Indiana Palladium, Volume 8, Number 11, Lawrenceburg, Dearborn County, 31 March 1832 — Page 1

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Debate in the U. S. Senate, On Mr. Van Buretfs nomination. MR. MARCY'S REMARKS. Mr. .Marcy said, that lie had intimated heretofore, more than once, that it was not his intention to offer to the Senate any observations on the main question now before them. What regarded the public conduct of the present minister to London, was better underwood by other members, and what was to be said in explanation or vindication of it, would be better said and better received from most of them, by reason of their great experience in public affairs, and their particular knowledge of the transactions which have been brought under review in this discussion. lie had determined that it would be his duty to trouble the Senate with remarks, only, in case topics should be introduced into the debate, wilh which he might well be supposed, from his local situation, to be particularly acquainted. The occasion which rendered it proper, that he should say something, had arisen in consequence of what had fallen from the honorable Senator from Kentucky, (Mr. Clay.) His attack was not confined to the nominee it reached the State which he, (Mr. 31.,) represented in this body. One of the grounds of opposition to the minister to London, taken by the Senator from Kentucky, was the pernicious system of party politics adopted by the present administration, by which the honors and offices were put up to be scrambled for by partizarts, &c. A system which the minister to London, as the Senator from Kentucky alleged, had brought here from the State in which lie formerly lived, and had, for so long a time, acted a conspicuous part in its political transactions. I know, Sir, said Mr. M.,that it is the habit of some gentlemen to speak with censure or reproach of the politics of New York. Like other States, we have contests, and, r.s a necessary consequence, triumphs and defeats. The State is large, with great and diversified interests; in some parts of it, commerce is the object of general pursuit; in ethers, manufactures and agriculture are the chiefconccrns of its citizens. We have men of cnterprizc and talents who aspire to public distinction. It is natural to expect, from these circumstances, and others that might be alluded to, that her politics should excite more interest at home, and attract more attention abroad, than those of many other States in the confederacy. It may be, Sir, that the polit icians of the United States arc not so fastidious as some gentlemen are as to disclosing the principles on which they act. They boldly preach what they practice. When they are contending for victory, they avow their intention of enjoying the fruits of it. Jf they are defeated, they expect to retire from office if they arc successful, they claim, as a matter of right, the advantages of success. They sec nothing wrong in tiie rule, that to the victor belongs the spoils of the enemy. But if there be any thing wrong in the policy which the Senator from Kentucky has sosliongly reprobated, lie should know that

this policy was not confined to the Minister to London and his friends in New York, but is practised by his, (Mr. Clay's) own political friends in that State: he should know that if to one man, more than any other now living, the existence of that policy is to be ascribed, it is to one of the Senator's own political friends. The practice of making extensive changes in the offices, on the change of parties in that State, was begun, I believe, before the nominee was upon the political stage; certainly while lie was quite a young man, and before he had acquired great consideration in political affairs. I must be permitted, Sir, to say, that of all the party men with whom I have acted, or been particularly acquainted, (and the number of such is not small,) I know of no one who lias acted with, or advised to, more moderation than the person whose nomination we are now considering. When the Senator from Kentucky condemns the present administration for making removals from office, and then ascribes the act to the pernicious system of politics imported from New York, 1 fear he docs not suiliciently consider the peculiar circumstances under which the present administration came into power. Gen. Jackson did not come in under the same circumstances that Mr. Adams did, or Mr. Monroe, or Mr. Madison. His accession was like that of Mr. Jefferson. He came in, Sir, upon a political revolution. The contest was without a parallel. Much political bitterness was engendered. Criminations and recriminations were made. Slanders of a most extraordinary character flooded the land. When the present Chief Magistrate took upon himself the administration of the government, he found almost all the ofiiccs, from the highest to the lowest, filled by political enemies. That his Cabinet was composed of his friends, no one will complain. The reasons for thus composing it, will apply with considerable force to many of the officers under the heads of the several Departments. If some dismissals of the subordinate officers in those departments were made, it will not be asserted that all opposed to the administration were discharged. I have heard it confidently asserted, by those who I supposed spoke with knowledge on the subject, that many, perhaps a majority of those retained, and almost all were retained, belong now to the opposition; they are the political

