commit both to the hands of foreigners?

All the lessons of history, said Mr. B., ad

monish us to keep clear of foreign influence. The most dangerous influence from foreign

ers is through money. The corruption of

orators and statesmen, 19 the ready way to

poison the councils, and to betray the inter est of a country. Foreigners now own one

fourth of this Bank: THEt MAY OWN

THE WHOLE OF IT! What a tempta

tion to them to engage in our elections

By carrying a President, and a majority of Congress, to suit themselves, they not only become masters of the monied power, but tllso of the political power, of this republic. And can it be supposed that the British stockholders are indifferent to the issue of this election? that they, and their agents, can see with indifference,-the re-election of a man who may disappoint their hopes of fortune, and whose achievement at New-Orleans is a continued memento of the most'

signal defeat the anna of England ever sus tamed?

in our own country. Great is lha fear ano terror now inspired by this Bank. Silent are millions of tongues, under its terrors,

which are impatient for the downfall of the monument of despotism, that they may break forth into joy and thanksgiving. The real BASTILE was terrible to all France; the figurative BASTILE is terrible to all America; but above all to the West, where the duplicate Senators of Kentucky and Massachusetts, have pointed to the reign of terror that is approaching, and drawn up the vic

tims tor an anticipated immolation. But,

exclaimed Mr. B. this is the month of July;

a month auspicious to liberty, and fatal to

BAS1ILES. Our independence of the

crown of Great Britain ceased in the month

of July ; the BASTILE in France fell in the month of July; Charles X. was chased from

France by the three glorious days of July;

and the veto message, which is the Declara

tion of Independence against the British Bank, originated on the fourth of July, and

is the signal for the downfall of the American

BASTILE and the end of despotism. The

time is auspicious; the work will go on;

down with the British Bank; down with the

Bastile ; away with the tyrant, will be the

patriotic cry of Americans; and down it!

will go. i

The duplicate Senators, said Mr. B., have

occupied themselves with criticising the

President's idea of the obligation of his oath in construing the constitution for himself. They think that the President ought to be bound, the Congress ought to be bound, to take the consitution which the Supreme Court may deal out to them! If so, why take an oath! The oath is to bind the conscience, not to enlighten the head. Every officer takes the oath for himself. The President took the oath for himself; administered by the Chief Justice, but not to the Chief Justice. He bound himself to observe the constitution, not the Chief Jus tice's interpretation of the constitution; and his message is in conformity to his oath. This is the oath of duty and of right. It is the pth of JEFFERSON, also, who has laid it down in his writings, that each Department judges the constitution for itself,

and that the President is as independent of

the Supreme Court as the Supremo Court js of the President. The Senators from Kentucky and Massa

chusetts have not only attacked the Presi

dent's idea of his own independence in con struing the constitution, but also the con

struction he has put upon it in reference to

this Bank. They deny its' correctness, and enter into arguments to disprove it, and

have even quoted authorities which may be

quoted on both sides. One orthe Senators,

the gentleman from Kentucky, might have

spared his objection to the President on this point. He happened to think the same way

once himself, and while all will accord to

him the right of changing for himself, few

will allow him the privilege of rebuking

others for not keeping up with him in the

rigadoon dance of changeable opinions.

The President is assailed for shewing the

drain upon the resources of the West, which

is made by this bank. How assailed?

now operating against the President; and it

is impossible to be in favor of this power and also in favor of him at the same time. Choosa ye between them ! To those who think a bank to be indispensable, other alternatives present themselves. They are not bound nor wedded to this. New American banks may be created. Read, Sir. Hexry.Parnell. See his invincible reasoning and indisputable facts, to show that the bank

ot England is too powerful for 'the monarchy of Great Britain! Study his plan for breaking up'that gigantic institution, and establishing three or four independent banks in its place, which would be so much less dangerous to liberty, and so much safer and

better tor the people. In these alternatives, the friends of Jackson, whn

J W A AM. V W ft 1 of the national banks, may find the accom-i plishment of their wishes without a sacrifice of their principles, and without committing the suicidal solecism of fighting against him while professing to be for him. Mr. B. addressed himself to the west the great, the generous, the brave, the patriotic, the devoted west. It was the selected field of battle. There the combined

forces, the national republicans and the national republican Bank, were to work to-

and to fiaht together. The holv al

lies understand each other. They are able

to speak in each others names, and to prom

ise and threaten, in each others behalf. For this campaign the Bank created it3 debt of 30 millions in the west; in this campaign the associate leaders use that debt for their own purposes. Vote for Jackson !