supporters of the honorable Senator from Kentucky. I have good reasons, verv iood reason?, for believing, that it is the gentleman s rule of conduct, to take care of his friends when lie is in power. It requires not the foresight of a prophet to predict, that if lie shill come into power, he'will take care of his friends; and, if he does, can assure him, I shall not complain; nor shall I be in the least surprised if he imitates the example which he now so emphatically denounces. Now I am up, I will offer a few words relative to die much censured instructions to our former minister in England. I must say, I have discovered in them nothing to merit or provoke the harsh strictures bestowed on them. They do not, in my opinion, furnish, a fit occason for the Senator from Kentucky, to impute to Mr. Van Buren, as he has done, with passionate emphasis and frequent reiteration, a charge of falsehood or culpable ignorance. The language which he desired might be taken down, is, "That Mr. Van Buren stated ichat was false, or he was culpably ignorant for not knowing it was

false. '' The instructions allege, that those who first asserted certain claims to niterfere with the regulations of Great Britain, as to the colonial trade, abandon them, $cc. The Senator from Kentucky chooses to consider ibis a declaration, that the late administration first asserted the claims, and then abandoned them. If we admit his construction to be the true one, to what docs it amount? lie does not deny indeed it is expressly admitted, that the late administration asserted the claims, and then waived them. What then is the mighty difference between the assertion and the instructions, and the f ct as admitted here ? We are told that the late administration were not the first to assert them that they were set up under the administration of Mr. Monroe. If this pretended falsehood is of such a ilanit ious character as has been given to it, it is natural to expect that it would change very essentially the meaning of the sentence. If there be the least error in the instructions, it is in ihe use of the word first; sirike out that word and let us see whether the meaning of the sentence is materially changed. Whether the late administration were the first to assert the claims, and then gave them up; or asserted them alter (hoy had been previously asserted by Mr. Monroers administration, and then gave them up, very nearly the same thing. If there was any tiling wrong or reprehensible in asserting claims or pretensions, and then giving them up, the censure incurred by the late administration for so doing, is not much mitigated by the circumstance that a preceding administration had asserted similar claims or pretensions. It appears to me that, if a. cause of censure had not been very much wanted, such an one as ties would not have been hunted up and set forth so prominently.The manner in which our late minister to London wrs instructed to conduct the negotiation, may, for ought I know, be unusual; but it does not appear to mo to be censurable. The whole affair presents itself to me as a very .plain matter. The British Government, by their act of Parliament of 1825, offer to the United States a participation in the trade with her American Colonics on certain conditions, the particulars of which it is not at all necessary now to consider. That administration for some reason or other probably in the hope of getting better refused the terms offered, and claimed more advantageous ones as a matter of right; but afterwards, finding, I presume, that better terms could not be obtained, and their claim of right -could not be sustained, concluded to take those that were first offered and had been refused. When they proposed to take these terms, the British Government told them they were too late, and positively refused to grant what ii had before offered. The colonkd trade was lost to the country. The late administration attempted to recover it rthcy made more than one attempt to open a negotiation with the British Government, for the purpose of obtaining that trade on the very terms on which it had been offered to, and refused by them. This was the situation of affairs when the administration went out of power. The commercial interests of ihe country required that their successors, who thought the terms offered by the British Government should have been accepted, should make an effort to regain that important trade. As negotiation had been repeatedly and peremptorily refused to the Government of the United States, it was necessary to offer some excuse for attempting it again. That excuse was formed in the public and notorious fact, that the administration of the affairs of the United States had passed from the hands of those who refused the offered terms, into the hands of those who thought the offered terms ought to have been accepted, and who censured their predecessors for not accepting them. Mr. McLane was instructed to use this fact to remove any obstacle to opening the negotiation for the recovery of the lost West India trade, in case any obstacle should be interposed on account of the manner in which the late administration had managed this affair. I confess that I cannot see any thing wrong in these much censured instructions. I see no invoking of favors on party considerations no abandonment of honor or dignity. Gentlemen may call it novel diplomacy, but I call it plain dealing, and the result has shown it was a successful negotiation.

REMARKS OF MR. IIAYNE. Ma. President: Before the question is

taken on this nomination. I desire merely ) to state the grounds on which my vote shall rest. I do this as an act of justice to myself, without desiring or intending to influence the vote of anv gentleman here. When the resolution offered by the Senator from Maine (Mr. Holmes) was before the Senate, a few days ago, proposing, among other things, an inquiry into the conduct of -Mr. Van Buren, I took occasion to say, that though I could not vote for that resolution, because, in the form in which it then stood, it proposed to make a cell upon the President, which 1 did net consider as quite respectful in its character, and also because, even in relation to Mr. Van Buren himself, it was altogether too vague and indefinite to lead to any practical result; yet that, if any Senator would move ibrm inquiry, in properform, I would not only vote for it, but cheerfully abide by the result. The friends of Mr. Van Buren, while opposing the resolution of Mr Holmes, had not themselves thought proper to institute any such inquiry. I do not mean to censure them for this, nor j to draw any inference from their course, in j this resocct, unfavorable to Mr. Van Buren. ! They believed the charges against him required no investigation, and for my own part I was willing to acquiesce in the suggestion, which had been thrown out, that from the nature of the case it was peculiarly proper that each gentleman should make the necessary inquiries himself, and having satisfied his own conscience, act accordingly. I have, Mr. President, pursued this course, and by the result shall my conduct, on this occasion, be governed. From the time when Mr. Van Buren tool: possession of the Department of State up to the moment of his departure for England, I have been an attentive observer of passing events here. I have, also, since this ""omination came before the Senate, taken pains to inform myself, from the very best sources, as to the correctness or incorrectness of my first im pressions with respect to the conduct of Mr. I Van Buren while Secretary of State, and the result has been, nfirm conviction that I onht not. to give my advice and consent to his appointment as Minister to England. ' From facts and circumstances which have j fdlen under my own observation, many of, them notorious to the whole country, as well i as from information derived from sources on which I implicitly rely, I have arrived at the , following conclusion: that when -Mr. Van Buren came into the cabinet, he found a j state of circumstances here that 'opened a door to the establishment of an inf.ac-;cc fa vorable to his personal views; that, instead : of exerting himself to remove the causes of discord and dissension by which the executive was unhappily surrounded, he dexterously availed himself of them, and wielded them for the promotion of his own personal and political interests, and for the advancement of his friends and supporters to cilice, to the exclusion of almost all others. It is known to all who hear me, that Gen. Jackson came into office under most auspicious circumstances, which, properly improved, could not have failed to secure for his administration the highest honor, and, as I still believe, lasting benefit to his country. It is notorious that the fruits of the irreat political victory which brought, him into power, have been, in a great measure, lost. The expectations of the country have not! been fulfilled. Dissension and discord have ! divided a party who were once cemented ! together by the strongest ties. Men who j espoused Gen. Jackson's cause at the earliest dawn of his political fortunes, who stood ! by him in the heat of the contest, have been i discarded frcm his confidence, pros-okieed ; while those who came in (like Mr. Van Buren himself) at. the eleventh hour, who never lifted a finger in his defence, or raised a voice in his favor, noa have undisputed ' sway. Sir, I have no doubt whatever that for all this, the country is chiefly indebted to the influence of Mr. Van Buren, successful- J ly, though cautiously, directed to the single j object of advancing himself, at the expense of all who were supposed to stand hi hisl way; and what is worse, at the expense of j the success of the administration, and at cm-1 mincnt hazard to the best interests of the country. I firmly believe, Sir, that it was not until Mr. Van Buren discovered, in the course of the last winter, that, by creating a unity of interests between the President and himself. and alienating him from his faithful and true friend? instead of elevating himself j he was pulling his benefactor down that he determined to break up the Cabinet, by withdrawing himself, and driving his colleagues from their stations; taking care, however, to provide a safe retreat for him-1 sell m tins mission to England. I think-the dissolution of the Cabinet, under all the circumstances which attended it, was most unfortunate for the Executive and disreputable to the country; and such, I am persuaded, is the opinion of the great body of the people, of all parties, throughout the United States. From all that I have seen and heard upon that subject, I have not the shadow of a doubt that this event would not have taken place, but for the firm and manly resistance made by certain members of the Cabinet to the views of Mr. Van Buren. If they had enlisted under his banner, and consented to follow his lead, all would have been well. I believe, moreover, that Mr. Van Buren, while Secretary of State, used