and suits, judgments, and executions,' shall sweep like the besom of destruction throughout the vast region of the west! Vote against him! and indefinite indulgence is falsely promised ! The debt itself, it is pretended, will perhaps be forgiven, or at all events, hardly ever collected ! Thus an OPEN BRIBE of THIRTY MILLIONS i3 virturally offered to the west; and lest the seductions of the bribe may not be sufficient on one hand, the terrors of destruction are brandished on the other! Wretched, infatuated men, cried Mr. B. Do they think the west is to be BOUGHT 7 Little

do they know of the generous sons of

that magnificent region! poor indeed in

point ot money, but rich in all treasures of

the heart? rich in all the qualities of freemen

and republicans! nch in all the noble feel lings which- look with equal scorn upon- t

bribe or a threat. The hunter of the West,

with mocasins on his feet, and a hunting shirt drawn around him, would repel with indignation the highest bribe that the Bank could offer him. The wretch (said Mr. Benton, with a significant gesture) who dared to offer

it, would expiate tlie insult with his blood.

Mr. B. rapidly summed up with a view

ot the dangerous power of the Bank, and

the present audacity of her conduct. She

wielded a debt of seventy millions of dollars, with an organization which extended

to every part of the Union, and she was sole

mistress of the monied power of the repub

lic, fehe had thrown herself into the domi

cal

With any document to shew that he is in

The President, in bis message, had cMar- error? No! not at all! no such document acterlzed the exclusive privilege of the bank exists. The President is right, and the fact as "a monopoly." To this Mr. Webster goes to a far greater extent than is stated in Kid taken exception, and ascended to the his message. He took the dividend profits Greek root of the word to-' demonstrate its of the Bank, the nett, and not the gross true signification, and the Hicorrectness of profits; the latter is tho true measure of the the President's application. Mr. B. defend- burthen upon the people. The annual ed the President's use of the term, and said drain for nett dividends from'the West, is that he would give authority too, but not $1,600,000. This is an enormous tax. Greek authority. He would ascend, not to But the gross profits are still larger. Then the Greek root, but to the English test of the there is the specie drain, which now exceeds word, and show that a whig Baronet had ap- three millions of dollars per annum. Then plied the term to the bank of England with there is the annual mortgage of the growing still more offensive epithets than any-the crop to redeem the fictitious and usurious President had used. Mr. B. then read, and bills of exchange which are now substituted Commented upon several passages of a for ordinary loans, and which sweeps off the speech of Sir William Pulteney, in the staple products of the South and West to the British House of Commons, against renew- North-eastern cities. The West is ravaged ing the charter of the bank of England, in by the Bank. New Orleans, especially, i3

which the term monopoly was repeatedly ap- ravaged by it; and in her impoverishment,

pned to mat bank, and other terms to dis- the whole West suiters; tor she is thereby

play its dangerous and odious character. In disabled from giving adequate prices for one of the passages the whig Baronet said : Western produce. Mr. B. declared that

"The bank has been supported, and is still this British Bank, in his opinion, had done, supported, by the FEAR and TERROR and would do, more pecuniary damage to which, by the means of its MONOPOLY, it New Orleans, than the British army would has had the power to inspire.'" In another, have done if they had conquered it in 1815.

he said : "i consider the power given by the He verified this opinion by referring to the

MONOPOLY to be of the nature of all other immense dividend, upwards of half a million

UfcSF U 11U I'UU'EK which CORRUPTS a year, drawn from the branch there ; the im

the DE&POT as much as it CORRUPTS raense amounts of specie drawn from it; the the SLAVE." In a third passage he said: produce carried off to meet the domestic

"Whatever language the private bankers bills of exchange; and the 8 and i millions

may feci themselves BOUND TO HOLD, lie of debt existing there, of which 5 millions

could not believe they had any satisfaction were created in the last two years to answer in remaining subject to a power whicfi might electioneering purposes, and the collection DESTROY them at any moment." In a of which must paralyze, for years, die growth

iourui: "xo man in trance, was heard to ot the city. Froin further damasre to New

complain of the Bastile while it existed; yet Orleans, the veto message would save that

when it Jell, it came down amidst thettntver- great city. Jackson would be her saviour

sal acclamations of the nation " a second time. He would save her from the

Here, continued Mr. B. is authority. En- British Bank as he had done from the Bri

glish authority, for calling the British Bank arwly; and if any Federal Bank must

in England, a MONOPOLY; and the Bri- be there, let it be an independent one; a tish Bank in America is conied from it. separate and distinct Bank, which would