the influence derived from his high office, for the purpose of controlling, injuriously, the domestic and social relations of this community; and that his conduct was, in other respects, inconsistent with the dignity of his station and the character of the country. Having arrived at these conclusions, after a careful and deliberate examination of the whole case, my duty is, of course, made plain. We are called upon to give our advice and consent to the appointment of Mr. Van Buren to a high and most responsible office. I know that a decision in his favor will be regarded here, and held up elsewhere, as a triumphant acquittal from all the charges that have been preferred against him. 1 cannot consent to be an instrument in producing such a result, believing, as I do, that these charges are true. Allusion has been made to the strong prejudices which are said to have followed -Mr. Van Buren through his whole political course, and of which it is said he is now to be made the victim. For my own part, I am unconscious of being under the influence of any such feelings. Though I have never had the honor to be classed among the personal and political friends of this gentleman, yet, so far from having ever indulged any prejudice against him, my feelings towards him have been of an opposite character. Up to the time of his going into the Cabinet, but a single circumstance had occurred to shake my confidence in him as a public man; and notwithstanding this, he went into the Department of State with my "advice and consent and I should have continued in the same relation towards him to this day, but for a course of conduct while in that office, which I honestly believe has brought incalculable evils upon this country. In coming to these conclusions, I have not been governed, as iias been supposed, by -vague rumors merely." My opinions have been made upon facts and circumstances which arc notorious, some of which have fallen under my own observation, and upon information derived from the most unquestionable sources. It is possible I may be deceived, but if so, I can only say, that so strong are the convictions under which I am acting, that if I were now a juror in the box, sworn to give a true verdict in the issue now made up between Martin Van Buren and his country, 1 should feel mvself constrained to aive that verdict agaaist him. On this conviction I shall ac t. Be the consequences what th"y may, I shall do what I believe fo bo mv

duty, in recording my vo'e auam Buren as Minister to England. it Mr. Van From the Concord Patriot. "Par, JVobilc Fralruni." Josiah Quincy,in a speech in the House of Representatives, January 5, 1C13, on the bill to raise an additional military force to carry on the war, among other things of a like nature said: "1 soy, Sir, thai 1 consider the invasion of Canada, as cruel wanton senseless and wicked." Daniel Webster was then a member from this State, and voted with Mr. Quincy aqairs?t raising the additional forces. He now has the insolence to accuse the President, who was then fighting the battles of his country, and tilling the measure of her glory, with a want of patriotism ! It was on this occasion that Mr. Clay said of Quincy, that he soiled the carpet on which he stood. The Baltimore Federal Republican, from a broken file of which paper we gather these facts, spoke of Mr. Clay on that occasion, in the following terms: "We have often remarked the dull malignity and vulgar insolence of this gentleman, Mr. Clay in debate; we have also remarked his coarse and mawkish attempts at eulogy, and we know not which a man of taste and true honor would deprecate, liis 'signpost daubcrf of those pare patriots Thomas JetTerson and James Madison, are as indicative of his taste and moral tact, as his ribald inrictive against Mr. Ouinc.v. 5 tt 2 As a gentleman he posses ses as much courtesy in his language and manners, as naturally belongs to one habituated to the brawls of a Kentucky tavern, and eminently distinguished among the honorable corps of black legs." Such is the estimation in which Mr. Clay was held by his present worshipers, in 1813, and he must feel much flattered when he reflects that his only friends and, allies, his only uorshipers at the present day, are the zery men who followed and acted in nil tnings with the man whom he said soiled the carpet on which hp stood; and the opposition must feel no less flattered when they reflect that the man whom in the days of their prosperity and glory, they denominated black leg" "habituated to the brawls of a Kentucky taveri)," is now their candidate for the Presidency ! Cleaveland, Ohio March 8. Mad Dogs. Within a few days several dogs have been killed in this village, which had all the symptoms of what is called madness. In these cases,

the disease was discovered almost immediately and thus prevented from extending. It seems that in these cases the disease was original, which shows that we are constantly liable, and it is impossible to say what minute one of these animals may be attacked by the disease, and communicate it, not only to its own species, but to every other animal that comes in its way. We have been induced to take up this subject, at this time, by the reports which have reached us from some of the south towns, in relation to the spread of hydrophobia, in the towns of Aurora, Hudson, Olmsted and Warrensville; in the latter town, a few cases only have transpired, bi't in Olmsted in particular, the destruction of cattle, sheep &c. has been appaling; parents dare not sutler their children to leave the house, and the inhabitants dare not move out, unless well armed. In the town of Hudson the inhabitants wisely resorted to the killing of their dogs, and thus diminished their danger, and a spread of the disease; within the last three or four months, we have heard of several instances of human deaths from hydrophobia in Portage county; since which time the disease has been neanng us through the towns of Aurora, Hudson, Strongsville Sec. until the cases before mentioned, have appeared in our own village. This disease in most instances, is slow in its appearance so that it is impossible to calculate how man)r cases of canine madness are now in embryo in our village. None but those who seriously contemplate the horrors of hydrophobia, will justly estimate the good fortune, in the discovery and immediate destruction of the cases we have mentioned. Herald.

The editors of the Cincinnati Gazette, National Republican, and Cincinnati American, have agreed upon the following terms for advert ism;?. We regret, for more reasons than one, that the business men of our village, place so little value on so very common and, (in other places considered) so advantageous a method of informing the public of what they have to sell. But, cur object in inserting the Cincinnati rates, is not to gain an opportunity to complain with people for neglecting their own interests; but merely to show that the charges for advertising in the papers here arc very much' below those in other places, and we believe in every, other respect as advantageous to the persons advertising. For sixteen lines, or less, for cno insertion - - $0 f0 " " " " .three dol 00 Each additional insertion, 12 h Longer advertisements in the same proportion. Advertisements, published twice or thrice a week, to be charged for each insertion after the first, Sixteen lines or less, for three months, - " " " six do. " " " twelve do. 25 7 00 10 00 15 00 Advertising: by the Year. For one square (of 10 lines) with the privilege of changing, 20 CO Two do. " " " 25 00 Three do. " " JJ0 00 Subscription to the paper to be paid for separately. When a yearly advertiser occupies more space than agreed for, he shall be charged for the surplus, at the rates first above mentioned, by the week with a discount of 20 per cent, upon said surplus. Steam lioat Advertisements not to bo published by the year. When a Steam Boat Agent's Advertisements shall amount, in six months, to .$15, a discount of 20 per cent will be made. Candidates for Ofllcc to be charged the regular price of adv ertising and to pay in advance. Auctioneers, who advertise by the year, to be charged extra for all advertisements for the sale of real estate. A discount cf 20 per cent, to be made cn advertisements of Patent Medicines. Marriage Notices to be charged for, and vouched for by some responsible name. A negro wench one day after having received a reprimand from her master for some slight offence, was so much irritated that she went directly out, kneeled down and made the following prayer 4'0 good Massa Lord! come come take me right out dis world dishery minit if you can no come yourself send de Debil or any body else." A domestic fowl at Norfolk, was recently found to have existed thirteen days without food or water, confined in total darkness. The Shippingport bridge, acrcss the canal t at Louisville, was destroyed by the late freshet. MttysvWc Monitor.

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