Sir, Wm. PrJLTENEY goes further than Pre- save tc that cityr and to the Valley of the

siaeni Jackson. lie savs, that the tfank ot Mississippi, oi wnicn it was the great ana

England rules by fear and terror. He calls cherished emporium,, the command of their

H a aespot and a corrupt despot tie speaks own monied system, the regulation ot their

t - - - . . 1 i r -a i

oi me slaves corrupted by the Uank; by commerce ano nnances,and the accoin-

u mm ne doubtless means the nominal moaauon oi tneir own citizens, i . i . .... i .

ueuiors wna have received ostensible loans, Mr. B. addressed himself to the Jackson

real UOUCOUrs npvor tr Ka rpni in PTrpftt h-inlf.mpn nrocont nnrl ,cfin TM

irk lirl.Anlt- - r i . t ! . n .. J S3

in auwiiurauiu services, lie considers the continue to be tor a bank and for Jarbsnn

, praises of the country bankers as the unwil- but they could not be for this bank, and for ling homage of the weak and helpless to the Jackson. This bank is now the open, as it corrupt and powerful. He assimilates the long has been the secret, enemy of Jackson.

t i. .rr t j , .i i . . . . . . ' .

TR oi jiguiia, oy tne terrors which it m- It is now in the hands of his enemies, wield

spires, tc-tne old liAbHLE m France, and ing all its own money wieldin" even the

iuu.ipdi ne simc ourstot emancipated revenues and the credit of th Union

joyon the Ml ot U?o Bank winch was heard wielding 12 millions of dollars, half of which

in r ranee on the tall of the BASTILE. were intended to be paid to the public cred

Ana is ne .net ngmr And may not every itors on the first day of July, but which the

uru oi u invcciive De appitea to the Bri- bank has rela ned to itself by a false repre

I. in America, ana mm us appropn- sentatkm in the pretended behalf of the merate aoplication m well known, and incon- chants.. All this- monied power, with an

the continent.

to the BASTILE veil will the term apply

pervades

working every where with unseen; hands is

arena.

to control and govern the

presi

dential election. If she succeeded in that

election, she would wish to consolidate her power by getting control of all other elec-

10ns. Governors of fetates, Judges of the

t . i rt . .

courts, representatives ana senators in

Congress, all must belong to her. The Sen

ate especially must belong to her; for there

ay the power to confirm nominations, and

o try impeaenmenrs, and to get possession

ot the benate, the legislatures of a majority

of the States would have to be acauired.

Phewaris now upon Jackson, and if he is

defeated, all the rest will fall an easy prey.

What individual could stand in the States against the power of tha Bank, and that

Bank flushed with a victory over the conquer

or of the conquerors of Bonaparte? The

wliole government would fall into the hands of this monied power. An OLIGARCHY

would be immediately established, and that oligarchy, in a few generations, would ripen into a monarchy. All governments must have their end; in the lapse of time,

his republic must perish ; but that time, he

7jozo trusted, was far distant; and when it comes, it should come in glory, and not in

shame. Rome had her Pharsalia, and Greece her Ciiaeronea:" and this- republic.

more illustrious in her birth than Greece or

Rome, was entitled to a death as glorious

as theirs, bhe should not die by poison perish in corruption no! A field of arms,

and of glory, should be her end. She had a right to a battle, a great immortal battle, where heroes and patriots could die with

the liberty which they scorned to survive, and consecrate, with their blood, the spot

which marked a nation's fall.

- i?

Such is the outline the faithful descrip

tion of this overpowering speech. Its effect was decisive. It broke un the orand

eletioneering attack upon the veto message.

The discomfiture and overthrow of the al

lied leaders was visible to every spectator. Mr. C. became furious, and went through a scene which rendered him an obiect of com-

passion, and lett the Bank and its inends overshadowed with a total eclipse. Mr. Webster, we heard, was to have replied, but refused, and, it is said, he took the stage

the same night for Boston, and thus followed the example of an illustrious prototype. No further debate took place ; and the confederates at a distance, who expected a triumphant assault, in which the veto message would be nullified, the Bank sustained, the Western country conquered, Mr. Clay elected and Jackson exiled to the Hermitage, will have to put up with the marrowless skeleton of Mr W ebster's onset,, as given in the National Intelligencer; or wait the Composition of orations afterthe Bank orators shall have gone home, recovered their spirits, and taxed their inventions, not their memories, to furnish a cold collation to those who had expected a smoking banquet. Globe.

From the PcnnsyWanUn. Mr. Gwinn. The opposition preise? taking up the Chorus of the Telegraph and Intelligencer, are clamorous at the appointment of Mr. Gwinn to the Land Office in Mississippi, which they insert to have been an outrage upon the constitution. As usual it is only necessary to examine the facts, in order to confound the calumny of the accusers. Mr. Gwinn was nominated lastyear and rejected by the Senate for no other and better reason than that he was not,

at that time, a citizen and resident of

the State. There wa3 no objection to his private character, and not the shad

ow of an imputation upon his perfect competency: but the Senate refused to confirm him, prescribing a new test for

the servants of the public which was never countenanced by the constitution or any law of the United States. The right of holding appointments under the general government, belongs to our citizens generally; and any other restriction is not only injurious to their vested rights, but may be dangerous to

the true prosperity of the Union.

Where a state is refractory, and her citi

zens endeavor to nullify our laws, the

rules of the Senate would prevent the sending of a confidential and really

useful agent. Even if convenience dictated that certain places should be filled by citizens of the state exclusively, yet no such rule could be applica

ble to Mr. uwinn7s olhce: the business

of a land agent relates solely to the gen-

eral government to Collect the Bales of public lands and is connected in nothing with state interests or state af

fairs. But a pretext, whether decent

or indecent, is all that js renmred by

the Clay opposition, with their allies.

Moore and Poindexter: and this was

eagerly seized without scanning to nice

ly its actual value.

After Mr. Gwinn s rejection, a rum

ber of citizens of Mississippi, who knew

him and appreciated his worth, applied

to the President for his re-nomination. This request was acceded to, but the Senate deferred acting upon it, and ad

journed' the session, leaving the busi

ness without final disposition. Under these circumstances the office was either to be filled up by the President, or the public interests in Mississippi were to be left in a state of criminal abandonment. The business of the people was

therefore entrusted competent agent,

spot, and who had already performed its duties to the perfect satisfaction of the Executive: this is the whole sum and substance of the complaint of the opposition. That the President 19 invested with full constitutional power to make such an appointment, cannot admit of a question. Mr. Gwinn was first commissioned in the recess of the Sonate, and therefore, by the language of the constitution he was a lawful ofiicer, holding a "commission which did not expire until the end of the next sea sion." Immediately after the adjournment, his place became vacant, and the president had full power to fill it again, like any other vacancy happening at the same time.

But what must the people think of the candor and honesty of the opposition, when it can be shown that the same individuals fully approved of precisely the same thing, under the late administration of Messrs. Adams and Clay! Certain persons are advised by a homely proverb to keep long memories; for the purpose of supplying this deficiency in the accusers of Andrew Jackson, we shall take the trouble to report history. In 1826-27, the term of AmosBinny, Navy Agent at Boston, having expired, he was re-nominated by Mr. Adams. The Senate laid this nomination upon the table, and adjourned without further action. The case is, therefore, precisely the same as Mr. Gwinn's. Messrs. Adams, Clay, and the rest of the cabinet considering this 'a racan-

TY)n tub r- w.nr imf. First Chapter oi' Chronic!?. 1. Now it came to pass in the rttiy-sixtli

year of the Independence ot w liid, that

the people cliose .oan ine Aoiiiu w "gn over them. a. And it happened in the frst year of Noah's reign that there was an oflicer wanted in one of Noah's provinces; 3. And Noah's subjects petitioned him that ho should appoint a man whose nam) was John, and he carried a Weaver's beam. 4. But Noah, regardless of the wishes f

I his subjects, appointed one Milton the Bun,

wuo was a "iioosner in ioio. 5. And when Noah's subjects heard tha, Milton was to ba ruler over their province they were sore displeased. 0. Howbcit, Noah's subjects knew lint Milton's time would soon expire, and they

submitted to his choice.

7. And it camo to para that the chieh

and rulers of the tribe of Andrew gathered

together and consulted, saying who shall wc

have to rule in Milton's stead.

8. Now there was in the sanhedrim men from all parts of the province, even from tha Rising of the Sun, and they said wo will have William, whose sir name was Dils, to rule over us; and the wholo sanhedrim said yea, and they published it throughout" 1 ho land. 0. Now when tho tribe of Henry heard what the tribe of Andrew had done, they consulted together saying these things must not be. 10. And there was a man belonging to the tribe of Henry, of small stature, who was a mighty man in council, and he called Milton to him saving unless wo can tret

John who carries the Weavers beam to fight with us, wc are gone. 11. And Milton said unto him, I will call all my captains together throughout the land, to meet in council, and thou shall bo the chief speaker. 12. And when they had gathered together they consulted one with another, saying on whom shall wc agree to overcome tho tribe of Andrew? 13. And one said wc will have John, and

one s;iid we will have Milton, and they cast lots and it fell upon" Miltcn. 14. Now w hen the tribe of Henry heard what their chiefs and rulers had done, they were sore displeased and said shall such things be in the land of our fathers? 15. Now when Milton heard that the people were displeased he saddrcd his Ass arid departed from his dwelling, saying I will tarry with the people in the different parts of the province, yea with every man until they become pacified. 10. But the more ho sojourned the moro the people murmured ngninst him, saying hbV much better would John, who carries

to an honest and I the Weaver's beam, do for a ruler over us.

17. Now John had been a captain of the

host long before Milton was known in tho land, and had been in battle array against Xiia enemies of tho people, and tho people loved John excecdiii"lv. 1. And it came to pass when the tribest gathered together, each in their own city and place, to chose a ruler, they said wo will not havo Milton, but William shall be our ruler two years. 11. Now when tho chief rulers of tho' tribe of Henry saw what the people had done, they smote their breasts and cried aloud saying shall these things be in the land. 20. But the tribe of Andrew heeded not their outcry, but lotted out the offices as it suited them bcrt, saving unto George and David and ltanna, of the tribe of Henry, wo will try you once, and if you please us well be it, but if you betray us, wo be unto you. 21. Now when the people consulted on" what hud been done, they said generally it is well; but there were a few who could not be pleased, so long as David of tho tribo of Andrew was chosen a ruler. Thus endeth tho 1st Chapter of the Chronicles of the times.

Lord Hay his been appointed to a situation in his Britanic Majesty's household. His Lordship is nearly 9 years of age.

cy in the recess, and seeing no impropriety in re-appointing an ofiicer whose case had been laid upon the table by the Senate immediately granted a new commission to Mr. Amos Binny. The editors of the present oppo sition papers then considered this act perfectly constitutional and proper; naze, with their usual recklessness and inconsistency, they raise it into a subject of reproach against Andrew Jackson. The whole case of Mr. Gwinn is sim

ple and comprehensible. The nomination before the Senate was made at the earnest request of citizens of Mississippi; it was neither rejected nor confirmed during the session; but the adjournment took place leaving it undisposed of. General Jackson, in the performance of his obligations to the public, has filled up a vacant office, by the

appointment of a competent officer whose commission will necessarily expire according to the terms of the constitution. In this he has done his duty; and the opposition pnper3 are doing theirs by finding fault without regard toreason or justice

Extract from a letter addressed to tho Courier des Ktats Unis: Lafayette met the King, (Louis Phillippc,) who wished to engage him in a political conversation; but the illustrious General, with his usual frankness, stopped him immediately, Siro, said he, re

publicans as we arc for you assured mc two years ago, that you were as much so as I was wc shall agree very well; but you arc surrounded by obstacles which I havo not the power to surmount. That we might labor together for French regeneration, it would be necessary for you to expel thoso who surround you, to replace yourself in tho

same position in which I saw you proclaim,

witn tears in your eyes, your republican principles. The King played the sourdo oriellc, nffected not to hear, and the conversation dropped!

Section 30 Post Office Laws. If any person shall enclose or conceal & letter or other thing, or any memorandum in writing in a newspaper, pamphlet, or magazine, or in any package of newspapers, pamphlets, or magazines, or make any writing or memorandum thereon, which ho shall have jiciivercd into any I'ostOflico, or to any person for that purpose, in order that

the same may be carried by post free cl letter postage, he slull forfeit the sum of five dollars for every such offence, and the letter, newspaper, package, memorandum, or other thing, shall not he delivered to t!io person to whom it is directed until tho amount of single letter po.st-igo is paid for each article of which tho package is composed: Instruction Section 202. If the perron to whom the paper or pamphlet containing the letter or memorandum is addressed, refuse to pay letter postage, you will immediately enclose tho paper or pamphlet to tha Postmaster, from whose ofiicc it cume, and request him to prosecute the person, who placed it in h's office, for the p)nl:y of $2, provided by 1 .w.